Nuh Abdul Qayyum Washington – New Afrikan Freedom Fighter Tribute ( April 28 2000 Transition )

  1. ” People have to learn to struggle with each other without thinking that disagreements constitute a personal Attack The interactions among people are very complex. In order to maintain unity principles have to govern Anything Else leads to chaos and Confusion ” – Nuh Abdul Qayyum ( Nuh Washington )


energy unleashed touching those in its path energizing a generation to mobilize and organize themselves against war, poverty and racism taking it to the streets. Albert “Nuh” Washington, “Energy”


“I am a prisoner of war as well as a political prisoner because of the historical and contemporary acts of war carried out against Blacks/New Afrikan people inside and outside these United States by the government and those who believe in white supremacy.” – Nuh Washington

Long Live Nuh Washington!

Nuh died in prison on April 28, 2000, from cancer. Nuh fought a courageous battle with this disease. He was determined as a New Afrikan political prisoner that the effects of this disease on him coupled with racist repression would not compromise his beliefs, values, integrity, self-respect, or humanity. Nuh was a freedom loving, freedom-fighter who understood death. He wrote many poems, one about death titled ” LIVE ” Nuh writes:

” Clouds hide the sun, Still the sun rises, Rain falls on the just and unjust, Without thought, Death is a natural process Why fear it? Life is to be live So deny yourself not! For the clouds only temporarily hides the sun ” !!!! – Nuh Washington

Nuh was exposed to international politics early in life through meeting some immigrants from Africa who rented rooms from his grandmother. He, along with some friends, wanted to join the struggle to liberate Africa. He was fourteen at the time.

In 1969, Nuh joined the Denver Colorado Chapter of the Black Panther Party (BPP), working with the Free Breakfast Program. By 1971, the year of the “split” in the Black Panther Party, Nuh was working out of the San Francisco Branch of the Party. During this time he, along with many other San Francisco Party members, went underground as soldiers of the Black Liberation Army (BLA) and formed a network of underground cells.

Nuh now an esteemed Ancestor was a teacher, mentor, friend, loyal comrade, leader, spiritual advisor, father figure, and much more. His life and death leaves a rich legacy to be learned from, remembered, cherished, and honored. #NewAfrikanPows #NewAfrikanPoliticalPrisoners #BLA #BPP #RNA #SF8 #NY3


Booker T Washington Speaks in Norfolk Virginia (James Town Centennial) Mentions New Afrikans Origin / Ancestors Landing ( April 26 – November 1907 )

 Virginia Native Booker T Washington Speaks on New Afrikan Origins at Norfolk Virginia Jamestown Ter Centennial Exposition 1907 April to November ( Image of Booker T Washington at TCE ) He States:

” There are special reasons why we [the Negro people] should have a part in the Jamestown Exposition. It was near this spot, nearly three hundred years ago, that the first representatives of our race were brought into America. It is especially fitting, therefore, that since here we entered slavery that on the same spot we should show results both in slavery and in freedom. When our first representatives landed here, we were only 20 in number, now there are nearly ten million; when our first representatives landed here we had no uniform language, now we speak the English tongue. ” – Booker T Washington

1907, Booker T. Washington gave a keynote address at the Jamestown Ter-Centennial Exposition in Norfolk, using his remarks to praise the fair’s exhibit on African Americans. His speech is included in volume 9 of the Booker T. Washington Papers, published by the University of Illinois Press…




April 27 1903 Maggie L. Walker Matriarch of Black Wall Street Jackson Ward Named Head of St Luke’s Bank ( First Woman Ever Named Head of a Bank )

New Afrikan Ujamaa (Co-Ops) April 1903 First Black Woman named Bank Head Matriarch of Jackson Ward Black Wall Street Maggie L. Walker named president of Richmond’s St. Luke Bank and Trust Company and became the first Black woman to head a bank. Jackson Ward Black Wall St. Richmond VA

“First we need a savings bank. Let us put our moneys together; let us use our moneys; let us put our money out at usury among ourselves, and reap the benefit ourselves. Let us have a bank that will take the nickels and turn them into dollars.”

-Maggie L. Walker
Independent Order of St. Luke Annual Convention
August 20, 1901

” Our Hope For The Future Lies with The Children , The Youth of Our Race ” – Maggie L Walker

Check out this skit from The KKinte Show JacksonWard Black Wall St Richmond Va ( New Afrikan Self Determination ) Haki Shakur X Kunte Kunta Kinte

As Seen on The K.Kinte Show

2017 Remembering Zayd Malik Shakur by Cleo Silvers ( Black Panther Party , League of Revolutionary Workers, Young Lords Party Veteran )

  • Remembering Zayd Malik Shakur
    By Black Panther Party & Young Lords Party Veteran Cleo Silvers

April, 2017


We probably don’t realize it but the whole country of the United States, the entire Black Community, and Communities of color owe a great debt (in the areas of healthcare and other important issues), to brother Zayd Malik Shakur and his leadership.

Zayd along with his brother Lumumba and Brother Rashid (Ray) were the primary mentors for all of us who were involved in the struggles around
Lincoln Hospital as well as the work in which our collectives were engaged on a citywide and a national basis. Zayd supported us in the takeover of the Mental Health Center at Lincoln Hospital by the 1199 union workers who were fighting for training and upgrading
and a college education for the paraprofessional, as well as better compensation for our work. We also wanted respect and recognition for the members of our community, our patients. We also demanded an end to the use of psychotropic drugs which were being wholesale prescribed to our residents without recognizing the importance of addressing the outright horrendous conditions of poverty facing our people. We demanded that the administrators, Harris Peck, MD and Mel Roman, PhD, step down and recognize how dreadfully inept they had been in overseeing the work of treating the Community who came to the Lincoln Hospital Mental Health Center, and the South Bronx community. Zayd as a leader and the entire Harlem chapter of the Black Panther Party gave us day to day support, bringing food and water, as well as helping the workers to strategize and make our demands stronger and with absolute clarity.

Zayd along with Dr. Curtis Powell and members of the Harlem leadership led the struggle to have Sickle Cell Disease and Sickle Cell Anemia effectively recognized by the medical and scientific communities even though this disease is only suffered by African Americans and people of color. Under the leadership of Zayd and his comrades, the Black Panthers led the struggle to inform and educate the community as well as the activists, members of the medical community, and the leadership of the BPP. They led the struggle to have more funds invested nationally for research, studies and a search for a cure for this disease. Sickle Cell Disease became one of many important issues emphasized by the l Black Panther Party throughout the nation.

Zayd played a role in the struggle for quality, free, preventative healthcare for all, and in a very direct way in the Harlem and the South Bronx communities. Zayd helped in the drafting of the “Patients’ Bill of Rights” which could then be found in every hospital room at Lincoln Hospital then every room in the hospitals in New York City and now in every hospital room across the United States, (although this document has been significantly watered down from the original 10 Point demands) made by community healthcare activist including members of the Young Lords Party, HRUM (The Health Revolutionary Unity Movement) and members of the BPP.

Zayd was one of the main activists in the struggle against the overwhelming epidemic of heroin addiction in Harlem and the South Bronx. Also, Michael “Cetawayo” Tabor and his pamphlet Capitalism Plus Drugs Equals Genocide, gave us guidance. At that time, sometimes one in four members of the Black and Puerto Rican community were addicted to this drug. The community talent and resilience was being drained by this scourge. And with all this, there was only one drug rehabilitation center available for this army of addicts, and this center only offered Methadone as the answer to this condition. As we found out from medical researchers and supporters, this Methadone, a derivative of heroin, had a devastating effect on the health of the addicts even to the point of impacting their bone marrow, and causing great pain.

Zayd and his crew were with us when we decided we needed to demand an effective drug rehabilitation center in the community which used community education and community service along with acupuncture and more progressive measures and methodologies that would truly help addicts make the necessary life changes to help others and themselves in the community. Panama, Butch (Wilfred Ford) Our two activist addicts, and myself, along with the help of the leadership of the Young Lords, the Harlem Branch of the Black Panther Party, and the Think Lincoln Committee, decided the best course of action would be to seize the auditorium of the Lincoln Hospital Mental Health Center and demand the establishment of a real drug rehabilitation center. But to be sure it would be done correctly we began the program right there and then with the assistance of our medical colleagues and supporters. This is an amazing story because the Lincoln Hospital Drug Rehabilitation Center is still open and in operation in 2017. There is much more to this story and how Zayd and the brilliant and determined Harlem Branch of the Black Panther Party, The Young Lords Party, HRUM and many other community activists began and continued the struggle for healthcare as a right for all people. I would be remiss if I omitted the impact and influence of comrades like Brother Sundiata Acoli, the New York 21, (the leadership of the Harlem Branch) Sister Assata Shakur, and Brother Mutulu Shakur who served as Director of the Lincoln Detox program.

Zayd’s memory, his intensity, his kindness, his intelligence and his determination to fight himself for the right things as well as educate and support all others who struggled is a testament to how a well-organized, disciplined and dedicated group of young people, recognized or not, with leadership like that given by Zayd can be successful and change conditions for others locally, nationally and throughout the entire world.

All Power to the People!!!
Zayd Malik Shakur Presente.


Negro Organization Society ( NSO ) & Motto

Negro Organization Society Motto

The motto for the Negro Organization Society, “Better Schools / Better Health / Better Homes / Better Farms,” is printed on the back cover of a program for a conference held by the society in Richmond on November 6 and 7, 1913. Among the speakers for the program were Booker T. Washington, the local businesswoman Maggie Lena Walker, Virginia governor William Hodges Mann, and Richmond mayor George Ainslie.


The Negro Organization Society was a grassroots advocacy association that stressed community self-improvement for African Americans in Virginia during the Jim Crow era. Founded in 1912 at the Hampton Institute by Robert Russa Moton, its motto was “Better Schools, Better Health, Better Homes, Better Farms.” Pursuit of these four goals was considered essential to the protection and welfare of black citizens, especially in rural areas where the great majority of Virginia’s African Americans lived. Over the years, the organization’s actions shifted from building schools to improving education by accrediting more institutions and improving teacher pay. By the 1950s, when the Negro Organization Society had begun to dissolve, the fight for African American civil rights had largely shifted from community and regional organizers to the court system.


Robert Russa Moton was one of the most prominent black educators in the United States in the first decades of the twentieth century. After graduating from the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute (later Hampton Institute and now Hampton University) in Hampton, Virginia, in 1890, he served as the school’s commandant of cadets from 1891 until 1915. He was a close friend of Booker T. Washington, the founding principal of the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, and the two shared a conservative vision of race relations. They argued, sometimes controversially, that African Americans should not openly defy segregation, but instead cooperate with whites and better themselves through education. After Washington’s death in 1915, Moton became the second principal of Tuskegee, where he made significant contributions to the quality of education, especially in teacher training. He served on various national boards and, during World War I (1914–1918), went to Europe on behalf of U.S. president Woodrow Wilson to investigate the conditions of black soldiers. Moton Field at Tuskegee was named for him, as was Robert Russa Moton High School in Farmville, Virginia, the site of a student walkout in 1951.

Moton, moreover, was passionate about creating means of assistance for blacks in America through education. He helped to create and raise funds for the Industrial Home School for wayward black girls and endeavored to improve opportunities for black home demonstration agents—teachers who provided vocational training in home-making, agriculture, and other non-academic fields—especially for Hampton graduates. In 1912, he founded the community-building Negro Organization Society of Virginia, whose slogan was “Better Schools, Better Health, Better Homes, Better Farms.”


Marion E. Davis, an African Methodist Episcopal minister, led the Negro Organization Society (NOS) from 1930 until 1942. Born enslaved in Mississippi, Davis moved to Virginia in 1910 and took over Portsmouth’s Emmanuel Church. After leading congregations in Richmond and Norfolk, he served as presiding elder over four separate districts. Davis became involved with the Negro Organization Society, a community-improvement organization in line with the non-confrontational style associated with Booker T. Washington, a few years after its 1910 start. During his tenure as president of the NOS, the organization funded voter registration programs and took full advantage of opportunities made possible by New Deal federal aid. Davis died in Portsmouth in 1946.

During the last half of the 1920s, he chaired the health committee, which funded a state agent for the promotion of sanitation in rural areas and helped secure a facility for African American consumptives. The committee also successfully lobbied for public health nurses for the black population funded in part by state and local governments and in part by the NOS and other charitable organizations. Elected president of the NOS in 1930, Davis led the group for the next twelve years. During his tenure, the organization took full advantage of opportunities made possible by the New Deal and funneled federal aid to client organizations and communities. In addition, Davis created a department devoted to “Better Business.” During this era the NOS also began to support citizenship training and to fund voter registration programs.


Rosa Dixon Bowser ( 1855 – 1931 ) First Black Teacher in Richmond, Activist, Organizer , Educator

#EducateAgitateLiberate Rosa Dixon Bowers (1855–1931), former slave became at 17 years old in 1872 the first black teacher in Richmond Virginia a High Feet Being in The South Jim Crow Period , She Was a Woman Activist Organizing to change social ills and Injustices Like Lynchings amongst New Afrikan ( Black ) People in Virginia. Rosa L. Dixon was born in Amelia County, Virginia, the daughter of Henry Dixon and Augusta Anderson Hawkins Dixon; she was ” most likely born enslaved “. As a child she moved to post-war Richmond with her parents, and was educated by teachers from the Freedmen’s Bureau.

Rosa L. Dixon Bowser, educator and civic leader, played a key role in implementing reforms that affected Virginia’s African Americans. Bowser was most likely born enslaved.She went on to become a teacher in Richmond’s public schools. Her efforts on behalf of educators helped create Virginia’s first professional African American teacher’s association, and she later served as its president. Throughout her teaching career Bowser, like her contemporaries Janie Porter Barrett and Maggie Lena Walker, worked for societal improvement. She played a major role in African American reform organizations, industrial schools for black children, groups supporting universal woman suffrage, and associations publicly opposed to lynching and racial segregation. The first branch of the Richmond public library to be opened for African Americans was named for Bowser in 1925.

Bowser became supervisor of teachers at the Baker School in Richmond and in 1896 principal teacher as well in the night school for men. In addition, she taught classes in social skills at the Young Men’s Christian Association in Black Wall Street Jackson Ward, the heart of Richmond’s African American community. Bowser organized reading circles in order to give experienced teachers a forum for sharing information with new colleagues about their reading, their students, and their classroom strategies, She became an advocate for underprivileged children, mothers and teachers. She teamed up with two other influential black women, Janie Porter Barrett and Maggie L. Walker, to establish the Woman’s Department of the Negro Reformatory Association of Virginia.

She became an advocate for underprivileged children, mothers and teachers. She teamed up with two other influential black women, Janie Porter Barrett and Maggie L. Walker, to establish the Woman’s Department of the Negro Reformatory Association of Virginia. Among other accomplishments, the association raised money to develop schools for black children in Hanover County.

In 1895, Bowser founded the Richmond Woman’s League, became its first president and guided it to take stands on issues of justice and rights. In 1896, for example, Bowser led a movement to raise $690 to pay the legal bills of three black Lunenburg County women, Mary Abernathy, Mary Barnes and her daughter, Pokey Barnes, who were appealing murder convictions. Abernathy and Pokey Barnes had been sentenced to hang. Mary Barnes was sentenced to 10 years in prison. Eventually, all three were pardoned.

Bowser continued her activism and teaching until she retired in 1923. Two years later, the first branch of the Richmond Public Library for blacks was named after her.

On Feb. 7, 1931, complications from diabetes claimed Bowser’s life.



Richmond New Afrikan/Blacks Stay off The Cars: The Boycott of The Virginia Passenger & Power Company 1904 April

In 1902 Louisiana became the first to pass a statewide statute requiring mandatory segregation of streetcars, followed by Mississippi in 1904. That same year, Virginia authorized, but did not require, segregated streetcars in all of its cities, leaving it up to companies to decide whether or not they would segregate their services. On April 17, 1904, the Times Dispatch printed the article “Separate the Races” on page seventeen of its Sunday edition, in which the Virginia Passenger and Power Company outlined a new set of rules. The Company surely hoped its new policy to enforce racial segregation on its cars would go unnoticed by Richmond’s populace. Instead, the company’s new regulations led to a citywide boycott of its services and most likely hastened its financial demise.
This company has determined to avail itself of the authority given by a recent state law to separate white and colored passengers,” read its statement in the Times Dispatch, “and to set apart and designate in each car certain portions of the car or certain seats for white passengers and certain other portions or certain seats for colored passengers. . .The conductors have the right to require passengers to change their seats as often as may be necessary for the comfort and convenience of the passengers and satisfactory separation of the races.” White riders were to sit in the front of cars, while black riders were to sit in the back, but because there were no permanent partitions on the cars, conductors had the authority to assign seats as the ebb and flow of black and white riders shifted. This gave conductors the power to play a “bizarre game of musical chairs with passengers.”[1] The company’s new regulations also gave conductors the authority to arrest or forcibly remove anyone who did not comply with its policies. “If passengers refuse to move their seats or their positions in the car in accordance with the reasonable, proper and courteous demand of the conductor” the article explained, “they should be arrested by the conductor or removed from the car.”

As more and more states in the South passed laws mandating segregated streetcars, most major southern cities experienced some form of protest from the African American community. On April 19, 1904, two days after the company’s announcement, a mass meeting was held in Richmond to protest the new streetcar rules. Taking the lead at the meeting was John Mitchell, Jr., the “fighting editor” of the weekly Richmond Planet. The front page of the April 23 issue of the Richmond Planet reported on the meeting and pointed out that “the law passed by the recent legislature with reference to the street-cars did not require that the separation be made. It was left to the street-car companies entirely. They could put it into effect or they could decline to do so. . .There was no general demand on the part of the white people for this law. . .it was the arbitrary act of the Virginia Passenger and Power Company.” Not only was segregation demoralizing and unfair, but people feared a potential abuse of power by white conductors. While the Virginia Passenger and Power Company’s statement asserted that the “successful carrying out of this law depends largely upon the judgment and goodness of the conductors, whose duty it is to enforce it,” the St. Luke Herald explained, “the very dangerous power placed in the hands of hot headed and domineering young white men. . .would certainly provoke trouble.”

At the meeting, attended by several distinguished men and women in Richmond’s African American community, Mitchell advocated peace between the races. He also expressed concern that the company’s new policies were being enacted not to quiet racial strife, but to incite it. “He [Mitchell] showed that under the provisions of the law that the white boys and ill-mannered men. . .were empowered to carry revolvers and if they shot down colored men, they could not be punished for so doing.” Mitchell felt the only way to avoid such abuse of power and potential conflict was for Richmond’s African American community to “to stay off the cars” and boycott the streetcar system. The meeting ended with a resolution that the citizens of Richmond “enter our solemn protest against the enforcement of this law by any and all public service corporations, recognizing as we do that the enforcement of the law in question is left to the option of such companies.”[3] And so, on April 19, 1904, a boycott of the Virginia Passenger and Power Company began.
The racial divide on the streetcar issue is clearly discernible in the local newspaper coverage of the time. White run newspapers throughout the South tended to ignore protests against segregation, while African American newspapers continually re-enforced the need to protest. “Local white papers had every reason to de-emphasize—even ignore the boycotts,” explained Meier and Rudwick, ”Neither in Memphis nor in Atlanta did the daily press even mention the ones in their own cities. And where the local dailies reported the beginnings of a boycott, almost invariably the editors seem to have decided, after a certain point, that continuing discussion was no longer in the public interest.”[4]

This was certainly the case with the Times Dispatch (T-D). After the initial changes in policy were made by the streetcar company, the T-D ran a surprisingly even-handed article “The Negroes Will Walk” on April 20, 1904. “For nearly three hours last night,” the T-D reported, “six hundred or more negroes of all trades and many factions, in mass meeting assembled, discussed, deliberated and counseled over the new laws that go into effect today, and with wild enthusiasm declared . . .that the black man shall desert the streetcars of Richmond. . .and plod his daily way along as best he can.” The T-D also reported that the protest was not an “ominous disturbance” but a “calm, but positive, assertion by these negroes to refuse to accept the terms offered them by the company in return for their fares.” The Richmond News Leader‘s report of April 20 claimed that the result of the meeting was that “only a small percentage of negro patrons of the Passenger and Power Company walk today.” It went on to say that the protest had only succeeded in creating factional lines within Richmond’s African American community, with men like Mitchell on one side and those ready to acquiesce on the other.

After these articles, however, very little was reported on the front pages of the Times Dispatch or the News Leader on the boycott. “From the beginning,” writes Ann Field Alexander, author of Race Man, “the transit company took no official notice of the boycott, and the white press downplayed its significance. . .the testimony of the white press was unreliable, however, and back-page articles occasionally belied front page news.”[5] The occasional editorial appeared on the subject as well. On April 20, 1904 the editor of the Richmond News Leader wrote on the subject, saying segregation was “as necessary as it is natural. It is one of the safeguards against the breaking down of the barrier between the races. . .which is the worst horror Southern white people can imagine.”

Mitchell’s Planet, on the other hand, ran a front page story on the streetcar boycott in nearly every issue until the Virginia Passenger and Power Company finally went out of business late in 1904. Week after week, articles in the Planet encouraged the African American community to continue the boycott and strongly urged people to keep walking. Using his newspaper as a mouthpiece, Mitchell worked tirelessly to maintain momentum against the growing menace of complete segregation. The Planet’s May 7, 1904 issue reported, “The street-car situation remains unchanged. Few colored people are riding in the ‘Jim Crow’ department.” The front page of May 14, 1904 stated that the “street-car situation here remains the same. Eighty or ninety percent of the colored people are walking.” The June 11, 1904 issue published words to the “Jim Crow Street-Car Song” and on August 20 an article titled “Equal Rights Before the Law” showed just how unequal Jim Crow was. The article explained that a white man who didn’t know the streetcar rules had been forgiven of his Jim Crow offense, while Addie Ayres, the maid of local actress Mary Marble, was arrested and fined ten dollars when she declined to move after a conductor ordered her to do so.


Although momentum for the boycott slowed during the stifling summer months, the Planet’s continued efforts to sustain it may have helped hasten the bankruptcy of the Virginia Passenger and Power Company. On July 23, 1904, the Planet ran the story “The Street Car Co. Here Busted.” By December 3 of that year, the Planet reported that the “Virginia Passenger and Power Co., better known as the ‘Jim Crow’ Street Car Company continues to have no end of trouble and it now seems that the entire system will be sold at auction.” While the boycott probably did contribute to the company’s collapse, it blamed its failure on the 1903 conductor’s strike, not acknowledging the effects of the boycott. After the local streetcar system was taken over by new management, the policy to segregate continued. In 1906 the Virginia legislature passed a mandatory law “to provide separate but equal compartments to white and colored passengers.” Passengers and companies who failed to comply would be guilty of a misdemeanor and fined. Sadly, Mitchell’s courageous and persistent fight to end segregation ended with Jim Crow even more firmly entrenched in Virginia!

April 20 1904 Jim Crow Lived Here Richmond VA 1904 Street Car Boycott

In 1904, the Virginia General Assembly passed legislation allowing transit companies to segregate seating on the state’s streetcars. When the Virginia Passenger and Power Company announced that it would begin separating blacks and whites on its cars in Richmond, the city’s black residents participated in a boycott that began on April 20, 1904 and lasted until the early fall. The transit company declared bankruptcy in July and was sold at auction in December. Despite the efforts of the boycott, a stricter law was passed in 1906 that mandated segregation on streetcars.

Richmond Streetcar Boycott

The Richmond Planet’s masthead. The paper’s editor, John Mitchell Jr., urged black citizens of Richmond to boycott the city’s segregated streetcars.
Between 1901 and 1906 Virginia’s legislature passed laws to segregate the races in the state’s streetcars. Virginia legislators were not alone in their desire to begin codifying segregation. Every state of the former Confederacy passed a law requiring separate seating for whites and blacks on streetcars. Georgia passed the first law of this kind in 1891.1

The earliest Virginia laws provided an option for streetcar companies to enforce segregation in certain parts of the state, Henrico County, Alexandria, and Fairfax County. In 1904 the Virginia General Assembly enacted legislation that “authorized and empowered” transit companies to enforce segregated seating across the entire state. Soon after, the Virginia Passenger and Power Company announced its intentions to segregate the races on its lines in Richmond, Manchester, and Petersburg. Legislators and the trolley company heralded the law as a safeguard against racial amalgamation.

The black-owned Richmond weekly newspaper, the Richmond Planet, argued that blacks and whites had been riding the trollies together for the past forty years. The Planet’s editor, John Mitchell Jr., called on the city’s blacks to boycott the streetcars. Mitchell believed the boycott would be a peaceful way to take a stand against the new Jim Crow law without causing too much trouble. He and other leaders, like Maggie Walker, were concerned that some black citizens would try to openly defy the conductors and spark a race riot.2

The Richmond Planet spread the word about the boycott. , The boycott took effect on April 20, 1904. Richmond’s white newspapers instantly deemed it a failure while the Planet maintained that a closer look revealed nearly eighty to ninety percent of the black population was walking to work and avoiding the streetcars. Only one black woman was arrested for not complying with a conductor’s request to move seats. The woman, a visitor from New York, reportedly declared “the hell with Jim Crow” when she was asked to move. Whites, ironically, comprised the majority of arrests made in the face of the new law. Many were adamant about sitting where they pleased. 3

In late July, the Virginia Passenger and Power Company declared bankruptcy and was sold at auction in December. The black press declared the boycott a cause of the company’s financial demise. Despite the success of the protest, the General Assembly passed a stricter streetcar law during its next session in 1906. This time the law required streetcar conductors to separate the races. Boycotts sprang up in Lynchburg, Newport News, Portsmouth, Berkley, and Norfolk. Most, however, did not last long and the law remained.

Maggie Walker, along with John Mitchell Jr., led the efforts to boycott Richmond’s streetcars. The end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century marked Jim Crow’s formal inauguration. Streetcar segregation laws were among the first Jim Crow laws enacted across the South. Black communities in twenty-five of Virginia’s cities engaged in boycotts of the segregated streetcars. Following the counsel of leaders like Booker T. Washington, who urged blacks to strive for slow and steady racial progress through education and economic opportunity, many African-Americans at this time tried to live their lives within the confines of Jim Crow laws and avoid potentially violent confrontation with whites. It is notable that in the context of race relations in the South at this time and the accomodationist philosophy espoused by black leaders that the Richmond boycott and so many others even occurred at all.

Reference /Original Source


New Afrikan/Black demonstrators stage ride-ins on Richmond Virginia streetcars April 24 1867

April 24 1867 New Afrikan/Black demonstrators stage ride-ins on Richmond Virginia streetcars this Would later lead to The 1903 to 1904 Boycotts do to The New Jim Crow Laws Led by John Mitchell Jr , William Washington Browne & True Reformers , Maggie L Walker , Richard F Tancil and Other New Afrikan Leadership in Richmond Virginia!!

Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM 4-24-52 ADM

John Mitchell Jr , Black Power Was Born, Armed Self Defense Advocate & Activist


Long Live Revolutionary Bashir Hameed 1940-2008 ( New Jersey Black Liberation Army/BPP

Bashir Hameed 1940-2008 NJ Black Panther Party-Black Liberation Army ( The Queens 2 Abdul Major )

Long time Black Liberation Political Prisoner Bashir Hameed died August 30, 2008 at the age 67, from complications of a triple bypass surgery at the New York prison system. Formerly James York, Hameed was born and raised in New Jersey. In 1982, Bashir and a former BPP comrade, Abdul Majid (formerly Anthony LaBorde), were charged and later convicted of the murder of two police officers, a case known as the Queens Two. In almost three decades of incarceration, Bashir, a devout Muslim, applied his religious and political principles to the struggle against injustice and racism behind the walls, gaining wide respect among prisoners.

Bashir Hameed Freedom Archives