We’re The Igbos The Proto-Bantus?

Igbos Were The Proto-Bantus

I’m fortunate to have come across a report that shows that the first Bantus(who are now in there many many millions in Central and Southern Africa) originated from Eastern Nigeria, the location of Igboland. This excites but does not surprise me as I wrote in my book some years ago about a group of Igbos that long long ago left Igboland on an Equianoist migration to Southern Africa.

These Igbos promoted civilization by spreading the Igbo concepts of Equianoism and Chi as they spread through Southern Africa, and their influence can be seen in the Tsonga and Lemba ethnic groups. I also revealed that after the journey of these Igbos, their remnants (those who did not fuse into the different cultures they met) settled at a place called Ibo Island today, where the people speak a ‘mysterious language’ called Ibo.

All this information was gotten through painstaking research, and I even had to travel internationally. So since other researchers have traced the Bantus to Eastern Nigeria, and because of the penchant of the Igbos to travel widely, I think that the Igbos I wrote about are the proto-Bantus that the researchers say came from Eastern Nigeria.

Accordinjg to Prinston.edu, “The Bantu languages originated in the region of eastern Nigeria or Cameroon. About 2000 years ago the Bantu people spread southwards and eastwards, introducing agriculture and iron working and colonizing much of the continent in the Bantu expansion.

The technical term Bantu, simply meaning “people”, was first used by Wilhelm Heinrich Immanuel Bleek (1827–1875) as this is reflected in many of the languages of this group. A common characteristic of Bantu languages is that they use words such as muntu or mutu for “person”, and the plural prefix for human nouns starting with mu- (class 1) in most languages is ba- (class 2), thus giving bantu for “people”. Bleek, and later Carl Meinhof, pursued extensive studies comparing the grammatical structures of Bantu languages.”

Today the Bantus have mixed with the local populations they found and have promoted civilization. Today the Bantu population is 60 million, in 535 languages.

The Ballad of Nat Turner ( Igbo ) Ode Black Liberation Science – Haki Kweli Shakur

According to a comment on Wisegeek.org, “The proto-Bantu people originated in what is now south east Nigeria/northern Cameroon [This reminds me of the ancient Kingdom of Biafra that occupied roughly the same space thousands of years ago] and slowly began migrating into central/southern/east Africa around 4000 years ago. The Bantu are of West African descent and typically belong to E2 haplogroups, also common among West African populations.”

Another section posits, “Many of the great kingdoms of South Africa were ruled by Bantus, who tended to be highly resourceful and adaptable. Their culture subsumed those of other native Africans, although traces of earlier African peoples can be seen in some societies today. These kingdoms traded with people from other regions of the world, including the Europeans, and as Europeans started to colonize Africa, they pressured the existing Bantus to move. People who speak the languages in this family can be found in Rwanda, Angola, Burundi, Zimbabwe, and South Africa, among other nations in the southern part of Africa.”

According to @Anon 342530 in the Wisegeek post, “The word ‘ntu’ means person, and the prefix ‘Ba’ is used by class 2 bantu to denote the plural. ‘Bantu’ therefore means ‘people’. The Bantu have migrated and multiplied all over Africa. The presence of the word ‘ntu’ or ‘ndu’ in reference to a person is given as clue, in a modern language, that they are Bantu.” In Igbo the word ‘ndu’ means life and ‘ndi’ means people, as in ‘ndi mmadu’ or ‘otutu ndi’.

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Igbos Were The Proto-Bantus

Slaying of One of the Last Black Liberation Army Leaders Still at Large Ended a 7‐Month Manhunt, Kakuyan Olugbala ( Twymon Meyer )

The slaying of Twymon Meyers, which Police Commissioner Donald F. Cawley said yesterday “broke the back” of the Black Liberation Army, came after seven months of dogged pursuit of the 23‐year‐old fugitive by the department’s Major Crime Investigating Unit.

“Three times we traced him to apartments that he moved out of just a day or two earlier,” said Deputy Chief Inspector Harold Schryver, who commands the unit, which, with the Federal Bureau of Investigation, had attempted to arrest Meyers Wednesday night when he opened fire.

In the exchange of fire that followed, one F.B.I. agent, two city policemen and one bystander were wounded, none seriously.

‘Just Dog Work’

Meyers had been sought for questioning in connection with the shotgun killings of Patrolme Rocco Laurie and Gregory Foster in the East Village on Jan. 27, 1972. He was also wanted for several bank robberies.

The Importance of Assata Shakur’s 40th Liberation From Prison – Haki Shakur

“There was no miracle connected with our finding him—it was just dog work,” Inspector Schryver said in an interview. “We checked out everything. Somebody said they saw him playing basketball in Brooklyn. Somebody else heard he was at a social club. We checked out everything.”

Two days before the shootout, Meyers had been traced to an apartment at 625 Tinton Avenue in the Bronx. It was the seventh apartment he had moved to in seven months. Living with him there was Phyllis Pollard, who was arrested at 125th Street and Seventh Avenue about eight hours before the shootout and was charged with bank robbery.

At that time the Tinton Avenue apartment was under surveillance by detectives and F.B.I. agents.

Commissioner Cawley said yesterday that it was known that Meyers was heavily armed and that a strategy decision had been made not to rush him in the apartment but to capture him on the street if at all possible.

Linked to Assassinations

He said that with Meyers dead, “just about all the principals in the Black Liberation Army are either dead or in custody.” The “army,” described by the police as a loosely knit amalgam of terrorists that arose out of a Black Panther faction, has been linked to the assassinations of at least five police officers and the wounding of a, dozen others.

Its alleged members have been charged with such crimes as bank robbery, kidnapping, assault and escapes from jail, as well as murder and attempted murder.
Shortly after 7 PM., Wednesday, Meyers left his apartment and headed toward a grocery store. He may have been flushed out because Miss Pollard was not there to run errands. He wore a ski cap, obscuring his face, the police said.

A detective approached him and, identifying himself as “police,” raised the cap from the suspect’s face. At that point, Commissioner Cawley reported, Meyers whirled and began firing, first from an automatic pistol and then with a 9‐mm. submachine gun. He was cut down by agents and officers involved in the stake‐out.

Ballistic tests conducted yesterday showed that bullets fired from the 9‐mm weapon match those Used in an ambush last Jan. 25 on a patrol car in Brooklyn in which two officers were wounded.

Nat Turner’s Black Liberation Science, BLA 1831, The Ballad of Nat Turner – Haki Shakur

In Meyers’ scantly furnished apartment, police officers found books on weaponry and tactics; Black Liberation Army stickers and a copy of “Target Blue,” a book by Rbert. Daley, former deputy police commissioner for public affairs, about the Black Liberation Army and attacks on policemen.

Meyers was the seventh alleged major member of the Black Liberation Army to die in a shootout with police officers. In addition, at least 18 others identified as key figures in the movement have been arrested.

A confidential report by the Police Department’s intelligence unit, perpared several months go, said that at no time were there more than “25 to 30 hard‐core members,” although they had the support of perhaps 75 sympathizers.

“It should be noted,” the report said, “that only about 15 members of the hard‐core group are actually engaged in criminal acts being perpetrated in this city.”

In addition to Meyers, the following persons have been identified by the New York City Police Department as members of the Black Liberation Army who have been slain in shootouts with law enforcement personnel:

Ronald Carter, killed in St. Louis in February, 1972. He had been sought in connection with the ambush killings of Patrolmen Laurie and Foster.

Woody Green, killed last January in a shootout in a Brooklyn bar in which two detectives were wounded. He had also been sought in connection with the Foster‐Laurie shooting.

Frank Fields, shot to death in a gunfight with F.B.I. agents in Tampa, Fla., in January, 1971. He had been wanted for the murder of Samuel Lee Napier, a Blank Panther dissident, and for bank robbery.

Harold Russell, killed in gun duel at a Harlem apartment in April, 1971, in which two detectives were wounded.

 

Anthony White, killed in the bar with Green. He also had been wounded in the gun battle two years earlier in which Russell was killed.

The following persons have been identified as Black Liberation Army members currently in custody awaiting trial or in prison:

Herman Bell, arrested last Sept. 10 in New Orleans. He was one of five alleged Black Liberation Army members indicted for the ambush killings of Patrolmen Joseph Piagentini and Waverly Jones on the Lower East Side in May 21, 1971.

Henry Brown, recaptured last Oct. 5 after he escaped from the prison ward at Kings County Hospital a week earlier. He is under indictment for the murder of Patrolmen Foster and Laurie.

Anthony Bottom, charged with the Piagentini and Jones murders. He is also serving a life sentence in California for the attempted murder of a San Francisco policeman.

 

Joanne D. Chesimard, captured last May 2 after a shootout on New Jersey Turnpike in which a state trooper was killed. She is also under indictment for bank robberies in the Bronx and Queens and for a hand‐grenade attack on a police car.

Victor Cumberbatch arrested last June after allegedly killing Transit Patrolman Sidney Thompson in the waiting room at a Bronx elevated station.

Alberto Estremera, arrested last Feb. 17 on charges of robbing a National City Bank branch in the Bronx of $25,231.

Fred Hilton, arrested last June 6 and charged with the shooting of two off‐duty Housing Police detectives, Philip Stubbs and Leroy. Ruffin, last Jan. 12. The detectives were wounded.

 

Andrew Jackson, seized in a West Side apartment here last June 30th in connection with the Foster‐Laurie murders and charged with bank robberyand the grenade attack on the police car.

Robert Hayes, arrested last Sept. 12 in a raid on a Bronx apartment and charged with Cumberbatch in the murder of Patrolman Thompson.
Melvin Kearny, arrested with Hayes after being sought for questioning in the Laurie‐Foster case.

Thomas McCreary, arrested here on Oct. 30 for a 1971 bank holdup in Miami. He was also convicted of attempted murder of a St. Louis policeman stemming, from the shootout in which Carter was killed.

Pedro Monges, arrested last February and charged with possession of explosives.

Gabriel and Francisco Torres, brothers who have been under arrest since October, 1972. They are under indictment for the Piagentini‐Jones murders.

 

Albert Washington, serving a life term in California with Bottom and under indictment here for the Piagentini and Jones killings.

Oscar Lee Washington, arrested with Estremera for bank robbery.

Robert Vickers, arrested in Newark on Aug. 5, 1972, and charged there with assault on a policeman. He is also under indictment for the wounding of two patrolmen in Harlem on April 19, 1971.

Avon White, captured with Kearney and Hayes. He is charged with several counts of bank robbery and kidnapping and was wanted for questioning in connection with the attacks on Patrolmen Laurie and Foster.

 

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Urgent Action Alert: Stop Prison Officials from Blocking Shaka Shakur’s Access to Educational and Vocational Services By Virginia DOC

Shaka Shakur is a politically active, incarcerated, New Afrikan who was transferred on December 18th, 2018, from the Indiana Department of Corrections (IDOC) to the Virginia Department of Corrections (VADOC) as part of campaign to neutralize his activism by prison officials. This transfer was done in violation of his due process rights as a prisoner. He is currently incarcerated at the Sussex 1 State Prison in Waverly, Virginia. His VA DOC # is 135647. Since being held there, his right to access educational and vocational programs has been violated. Below is a summary of these violations in Shaka’s own words:

“1) i was moved out of the state of Indiana against my will in violation of Indiana Code and due process. i was never afforded any form of hearing where i was informed as to why i was being shipped out of state nor allowed to present evidence challenging the decision to move me.

2) Upon my arrival to the prison system in Virginia, i was never given any form of orientation. I’ve never been informed as to what my rights are, nor informed as to how i can go about challenging any decision made by the state of Va. I’ve only been informed that the state of Va has custody of my body and that all decisions pertaining to my classification, security level and placement was being determined and controlled by the state of Indiana and its Department of Corrections (IDOC).

3) There is supposed to be an IDOC liaison that oversees my placement in Va and communicates with an official in the Virginia Department of Corrections (VDOC) named Ms. Collins. She has refused to respond to any and all efforts to contact her by myself or any outside sources. Any questions i’ve had pertaining to video visits, security level, placement, and classification have gone unanswered except for being told that it is up to Indiana.

4) Per Indiana Code i am supposed to be afforded the same rights and privileges as if i was still in Indiana. That includes jobs, programming, religious services etc.s To deny me such is a const violation and discrimination. In fact, it denies me equal protection under the law. I am not being allowed to find a job outside of the housing unit. i’m being told that i’m not going to be allowed to drop my security level even though my points will drop as low as 10 points in Va and less than 15 in indiana. Both of which would qualify me for a level 3 security level placement.

5) The counselor Ponce falsified my classification review/progress report by lying and saying that i had assaulted a staff member within the last 12 months. This was in order to justify my continued placement at a level 4/5 prison. When this was brought to her attention, she pretended that she had corrected it and instead further falsified the report and then blamed it on Indiana. i have copies of these documents and my lawyer have the originals [see images below].”

You can read about Shaka’s long history of activism and rebellious activity in Indiana prisons here and here.

What You Can Do to Support Shaka:

On Monday, 11/11, call the Indiana DOC Executive Director of Classification Jack Hendrix at (317) 232-2247. Leave a message with whoever you are able to speak to, or a voicemail. You can also email Jack Hendrix at jdhendrix@idoc.in.gov.

Please tell them to drop Shaka’s security level dropped to a level 3 for which he qualifies so that he can access vocational and educational programs, or to authorize Shaka’s lateral transfer to a facility where he can be allowed to participate in vocational and educational programs.

As Shaka stated:

“How am i supposed to work my way back to Indiana if i’m not being allowed to participate in anything positive or constructive?”

To make a donation to Shaka Shakur’s legal defense fund and for more info on his case, go to https://www.gofundme.com/f/shaka-shakur-legal-defense-fund

For more information, contact Seth Donnelly at sethdonnelly2000@yahoo.com

source:

https://www.idocwatch.org/blog-1/2019/11/5/urgent-action-alert-stop-prison-officials-from-blocking-shaka-shakurs-access-to-educational-and-vocational-services

King JAJA of Opobo Afrikan Nationalist The British Feared

KING JAJA was the IGBO KING, from the REGION now called BIAFRALAND who was EXILED by the BRITISH to MAINLAND St. Vincent in 1888.

BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

JaJa of Opobo (ca. 1820-1891) was a political and military strategist, brought to the Bonny Kingdom as a slave, who was perhaps the most troublesome thorn in the flesh of 19th-century British imperial ambition in southern Nigeria.

The story of Ja Ja recounts a man of servile status hurdling intimidating odds to attain wealth and power, and founding in the latter half of the 19th century the most prosperous city-state in the Delta area of Nigeria. Information regarding his parentage and early childhood, derived from uncertain and speculative oral tradition, is scanty and unsatisfactory. According to informed guesstimates, Ja Ja was born in 1820 or 1821, in the lineage of Umuduruoha of Amaigbo village group in the heartland of Igboland, Southeastern Nigeria. He was sold into slavery in the Niger Delta under circumstances which are far from clear. One version of the oral traditions says that he was sold because, as a baby, he cut the upper teeth first, an abominable phenomenon in traditional Igbo society. Another version claims that he was captured and sold by his father’s enemy. Regardless, he was bought by Chief Iganipughuma Allison of Bonny, by far the most powerful city-state on the Atlantic coast of Southeastern Nigeria before the rise of Opobo.

To follow the Ja Ja story or, indeed, revolution, an explanatory note is necessary. Until the end of the 19th century, the Delta communities played a crucial role in European and American trade with Nigeria. Acting as middlemen, these communities carried into the interior markets the trade goods of European and American supercargoes stationed on the coast and brought back in exchange the export produce of the hinterland, basically palm oil. As the Delta is dominated by saline swamps and crisscrossed by a labyrinth of creeks and rivers, the canoe was indispensable for trade.

The Delta society was organized in Canoe Houses. A Canoe House was the pivot of social organization and also, notes K.O. Dike, “a cooperative trading unit and a local government institution.” It was usually composed of a wealthy merchant (its founder), his family, and numerous slaves owned by him. A prosperous house could comprise several thousand members, both free and bonded, owning hundreds of trade canoes.

King JAJA of Opobo Afrikan Nationalist founder of The Opobo State of Igboland that European Colonialism feared and The Importance of Nationalism & Controlling Resources – Haki Kweli SHAKUR

In this intensely competitive society, leadership by merit–not by birth or ascriptions–was necessary if a house was to make headway in the turbulent, cut-throat competition that existed between houses. Any person with the charisma and proven ability, even if of servile birth, could rise to the leadership of a house, but could never become king. Ja Ja would achieve this, and much more.

Finding young Ja Ja too headstrong for his liking, Chief Allison made a gift of him to his friend, Madu, a chief of the Anna Pepple House, one of the two houses of the royal family (the other being the Manilla Pepple House). Ja Ja was slotted into the lowest rung of the Bonny slave society ladder, that of an imported slave, distinct from that of someone who was of slave parentage but born in the Delta.

As a youth, he worked as a paddler on his owner’s great trade canoes, traveling to and from the inland markets. Quite early, he demonstrated exceptional abilities and business acumen, quickly identified with the Ijo custom of the Delta, and won the hearts of the local people as well as those of the European supercargoes. It was unusual for a slave of his status to make the transition from canoe paddling to trading, but Ja Ja–through his honesty, business sense, and amiability–soon became prosperous.

For a long while, Ja Ja turned his back on Bonny politics, concentrating his immense energies on accumulating wealth through trade, the single most important criterion to power in the Delta. At the time, Bonny politics were volatile as a result of the irreconcilable and acrimonious contest for supremacy between the Manilla Pepple House and the Anna Pepple House to which Ja Ja belonged. Coincidentally, both houses were led by remarkable characters of Igbo slave origins–Oko Jumbo of the Manilla House and Madu (after him Alali his son) of the Anna House.

Ja Ja Rescues Debt-Ridden House

In 1863, Alali died, bequeathing to his house a frightening debt of between £10,000 and £15,000 owed to European supercargoes. Fearing bankruptcy, all of the eligible chiefs of the house declined nomination to head it. It was therefore a great relief when Ja Ja accepted to fill the void. With characteristic energy, he proceeded to put his house in order by reorganizing its finances. Conscious that the palm-oil markets in the hinterland and the wealth of the European trading community on the coast constituted the pivot of the Delta economy, he ingratiated himself with both sides. In a matter of two years, he had liquidated the debt left behind by his predecessor and launched his house on the path of prosperity. When less prosperous and insolvent houses sought incorporation into the Anna House, Ja Ja gradually absorbed one house after another.

By 1867, his remarkable success had become common knowledge throughout Bonny. The British consul to the area, Sir Richard Burton, had cause to remark that although Ja Ja was the “son of an unknown bush man,” he had become “the most influential man and greatest trader in the [Imo] River.” Predicted Burton: “In a short time he will either be shot or he will beat down all his rivals.”

Burton’s words proved prophetic. Ja Ja’s successes incurred the jealousy of opponents who feared that, if left unchecked, his house might incorporate most of the houses in Bonny and thereby dominate its political and economic arena. Oko Jumbo, his bitterest opponent, was determined that such a prospect would never materialize.

Meanwhile, two developments occurred in Bonny, serving to harden existing jealousies. First, in 1864, Christianity was introduced into the city-state, further polarizing the society. While the Manilla House welcomed the Christians with a warm embrace, the Anna House was opposed to the exotic religion. Not surprisingly, the missionaries sided with the Manilla House against the Anna House. Second, in 1865, King William Pepple died and, with this, the contest for the throne between the two royal houses took on a monstrous posture.

Three years later, in 1868, Bonny was ravaged by fire, and the Anna House was the worst hit. In the discomfiture of his opponent, Oko Jumbo saw his opportunity. Knowing that the fire had all but critically crippled Ja Ja’s house, he sought every means to provoke an open conflict. On the other side, Ja Ja did everything to avoid such a conflict, but, as Dike states, “Oko Jumbo’s eagerness to catch his powerful enemy unprepared prevailed.”

On September 13, 1869, heavy fighting erupted between the two royal houses. Outmatched in men and armament, though not in strategy, Ja Ja pulled out of Bonny, accepted defeat, and sued for peace with a suddenness that surprised both his adversaries and the European supercargoes. Peace palaver commenced and dragged on for weeks under the auspices of the British consul. This was exactly what Ja Ja planned for. It soon became doubtful if the victors were not indeed the vanquished.

Ja Ja had sued for peace in order to gain time to retreat from Bonny with his supporters with little or no loss in men and armament. A master strategist, he relocated in the Andoni country away from the seaboard at a strategic point at the mouth of the Imo river, the highway of trade between the coastal communities and the palm-oil rich Kwa Iboe and Igbo country. There, he survived the initial problems of a virgin settlement as well as incessant attacks of his Bonny enemies.

He Proclaims Independent Settlement Of Opobo

In 1870, feeling reasonably secure, Ja Ja proclaimed the independence of his settlement which he named Opobo, after Opubu the Great, the illustrious king of Bonny and founder of Anna House who had died in 1830. As Dike writes:

[I]t is characteristic of the man that he had not only a sense of the occasion but of history. . . . Kingship was impossible of attainment for anyone of slave origins in Bonny. Instead he sought another land where he could give full scope to his boundless energies.
Long before the war of 1869, Ja Ja had been carefully planning to found his own state. The war merely provided him with the occasion to implement his design.

In naming his new territory Opobo, Ja Ja was appealing to the nostalgia and historical consciousness of his followers while giving them the impression that he was truly the heir of the celebrated king. That this impression was widespread and accepted by most Bonny citizens may be judged from the fact that of the 18 houses in Bonny, 14 followed Ja Ja to Opobo.

To no avail, the British consul tried to coerce Ja Ja to come back to Bonny. Against the admonition of the consul, and in the face of Bonny’s displeasure, many British firms began to trade openly with Opobo while others transferred their depots there. By May of 1870, the Ja Ja revolution had driven the death-knell on Bonny’s economy. British firms anchoring there are said to have lost an estimated £100,000 of trade by mid-1870. The city-state fell from grace to grass as Opobo, flourishing on its ashes, became in Ofonagoro’s words, “the most important trade center in the Oil Rivers,” and Ja Ja became “the greatest African living in the east of modern Nigeria.”

For 18 years, Ja Ja ruled his kingdom with firmness and remarkable sagacity. He strengthened his relations with the hinterland palm-oil producers through judicious marriages and blood covenants which bound the parties into ritual kingship. He armed his traders with modern weapons for their own defense and that of the state. He thus monopolized trade with the palm-oil producers and punished severely any community that tried to trade directly with the European supercargoes.

Queen Victoria Awards Ja Ja Sword Of Honor

In 1873, the British recognized him as king of independent Opobo, and Ja Ja reciprocated by sending a contingent of his soldiers to help the British in their war against the Ashanti kingdom in the Gold Coast (now Ghana). Queen Victoria expressed her gratitude in 1875 by awarding him a sword of honor. It seemed a honeymoon had developed between Opobo and Britain.

Ja Ja’s reign has been described as a striking instance of selective modernization. He retained most of the sociopolitical and cultural institutions of Bonny, such as the house system, and stuck steadfastly to the religion of his fathers, arguing that Christianity was a serious ferment of societal destabilization. While recognizing the value of Western education and literacy, he objected to its religious component. Thus, he sent his two sons to school in Scotland but insisted they acquire only secular education. He established a secular school in Opobo and employed an African-American, Emma White, to run it. An Englishman who visited Opobo in 1885 stated that the standard of the pupils in the school compared quite favorably with that of English children of the same age.

The honeymoon between Ja Ja and the British turned out to be meteoric: the ultimate ambitions of the two ran at cross-purposes. Ja Ja guarded his independence jealously, had a tight grip on the interior markets and confined British traders to Opobo, away from these markets. He made sure that the traders paid their comeys (customs and trade duties) as and when due.

But in the 1880s, the clouds of British imperialism were closing in menacingly on Opobo, the overthrow of indigenous sovereignties having been initiated by John Beecroft, the first British consul to Nigeria (1849-54). British imperialism had begun to assert itself forcefully; British officials on the spot were increasingly ignoring indigenous authorities, while British traders had begun to insist on trading directly with the hinterland palm-oil producers. Ja Ja tackled these formidable problems judiciously and with restraint.

In July 1884, fearing German intrusion in the Delta, the British consul, Edward Hewett, rushed to the area, foisting treaties of protection on the indigenous sovereignties. With a veiled threat from a man-of-war, Ja Ja too was stampeded into placing his kingdom under British protection. But unlike the other African monarchs, this was not before he had sought explanation for the word “protectorate,” and had been assured by the consul that his independence would not be compromised. Hewett wrote to Ja Ja informing him, inter alia (among other things), that:

the queen does not want to take your country or your markets, but at the same time she is anxious that no other nation should take them. She undertakes . . . [to] leave your country still under your government; she has no wish to disturb your rule.
At Ja Ja’s insistence, a clause providing for free trade in his kingdom was struck off before he agreed to sign the treaty.

European Powers Sign Treaty Of Berlin

The following year, European powers entered into the Treaty of Berlin which set the stage for the scramble and partition of Africa among themselves, without regard to the wishes of Africans. The treaty provided for free navigation on River Niger and other rivers, such as the Imo, linked to it. On the basis of this, the British consul asserted that British firms were within their rights to trade directly in the interior palm-oil markets. That same year, 1885, Britain proclaimed the Oil Rivers Protectorate, which included Ja Ja’s territory. Sending a delegation to the British secretary of states for the colonies to protest these actions by right of the treaty of 1884, Ja Ja’s protest fell on deaf ears. A man of his word, he was shocked at Britain reneging on her pledge.

Worse times were yet to come as political problems were compounded by economic dispute. The 1880s witnessed a severe trade depression that ruined some of the European firms trading in the Delta and threatened the survival of others. The surviving firms responded to the situation in two ways. First, they reached an agreement among themselves, though not with complete unanimity, to offer low prices for produce. Second, they claimed the right to go directly to the interior markets in order to sidestep the coastal middlemen and reduce the handling cost of produce.

As would be expected, Ja Ja objected to these maneuvers and proceeded to ship his own produce directly to Europe. The British consul directed the European firms not to pay comey to Ja Ja anymore, arguing that in shipping his produce directly to Europe, he had forfeited his right to receive the payment. Once again, Ja Ja sent a delegation to Britain to protest the consul and the traders’ action. Once again, this was to no avail.

Under a threat of naval bombardment, Ja Ja signed an agreement with the British consul in July 1887 to allow free trade in his territory. By now, he knew that Britain’s imperial ambition was growing rapidly, and he began transferring his resources further into the Igbo hinterland, his birthplace. But as Elizabeth Isichei points out, “he was confronted with a situation where courage and foresight were ultimately in vain.”

British Official Reneges On Promises

Harry Johnston, acting vice-consul, a young hothead anxious to advance his colonial career, imagined that Ja Ja would be a perfect stepping-stone to attain his ambition. Arriving at Opobo on a man-of-war, Johnston invited Ja Ja for a discussion on how to resolve the points of friction between Opobo and the British traders and officials. Suspicious of Johnston’s real intentions, Ja Ja initially turned down the invitation but was lured to accept with a promise of safe return after the meeting. Said Johnston:

I hereby assure you that whether you accept or reject my proposals tomorrow, no restrictions will be put on you–you will be free to go as soon as you have heard my message.
But again the British reneged on their pledge: Ja Ja would not return to his kingdom alive. Once on board the warship Goshawk, Johnston confronted him with a deportation order or the complete destruction of Opobo. Nearly 18 years to the day when he pulled out of Bonny, Ja Ja was deported to the Gold Coast, tried, and declared guilty of actions inimical to Britain’s interest. Still afraid of his charm and influence on the Gold Coast, even in captivity, Johnston saw to it that he was deported to the West Indies, at St. Vincent Island.

With the exit of Ja Ja, the most formidable obstacle to Britain’s imperial ambition in Southeastern Nigeria had been removed. But the circumstances of his removal left a sour taste in certain British mouths. Lord Salisbury, British prime minister, could not help criticizing Johnston, noting that in other places Ja Ja’s deportation would be called “kidnapping.” Michael Crowder describes the event as “one of the shabbiest incidents in the history of Britain’s relations with West Africa.” Among the indigenous population, it left a deep and lasting scar of suspicion of Britain’s good faith and, for a long time, trade in the area all but ceased.

In exile, Ja Ja is said to have borne himself with kingly dignity. He made repeated appeals to Britain to allow him to return to Opobo. In 1891, his request was granted, belatedly as it turned out: Ja Ja died on the Island of Teneriffe en route to Opobo, the kingdom built with his sweat and devotion. His people gladly paid the cost of repatriating his body and spent a fortune celebrating his royal funeral.

Today, an imposing statue of Ja Ja stands in the center of Opobo with the inscription:

A king in title and in deed. Always just and generous.

FURTHER READINGS

Burn, Alarn. History of Nigeria. George Allen & Unwin, 1929.
Dike, Kenneth O. Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885. Oxford University Press, 1956.
Isichei, Elizabeth. A History of the Igbo People. Macmillan, 1976.
Ogonagoro, Walter I. Trade and Imperialism in Southern Nigeria, 1881-1929. Nok Publishers, 1979.

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King Jaja of Opobo

 

 

 

The Underground Rail Road In Virginia A Precise Scientific Stealth Operation

Passage of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 closed that loophole and made it easier than ever for slaveholders to cross state lines in pursuit of escaped slaves. It also emboldened kidnappers to grab free African Americans, claim they were fugitives, and sell them into slavery.

In response, so-called vigilance committees sprang up in cities such as Philadelphia, New York, and Boston with the goal of protecting or rescuing imperiled African Americans and, when possible, spiriting them north to Canada. By 1861, approximately one-third of an estimated 100,000 southern black fugitives had escaped to Canada. Eighty percent of those—mostly African Americans from Virginia, Maryland, and Kentucky—settled in present-day Ontario. The various individuals, groups, and methods that helped get them there eventually came to be known collectively as the Underground Railroad.

Several factors made Virginia a place where the Underground Railroad flourished. Even with the domestic slave trade forcing thousands of men, women, and children into the Deep South, it had the largest enslaved population of any state and a large free black population. It also bordered the free states of Pennsylvania and Ohio. And from the state’s northernmost point in present-day West Virginia, on the other side of the Ohio River from Wellsville, Ohio, it was only ninety miles to Lake Erie, across which lay Canada. Fugitives in Virginia, in other words, were tantalizingly close to freedom.

Virginia also boasted a number of sizable port cities, which provided avenues of escape for African Americans. In cities such as Portsmouth, Norfolk, Newport News, and Hampton, many slaves worked for hire in the maritime industry and were not supervised by their actual owners.

In addition, there were black churches and free black neighborhoods where escapes could be planned and fugitives hidden. Some fugitive slaves followed the James, Elizabeth, York, Susquehanna, Rappahannock, or Potomacrivers to the Chesapeake Bay, where they attempted to board small vessels or steamships to New York or Massachusetts. Others found ships in Richmond and Alexandria. Most were able to board with aid from captains or crewmembers; in fact, certain ships’ captains became known to the underground community as sympathetic to fugitives or at least agreeable to transporting them for a price. William Still identified the City of Richmond, the Jamestown, the Pennsylvania, and the Augusta steamships, and the Kesiah and the Francis French schooners as the primary vessels aiding Virginia runaways.

Fugitives who journeyed by land traveled high into the Appalachian Mountains and then down the Ohio River or into Pennsylvania. Those who escaped through Loudounand Fauquier counties used routes that traversed the Catoctin and Bull Run mountains, Short Hill Mountain, and the Blue Ridge Mountains. Others traveling from Culpeper County were assisted by free black communities that dotted that region. Culpeper’s Chinquapin Neck, the isthmus that separates the Rapidan and Rappahannock rivers, was another path used by escapees.

Historic Underground Railroad Safe House – Haki Shakur

The number of escapes prompted the editors of the Norfolk Southern Argus to complain, on April 22, 1854, that “the stock of our patience is below the quantity necessary for standing the outrageous thefts that are daily being committed upon us, in the running off of our slaves.” The paper assumed “that secret agencies are at work in our midst, for the purpose of offering inducements to our slaves to make their escape to the North,” and estimated that in the last year slaveholders there had lost $75,000 in the form of runaway slaves. “A man may be wealthy today,” the editors wrote, “but tomorrow his property may have vanished into empty space.” In 1856, the General Assembly sought to prevent such losses by providing for the more rigorous inspection of ships.

Enslaved Virginians fled to areas as far away as Hamilton, Canada West (later Ontario). They tended to be young, ambitious, healthy, and male. On rare occasions whole families fled, usually aboard ships or with the aid of collaborators. Most fugitives, however, were male and at the age—between their late teens and mid-thirties—when they were most valuable to slaveholders. According to the abolitionist Benjamin Drew, as early as 1824 Virginians were arriving in what later became Ontario, often without help. Only by the 1840s was a more structured system in place to aid and guide fugitives. Saint Catharines, Canada West, became a favorite destination. Located between lakes Erie and Ontario, the site was first settled in the 1780s by Richard “Captain Dick” Pierpoint, an African-born slave who had won his freedom by fighting for the British during the American Revolution. Saint Catharines is where Harriet Tubman brought her family in the 1850s and where two Virginians—a Norfolk escapee named Richard Bohm and another former slave named William Johnson—helped to establish new arrivals.

Some fugitive slaves from Virginia became famous while others remained, as they likely wished it, obscure. Among the former was George Latimer, who escaped by ship from Norfolk in 1842. He traveled first to Baltimore, then to Philadelphia, and finally to Boston, where he was soon recognized and arrested. An uproar followed, and abolitionists were able to purchase Latimer’s freedom for $400. In 1849, Henry Brown, whose family had been sold south, enlisted help to box him up and ship him from Richmond to Philadelphia. He survived, barely, and spent the rest of his life working as a magician, writer, and abolitionist. In 1850, a slave called Shadrach escaped from Norfolk and, like Latimer, was arrested in Boston. There, outraged activists forcibly freed him from custody and smuggled him all the way to Montreal, where he adopted the last name Minkins. The fate of Anthony Burns, who escaped from Richmond in 1854, was less fortunate. After traveling to Boston, he, too, was arrested. An attempt to free him failed, however, and he was sold south. Although eventually manumitted, the ordeal crippled Burns. He died in Saint Catharines in 1862.

In Philadelphia, William Still recorded the relatively rare arrival, in 1858, of three female fugitives from Virginia. Mary Frances, about twenty-three years old and from Norfolk, had no complaint against her widowed mistress, whom she described as kind. Twenty-eight-year-old Eliza Henderson, however, had been beaten and subsequently escaped from Richmond. Nancy Grantham was just nineteen and fled “her master’s evil designs,” which were violent and sexual. “She was brought away secreted on a boat,” Still wrote, “but the record is silent as to which one of the two or three Underground Rail Road captains (who at that time occasionally brought passengers), helped her to escape.”

Underground Railroad Virginia – Haki Shakur

State and federal legislators tried in vain to derail the Underground Railroad. They increased rewards for slave-catchers and penalties for runaways, instituted more thorough ship inspections, and sometimes granted the state power to seize vessels. Slaveholders, meanwhile, formed committees, like the one established in December 1833 by citizens in Richmond and Henrico County, to detect and punish anyone who would aid and abet runaways. While these measures may have slowed the flow of fugitives, they did not stop them. Senator James Mason, of Virginia, who introduced the Fugitive Slave Bill on January 4, 1850, claimed that runaway slaves cost his state an average of $100,000 per year.

In the meantime, the NPS has identified four Underground Railroad–related sites in Virginia: Bruin’s Slave Jail, in Alexandria; Fort Monroe, in Hampton Roads; Theodore Roosevelt Island, in Rosslyn; and the Moncure Conway House, in Falmouth, home of the abolitionist Moncure Conway. None of them is directly related to the work of the Underground Railroad, however, which is not surprising. That work occurred in secret and across great distances. Its memory is less likely to be found in a particular place than in the stories of those who risked flight and eventually found freedom.

source:

https://www.encyclopediavirginia.org/Underground_Railroad_in_Virginia

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Thousands of white Virginians owned enslaved African Americans in the nineteenth century. Based on a close analysis of William Still’s book, The Underground Rail Road(1872), we are compiling a list of those slaveholders whose slaves escaped in the 1850s.

To date, we have collected more than 100 narratives of Virginia escapees. The narratives are listed below — sorted by slave owner. You may find the occupation, city, slave, and date of ownership below.

To read the escape narrative presented in William Still’s book, The Underground Rail Road, please click on the page number presented in the Still column below.

Owner Occupation City/County Slave Year Still
Mr. Bailey Carpenter Norfolk Samuel Bush 1853 204
David Baines Owner Norfolk Harriet and Celia Paeden 1854 226
Samuel Ball Owner Richmond Richard Bradley 1855 305
John G. Beale Lawyer Fauquier Co. William Robinson 1854 225
Fleming Bibbs Farmer Richmond Charles Thompson 1857 147
Beverly Blair Owner Richmond Frances Hilliard 1855 287
Thomas Baltimore Owner Norfolk Susan Bell 1855 263
Mr. Bockover Grocer Norfolk Thomas & Frederick Nixon 1855 170
Joseph Boukley Hair Inspector Norfolk Peter Petty 1855 170
Henry L. Brooke Owner Salvington Cornelius Scott 1857 122
Elizabeth Brown Widow Portsmouth Sheridan Ford 1855 67
Mary Brown Widow Portsmouth Clarissa Davis (part owner) 1854 1850C
Margaret Burkley Housekeeper Portsmouth Clarissa Davis (part owner) 1854 1850C
Charles Bryant Owner Alexandria Joseph Viney 1857 101
Mrs. Joseph Cahell Widow Fredericksburg Cordelia Loney 1857 112
George Carter Owner Loudon Co. Martha Bennett and children 1855 259
Joseph Carter Oysterman Portsmouth John Stinger & Stebney Swan 1857 98
George Carter Owner Loudon Co. D. Bennett’s wife & children 1855 308
William H. Christian Lawyer/merchant Richmond James Hambleton Christian 1853 69
Mr. R.J. Christians Tobacco Richmond Elijah Hilton 1857 161
Dr. K. Clark Physician Richmond Joseph Henry Camp 1853 66
Nathan Clapton Owner Loudon Co. Sauney Pry 1856 382
rs. Clayton Widow Richmond John Clayton 1854 59
Edward M. Clark Owner Alexandria Lewis Burrell 1856 385
Ann Colley Widow Petersburg Jackson & Turner 1857 117
A. Judson Crane Farmer Richmond Julia Smith 1854 142
Elliot Curlett Owner Warrington David Greek 1856 319
James Cuthbert Owner Petersburg Harriet Mayo 1855 305
Benjamin Davis Negro Trader Richmond Charles Gilbert 1854 235
Daniel Delaplain Flour Inspector Richmond Charles Hall 1856 383
H.B. Dickinson Factory Owner Richmond William White 1854 211
James Dunlap Merchant Richmond John Hall 1855 250
Thomas Eckels Lawyer Norfolk Susan Brooks 1854 211
Samuel Ellis Owner Richmond Joseph Winston 1857 389
Charles Fortner Owner Hedgeville Daniel Davis ? 228
James B. Foster Owner Richmond Samuel Washington Johnson ? 159
John F. Franic Owner Martinsburg Robert Brown 1856 121
Catharine Gordon Owner Norfolk Oscar Ball & Montgomery Graham 1857 399
Mr. Grigway Timber Merchant Norfolk Emanuel White 1857 154
Mr. Hall Negro trader Norfolk Robert McCoy 1854 274
William W. Hall Owner Norfolk Rebecca Jones and Isaiah 1856 326
Alexander Hill Owner Hedgeville Adam Nicholson ? 228
Lewis Hill Owner Richmond Lewis Giles 1855 308
John & Henry Holland Oysterman Norfolk Anthony and Albert Brown 1856 292
John G. Hodgson Owner Norfolk Harriet Ann Bell 1854 228
James Hurst Owner Georgetown Sam Davis 1855 386
Mrs. Hutchinson Widow Loudon Co. Robert Stewart 1856 128
Mrs. Hutchinson Daughter of Widow Loudon Co. Betsey Smith 1856 129
Benjamin Hall Owner Alexandria Peter Burrell 1856 385
Eliza Jones Factory foreman Petersburg George Walker 1855 311
John Jones Farmer Norfolk Arthur Jones 1855 270
George W. Kemp Bank worker Norfolk Ralph Whiting 1855 268
James Kinnard Farmer Richmond Jeremiah Smith 1854 141
Eliza Lambert Owner Petersburg John Judah 1855 305
Thomas Lee Owner Petersburg Robert Jones 1855 271
Peter March Business Owner New York Caroline Taylor 1856 328
Seth March Owner Norfolk Henry Washington 1855 259
Dr. C.F. Martin Dentist Norfolk Sam Nixon 1855 254
McHenry & McCulloch Tobacconists Petersburg John Pettifoot 1857 153
John C. McBole Steam Mill North Carolina Daniel Carr 1855 169
Mr. McVee Farmer Loudon Co. Barnaby Grigby and Emily Foster 1855 124
Daniel Minne Farmer Alexandria William Jackson 1857 396
Daniel Minor Owner Moss Grove George Solomon 1856 79
David Morris Owner Norfolk Joseph Harris 1855 270
M.W. Morris Owner Richmond Daniel Payne 1855 305
John Mitchell Owner Petersburg John Henry 1853 191
John Mitchell Owner Richmond John Hill 1856 191
Richard Perry Owner Petersburg Beverly Good 1855 311
Mrs. Peters Deceased Norfolk Anthony Blow 1854 61
Capt. John Pollard Owner St. Stephens George Freeland ? 232
Dr. Price Owner Norfolk Edward Peaden 1854 226
Joshua Pusey Owner Leesburg David Aug. 1856 215
James Ray US Navy Yard Petersburg John Atkinson 1855 299
Littleton Reeves Owner Petersburg Mary Epps 1855 75
Joseph P. Reynolds Merchant Portsmouth William Davis 1853 66
Eliza H. Richie Owner Petersburg Eliza Jones 1855 271
William Rose Owner Fauquier Co. James Stewart ? 229
Thomas W. Quales Owner Richmond Verenea Mercer 1855 309
James Saunders Lawyer Norfolk James H. Foreman 1855 268
Mrs. Sanders Widow Nofolk Isaac Foreman 1853 64
Richard Scott Owner Norfolk Daniel Wiggins 1854 224
Sarah Shephard Owner Norfolk Elizabeth Frances 1854 275
Jacob Shuster Owner Norfolk Winnie and Elizabeth Patty 1855 387
Andrew Sigany Owner Norfolk Eliza McCoy 1854 275
Samuel Simmons Owner Norfolk Isaiah Nixon 1855 270
John J. Slater Coachmaker Petersburg David Edwards 1855 311
Nathan Skinner Farmer Loudon Co. Vincent Smith 1856 129
Slater Owner Richmond Joseph and Robert 1855 75
Smith Owner Norfolk Washington Somlor 1855 304
George Spencer Owner Georgetown Abe Fineer 1855 386
Dr. Jesse Squires Owner Petersburg Valentine Spires 1856 319
L. Stasson Confectioner Norfolk Louisa Bell 1855 264
James Snyder Owner Norfolk Harrison Bell 1854 228
Capt. James Taylor Owner Loudon Co. Daniel & David Bennett (259; 308) 1855 259
Waring Talvert Owner Richmond Anthony Loney 1857 122
Nickless Templeman Owner Richmond George Sperryman 1856 319
Hezekiah Thompson Sold to trader Richmond John Thompson 1857 106
Captain Tucker US Navy Richmond Richard Robinson 1857 123
David B. Turner Merchant Richmond Jack Scott (lived in NY with Turner) 1857 104
Margaret Tyler Widow Richmond William Taylor 1857 134
Unknown — Hired to John Stabbard Hedgeville Reuben Bowles ? 228
John Walker Manufacturer Williamsburg James Burrell 1854 223
Col. J.H. Wheeler U.S. Minister D.C. Jane Johnson 1855 86
Josiah Wells Owner Norfolk Anthony Atkinson 1855 268
Abigail Wheeler Owner Portsmouth Moses Wines ? 230
Louise E. White Widow Richomd James Mercer & Wm. Henry Gilliam 1854 55
Lovey White Widow Norfolk Alan Tatum 1855 168
Turner and White Merchants Norfolk William Nelson 1855 262
John Williams Owner Western Shore Lucy Garrett ? 231
Dr. George Wilson Physician Norfolk Archer Barlow 1853 203
S.J. Wilson Merchant Portsmouth Willis Redick 1853 64
William H. Wilson Cashier Portsmouth Robert Emerson 1857 98
James Woodhouse Farmer

 

Plymouth, NC Henry Stewart

New Afrikan Nationality & National Territory Soul Book

Black Nationalism is in its major part of our peoples maintenance of our spiritual cultural and political links with our Black civilization of Afrika even though we were uprooted from Afrika’s land mass and torn from our respective Afrikan nations whether they were Yoruba, Zulu, Mandingo, Malagasi, Igbo etc Consequently we were forced because of being seperated from our various Afrikan nation areas and not allowed to speak our distinct Afrikan language, to rely on the Afrikan psyche which was a direct product of the Afrikan civilization as a mechanism for our resistance to our new oppressor and as a reaffirmation of ourselves as a people. So when we are talking as an Afrikan people maintaining our nationalism we are not talking about a nationalism that was imposed by the slave master/slave trader/ imperialism; we are talking about a nationalism which was and is decidedly dependent on the values, and strengths of our Afrikan civilization which provided the necessary SOLIDARITY for Afrikans in spite of loss of our respective national languages, and therefore destruction of our old Afrikan national identity. From the beginning of the slave trade up until the present our people have contined to exhibit a pattern of determination of resistance .. This pattern of resistance was at the very least, a determination to maintain our life forces and what else we could see and feel as being commonly our own, as Afrikans, which the aggression of the slave system did not steal from us as a people.

Therefore the question arises wether or not we had anything left of value, which our people protected from the enemy, and which was the basis of our survival and therefore the roots of our reforging of a New Nation. The relevancy of our Afrikan civilization is tied to the basis of us being kidnapped and stolen from Afrika. Would not the fact that the Afrikans who came here involuntarily, as slaves and as indentured servants of the european settler colony of north amerika, came with an agrarian technology that was indigenous to the mode of production of all Black Afrikan societies graphically demonstrate the significance of Afrikan civilization to our condition and status in the plantation system? Is it not a fact that this level of development of the Pan Afrikan civilization created, by its agricultural expertise and labor the plantation system a mode of production never before seen in the western hemisphere? We believe that we belong to the Afrikan Civilization and are and have always been Afrikans in the CIVILIZATIONAL sense of the word which CHEIKH ANTA DIOP so brilliantly elucidated in his epic work the CULTURAL UNITY OF NEGRO AFRICA. Diop has clarified that there is such a factor as Civilization which clusters of nations can identifiably be grouped and that the Afrikan, from Ancient Egypt to our contemporary days has maintained the centrality of the Afrikan woman in all levels of our societies. He has thoroughly elaborated the centrality of the Afrikan Woman in all levels of our societies and which is certainly true with respect to Afrikans in Mississippi (albeit in distorted form) as it is in contlnental and Caribbean societies.

I’m Not Amerikan Descendant of Slaves The Term Afrikan Controversy – Haki Kweli Shakur

Furthermore, that the Afrikan has never thought of basing lasting morals or metaphysics on pessimistic foundations this becomes clear whether we analyze the Blues, Reggae or more traditional Afrikan Cultural Systems; the philosophical outlook predominately rests upon finding the optimistic even in the face of a severely bad situation, i.e. slavery, imperialism and capitalism. Since we had to maintain our relations with our enslaved Afrikan brethren through an imposed language, which we were unfamiliar with, we had to seek other means of solidarity. This was because the first prerequisite co resistance is at least the rudiments of solidarity. Regardless of whether our people spoke different languages and distinct customs we had to find a common mode of communication to bring about the solidarity of our people in the face of the destruction of our Afrikan nationalities (and the destruction of Afrikan international Drum communications system which was at least indigenous to most of West Afrika). Therefore this constant struggle to achieve a NEW solidarity of our people was and makes us distinct for previously being Afri ans of various nationalities on our mother continent of Afrika. We were a group of Afrikans from virtually all Black Afrikan societies determined to maintain what bound us together as people in the most principal sense, and which had been transmitted through Afrikan women: our determination to resist our oppressors and to maintain our humanity. The Afrikans who developed the plantation system fought against the efforts to destroy their Afrikan familial names and even when these battles were temporarily lost our Afrikan ancestors continued to resist this aggression against our humanity.

Haki Shakur Speaks on New Afrikan Nationhood ( Nationalism ) on The K.Kinte Show Live

Thus on account of this resistance our Afrikan civilizational strengths and features became the major part of the collective personality of our people. So it was ironic that we became a NEW AFRIKAN nationality by relying on the OLD AFRIKAN CIVILIZAT ON within us, the only psychosociological fibre which was able to survive the ‘middle passage’ of the slave trade and the terrorism of the plantation system’s “breaking in” process, as well as the peculiar isolation of the north american system of slavery. Furthermore the monolithic dependence of Black people colonized in the u.s. on the Afrikanity as expounded in this civilizational context is so well entrenched in all levels of our existence, as a people that it has been a significant mode of defense in the face of the dehumanizing process of the u.s. domestic imperial system. In fact, it comprises even, at times and in certain circumstances, more than many other Afrikan peoples the basis of our ‘psychological makeup manifested in a community of culture. I say this because in many areas of the world ‘which the plantation system built’ which is the Americas and the Caribbean the Afrikan nationality is based almost exclusively on one OLD Afrikan nationality or another, or there are still conflicts that appear to be based on the lack of integration of old Afrikan nationalities into a New Afrikan nationality. However with Afrikans colonized in the u.s. the culture is clearly homogeneous, absorbing all the Afrikan elements into a body and outlook which clearly distinguishes it from the cultures of the european settler nation-state of the u.s., but undeniably anchored in the rhythems of our Afrikan Civilization.

Without the maintaining of the centrality of Afrikan women in all levels of our impoverished and colonized society as well as the optimism of our Afrikan outlook permeating and piercing through the european religions which were forced our ancestors our attempts to bring about a new cohesion and integration of our people would have been destroyed long ago. Therefore, in a word, it was because of the PAN AFRIKAN character of our solidarity we were able to become a NEW nationality in the face of resisting the destruction of our old Afrikan nationalities by the imperialist slave traders’ and slavemasters’ plantation system. Thus, in a real scientific and historical sense we are Afrikans, but also a New Afrikan nationality and hence we are NEW AFRIKANS and not Afro-americans as we have been led to believe on account of the lack of maturity of our Black nationalist ideology which like everything else which characterizes a colonized people: our nationalism has been forcibly arrested and distorted because we have been denied the free development of nations.

LONG LIVE NEW AFRIKA!
REMEMBER THE JONESTOWN MASSACRE! THE BLACK NATION CHARGES GENOCIDE!

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Chesimard Murder Case Dropped Because of Delay in Holding Trial Oct. 26, 1977 NY Times

Murder and robbery charges against Joanne D. Chesimard were dismissed in State Supreme Court in Brooklyn yesterday on the ground that the state had delayed too long in bringing her to trial:

“People have constitutional rignts, ana you can’t shuffle them around,” Justice John R. Starkey said in granting a dismissal motion by William M. Kunstler and Lawrence Stern, Miss Chesimard’s defense lawyers.

The charges against the 29‐year‐old former leader of the so‐called Black Liberation Army had stemmed from the holdup of a Brooklyn social club at 1510 Broadway on Jan. 2, 1973. A patron, Richard Nelson, was shot and killed during the holdup.

Justice Starkey said yesterday that the District Attorney could appeal his decision, but that since it was made “with prejudice,” Miss Chesimard could not be indicted again on the same charges.

Convicted in Trooper’s Death

District Attorney Eugene Gold of Brooklyn said late yesterday that no decision had been reached yet on whether to file an appeal. Mr. Gold said the case had been delayed in being brought to trial as the result of an agreement between the Governors of New York and New Jersey on which state would get priority.

Continue reading the main story

Miss Chesimard is now serving a life sentence in a New Jersey prison following her conviction for murder in the shooting of a New Jersey state trooper during a gun battle on the New Jersey Turnpike on May 2, 1973. She was brought to Rikers Island for the hearing before Justice Starkey.

Mr. Kunstler said late yesterday that he would try to keep Miss Chesimard there rather than have her return to New Jersey, where he described the prison conditions as deplorable.

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“She’s the only woman in an all‐male jail,” he said, “and the only other woman she sees is the orderly.”

As a result, Mr. Kunstler said, he 19 drawing up habeas corpus papers to be submitted today to try to prevent Miss Chesimard’s return to prison in New Jersey.

Continue reading the main story

The Important of Assata Shakur’s 40th Anniversay of Her Liberation From Prison – Haki Kweli Shakur

Several Court Victories

The dismissal of the indictment yesterday marked the latest in a string of court victories for the black activist. These include acquittals on three separate charges of bank robbery and kidnapping and the dismissal of a charge of attempted murder.

Three other persons have teen indicted with Miss Chesimard in the social‐club holdup. One, Melvin Kearney, died last year when he fell eight floors while trying to escape from the Brooklyn House of Detention. Another, Twymon Myers, was killed by police while a fugitive. And the third, Andrew Jackson, had the charges against him dismissed when two prosecution witnesses could not identify him in a lineup.

source:

Support Comrade Lokmar: The Long Distance New Afrikan Revolutionary

Support Comrade Lokmar: The Long Distance New Afrikan Revolutionary

a support call for Comrade Lokmar by Brother Khalfani Malik Khaldun

In 1987, I met Lincoln Love aka Comrade Lokmar Abdul-Wadood while being housed/segregated at Westville Correctional Center (WCC), a disciplinary unit. He was in segregation in association with the 1985 Revolutionary Resistance that occurred at the Indiana Reformatory aka Pendleton Correctional Facility. Labeled a riot/takeover by IDOC Prisoncrats, this event was a response to prison officers beating Lokmar, causing extensive head/face injuries. Leaving him bleeding and nearly dead.

Word of this beating reached Pendleton’s General Population and several of Lokmar’s comrades took action in an attempt to save his life. This is an event hated by the Prisoncrats all across this state. He and his comrades spent decades in Solitary Confinement. For nearly 40 plus years, Lokmar has been an advocate/staunch proactive Revolutionary inside Indiana’s Plantations. He’s been a teacher, educator, jailhouse lawyer, and civil litigator for years. Respected by everybody, he is an elder statesman who I can personally attest to being a giant humbly living in the shadows.

In 1987, when I met him at Westville, he had at least 500 books in his cell. In the past year, he has had 2 strokes, and although he still has at least 1 family member alive in his corner, he really needs your support out there. Please write to him and assist this deserving brother in whatever way you can.

You may reach him at:

Lincoln “Lokmar Wadood” Love #5268
1000 Van Nuys Road
P.O. Box E
New Castle, IN 47362

We need to ensure that he is getting the proper medical treatment he needs at this time. Thank you. In solidarity.

Support Call for Comrade Lokmar from Aaron Isby-Israel

Lokmar Yazid Abdul-Wadood aka Lincoln Love had a second stroke at the New Castle Correctional Facility in New Castle, Indiana, and was taken to an outside hospital on 04/22/2019.

Brother Lokmar has been held captive in the Indiana prison system since 1973, for a wrongful murder conviction from East Chicago, Indiana, where he was born and raised. Brother Lokmar has been serving two life sentences. For more than forty years Lokmar has practiced the Islamic faith as a sunni muslim and has been a devoted brother in the New African revolutionary struggle. I have known brother Lokmar for about 26 years and this brother has a lot of love for black people and has always helped all Prisoners no matter what their race is. Lokmar has also been a freedom fighter and tenacious Litigator in the courts in Indiana (Federal/State), helping many prisoners gain their release from Prison. Lokmar was born in 1952, during the emerging civil rights movement. He is a good brother and Human being and he needs a showing of support!

You can put money on Lokmar’s books and message him at web.connectnetwork.com.

Below are articles from Indiana newspapers from 1985 and 1987 that discuss the 1985 uprising that Lokmar was at the center of, and its aftermath.

IDOC WATCH

Source:https://www.idocwatch.org/blog-1/support-comrade-lokmar

NIGERIA AS AN EXAMPLE OF WHAT WENT WRONG WITH AFRICA?

NIGERIA AS AN EXEMPLAR OF WHAT WENT WRONG

Notes on Nigeria

When it achieved independence from Britain on October 1, 1960, Nigeria was widely thought of by outsiders as the hope of Africa. It had had a peaceful transition to independence and a sufficiency of agricultural and mineral resources. The human resources included a decently trained and experienced civil service, an educated elite trained in British universities or at the University of Ibadan, and a small professional army. There were several political parties rather than the one often found in newly independent states. The 1952 British conducted census revealed a population of 35 million by far the largest in black Africa, so there was a decent sized internal market for industry. Both Time and Newsweek trumpeted this new giant. Yet the post independence history has been depressing, for Nigerians and their friends.

Biafra: International Discussion Biafran Genocide is Explained to Blacks in U.S. with Guest Lizzy Chimua & Other Biafran Guest – Haki Kweli Shakur

Theme 1: It is difficult for outsiders to evaluate an area. When success looks inevitable to them, it is time to be cautious.

Theme 2: A political, educational, and economic structure imposed from outside is likely to create problems unless it is a good “fit” to prevailing conditions. A long period of “tutelage” can make such imposed structures seem more natural, but they may still founder.

Theme 3: Multi-ethnic and multi-lingual states need a strong set of countervailing forces to keep them together. In the best of circumstances these should include a decent economy with shares for all, a set of icons like a glorious history of shared struggle, martyrs and wise men among the founding fathers, and recognized but hopefully low level of external threats.

Theme 4: The kinds of people who were the “elite” in colonial times may not be the right ones to run a country after independence. But they usually self select themselves for that purpose.

Theme 5: Countries put together by outsiders are often not a good natural “fit.” There are likely to be strong regional conflicts. Regional conflict incidentally is quite common. Our civil war, the separatist movements in Europe and the north-south split in China are 3 examples out of many.

Theme 6: Being a “favored race” of the former colonizing power is often not an enviable status once independence is achieved. Ibos in Nigeria and Sikhs in India are just two of numberous cases that could be cited. The fact that such groups tend to be minorities increases their problems.

Theme 7: Discovery of “wealth” or a quick jump in prices of a commodity may mean disaster rather than development. Iran, Mexico and Nigeria all are still suffering from the oil price rise bonanza of the 1970s.

The atlas provides some basic facts. The Statesman’s Yearbook can be consulted for the current situation. And the accompanying maps should also help in gaining an overall geographic perspective.

Biafra Xenophobia governments like nigeria are responsible for Biafran Deaths in South Africa – Haki Kweli Shakur

Geography: The boundaries of present day Nigeria were imposed by the British after negotiations with the neighboring colonial powers France and Germany. Nonetheless, one can see a basic “sense” in a country formed largely around the drainage basins of the Niger-Benue. One might also ask whether these might not also serve to delineate 3 countries rather than 1. The map shows a country with a gentle rise in elevation proceeding from the coast inland and two major upland areas, the Jos and Mambilla plateaus. This looks and is easier to penetrate and provide transport over than many African countries. A closer look would reveal obstacles that have been significant starting with the mangrove swamps and dense coastal forests.

A “belt” — the so-called Middle Belt — in central Nigeria puzzled the colonialists, because it had fewer people and settlements than areas to the south or north. Extensions of this belt are found to the east and west of Nigeria. For quite a while it was ascribed to natural conditions. Its cause is actually historical, the incursions of the Islamic Fulani horsemen from the north in jihads in the 1700s and 1800s. In essence, this is a classic political-geographic “shatterbelt.”

Resources: gold and slaves were sought early. The gold proved skimpier than hoped and the slave trade ended officially in 1815. The colonial powers always looked for mineral resources. In Nigeria the British exploited the tin of the Jos Plateau and the coal around Enugu. Both have been eclipsed in importance by the petroleum (even bigger natural gas resources not currently significant — flared off mostly) in the Niger delta and offshore.

Agricultural resources originally were a major attraction. These included the cocoa of the southwest, cotton and groundnuts (peanuts) of the north, and oil palm of the southeast. Firms like Cadbury and Lever Bros. Were important in their early exploitation. There have been fitful attempts to grow and exploit rubber east of Benin.

Multinationals have been prominent in African economies. In Nigeria, major players include the United Africa Company, Lever Brothers and Shell.

Biafra: Xenophobia is a construct of European/Chinese Imperialism – Haki Kweli Shakur

History: The history of Nigeria did not start with the British! On the northern borders were impressive empires such as Songhai and Bornu that engaged in trading with the Mediterranean and the Arab world. [“Morocco” leather was based on hides from west Africa’s savannah.] In the southwest was the unique Oyo civilization with its classical center at Ile-Ife and a number of vibrant urban centers. And the kingdom of Benin was renowned throughout and outside West Africa. Relatively recently, traces of interesting civilizations have been found in the southeast. But the impact of the British has been critical in forming the modern country of NIgeria.

Nigeria was part of the old slave and gold coast and a number of European countries had trading posts and forts there. But the British established dominance in the 1800s. In particular, they focused their power on Lagos, the best site to use as a harbor for their efforts to suppress the slave trade after 1815. In 1853, Lagos was made a Protectorate.

The British did not have much luck persuading the local population to help them administer the area. The climate was not such as to attract Britons. And there was considerable reluctance on the part of the native Yorubas to accept these foreigners as having a superior culture and so emulating them. The British solution, as happened elsewhere was to import a “client group,” in this case returned slaves from Sierra Leone, to serve as their agents and civil servants. Many of these people’s descendants are still prominent in the Lagos area and at the national level. The regard in which these folk with their adopted British ways were held can be apprehended by the term applied to them by a prominent Nigerian academic — “deluded hybrids.” Other groups filtered in to dominate smaller retail trade, from the eastern Mediterranean (Cyprus, Lebanon) and India.

Other points of penetration were Bonny and Calabar in the east and Warri and Sapele in the center. The push north began as a reaction to the fear of French penetration from Senegal eastward and even up the Niger. It was tough going. But by the first decade of this century, the task of forming Nigeria was done. Originally, the south and north were governed separately. The British, unlike other colonial powers, liked to rule through the native elite unless there were rich resources locally. In many areas of their Empire, they never expected or wanted to stay forever, unlike the French or Portuguese, and indirect rule fitted in well with this philosophy. Especially in the north, they found this an efficient arrangement in Nigeria. Why, then, is Nigeria one country rather than two, or three? Administrative convenience and the sense of “tidiness” of the colonial administrator, Lord Lugard.

Britain after WW II started to seriously plan independence for many of its territories. Places that had given trouble and the parts not favored by British settlers were first on the list. A number of constitutional meetings were held to plan the future nature of the independent countries. Asian possessions (except Hong Kong) went first, later Africa and the Americas. In West Africa, Ghana was felt most ready economically and in terms of its elite to receive indepedence and got it in 1956. Nigeria waited until 1960. Perhaps the major reason for the delay was the reluctance of the northern, Islamic, elite to see the British leave. They had kept a lot of their powers and there were few missionaries and the accompanying western education. They feared independence, too soon, would expose them to a “takeover” by “more advanced” southerners. As it turns out, northerners have dominated national politics because of their population weight; but they have depended heavily on allies from the south — sometimes eastern Ibos, sometimes western Yorubas along with Christians from the middle belt — to run the country.

The Political System since independence has had some constancies and some changes. The British, as they did elsewhere but not in their own country, left a federal system embedded in a parliamentary one. Originally there were three states — north, west, and east. The association of these with the three major ethnic groups and the dominance of the northern state in population led to fears of one dominating. So over the years the number of states has grown to 31 as the original three have been split. The south still fears the north’s population,islamic faith and political dominance; the north still distrusts the Christian and better educated south. When the army decided to return to the barracks in the 1970s they called a constitutional committee together. It set up a strong presidential system, rather like that of the United States. That worked no better than the parliamentary one between 1979-1983. But it will be tried again. Emulating the American arrangement, thehead of state between 1983-1994, General Babangida,decreed that there will be two political parties — one slightly right of center, one just left of center. In light of our own discussions of limited terms for office holders, it may be interested to know that all former office holders including the incumbents were forbidden to run again [this ban was later lifted]. In the event, elections were held but then annulled and the Yoruba (southwesterner) moslem who won the presidency has been in jail since he (maybe foolishly) decided to return to Nigeria to claim fruits of victory after spending a period of exile in Britain. The current head of state, General Sani Abacha, has a long history of involvement in previous coups and, perhaps based on his own experience, has cracked down harshly on dissent. While nominally starting the process for a return to civilian rule (by 1998?), he has hanged or otherwise disposed of dissident elements and critics.

The Urban System in colonial countries is usually influenced by the needs of the outsiders. That is true in Nigeria, as a famous geographer, Akin Mabogunje, has written. Some towns, like Kaduna and Enugu, were created from scratch — for administrative and mining purposes respectively. Others, like Ibadan, grew under colonialism. Still others, bypassed by the transport system built under colonialism, lost importance relatively or absolutely. Lagos, like other colonial capitals, became the dominant town. In most cases as in this one, a geographer could suggest a better balanced urban system. The key difference between city systems created in colonial and noncolonial systems is that the former reflect (capitalist) economic rationality much less.

The Transport System is likewise skewed by the administrative and economic needs of the external (metropolitan is a term often used) power. Taafe, Morrill and Gould in a classic 1962 paper describe stages in transport development in colonial societies. There is a focus first on coastal points of control and ingress. The routes are then pushed inland to areas needing quick access to put down potential unrest, secondarily perhaps to areas of attractive resources. Finally, some attention is paid to cross-connecting these routes. Over time, but it is often a long time, differential development becomes based on economic returns. In Nigeria, the threads of the colonial system are still very obvious. There are the railway lines from Lagos through Ibadan to Kaduna for administrative control purposes and to bring out cotton and peanuts from the north; off this is a spur to the Jos tin mines. The eastern line to the coal at Enugu also has a spur to Jos. The major road system, denser because roads cost less and are more flexible, has similar colonial antecedents.

Like Alaska and Siberia with their permafrost, roads in tropical areas subject to heavy seasonal downpours need to be ballasted heavily. Otherwise they can wash out in one rainy season. In Nigeria and many other black African countries this is usually not done. Reasons include lack of money and “siphoning” of money from road construction to political pockets. On my first stay in Nigeria in the 1970s, a contractor who should know told me that the kickback to officials varied regionally but was usually 25 percent in the south and up to 50 percent in the north. A thin smooth coat of asphalt is usually enough to get a road approved for payment. [Some roads financed by the World Bank which knows of these problems are shining exceptions to the generally deteriorating streets and highways.] Some recent estimates say that 75 percent of the income from oil exports since 1973 has been illegally diverted in one way or another.

The Economic System in third world countries has been described by many authors. Among the most interesting commentators are W. Arthur Lewis, Joan Robinson, E. Wallerstein, Michael Watts and Gunder Frank. The major and obvious point is that the “modern” economies in these countries were designed for the benefits of outsiders. This has meant focus on commercial rather than food crops, “factory” or plantation agriculture with docile or skilled labor brought from outside if locals were unwilling or unable to serve efficiently, extraction but not much processing of raw materials and generally unbalanced industrial growth. This can take decades to change. Before the civil war in 1967, the major locations of “modern” employment were Lagos, the capital, and in the southeastern palm oil and petroleum centers. This pattern persisted through the 1970s and even by 1990 had been little changed if one excepts growth of government workers in the state capitals.

Firms from the colonizing countries dominated the modern sector. The United Africa Company, Shell and Lever Brothers have been mentioned above. They have parallels in other colonial countries’ territories in Africa, in South and Central America, India and Southeast Asia. In Africa in particular, enterprises run by outsiders from the same colonial system took up what opportunities were left by the multinationals. Thus the Indians and Pakistanis and Greek Cypriots in British colonies, the Lebanese and Syrians in the French. In southeast Asia, the Chinese filled those outsider roles more than anyone else. Reaction of Africans after independence was often to try to control or oust (Uganda, Kenya, Nigeria) these “scavengers of colonialism” as some Nigerian friends called them. With the multinationals, the Nigerians went so far as to mandate “Nigerianization” or ownership of half the company via preferential issuance of shares in the local branches. These shares of course ended up in the hands of the Nigerian elite and the army officers more interested in dividends than in running businesses. True indigenous capitalism in the form of major black owned firms has had a hard time getting started in black Africa. The “market mammies” of Ghana and southwest Nigeria are an interesting partial exception.

The Education System was also externally controlled. It was organized to turn out the low level clerks and sometimes the technical assistants needed in all colonial areas. The French and British took the cream of the crop to their own universities to become ministers or priests, middle level administrators and perhaps doctors or lawyers. The lower levels were taught such germane subjects as British literature, history and geography along with English and mathematics. There was usually care taken to make the students tend the school crop gardens to make sure they did not forget how to be farmers. [The French went further than the British in inculcating their culture, emphasizing correct pronunciation and teaching students about “our ancestors the Gauls.]

Notice the lack of emphasis on business and skills like engineering. Partly this was due to the proclivities of the colonial administrators, partly to a feeling Africans were not suited to these areas, partly a desire not to create competition. There were some universities before independence. In West Africa, the British set up Fourah Bay College in Sierra Leone associated with (as was common) the University of London. The first Nigerian University, founded in 1948 at Ibadan, was also originally an external college of London. After independence, there was an attempt, strongly resisted by the British and by Nigerians educated by them to university level, to introduce technical education and the American land grant philosophy. Thus Ahmadu Bello University at Zaria in the north focused on technology with help from the University of Manchester and the University of Nigeria at Nsukka aided by Michigan State devoted a lot of attention to the social sciences and agriculture.

The Military have been a dominant factor in running Nigeria. This was not intended. The British left a force of about 8,000 on independence. Its Nigerian officers were largely from the Ibos from the southeast with an increasing number inducted from the north and to a lesser extent the southwest in the post independence years. The last British officers left a few years after independence. Northerners always made up the bulk of the troopers. There has always been controversy over the ethnic “balance” of the officer corps. This army ballooned to about 250,000 during the height of the civil war 1967-1970. It has been reduced as expeditiously as possible since to about 100,000 now. [Letting out men with military training into a society with few economic opportunities for them is considered a dangerous business in Africa.] At least up to the present regime, to its credit and perhaps with some thanks to British military tradition, the Nigerian armed forces have generally been reluctant rulers. They did freely turn over power once and say they are committed to doing so again in 1998. But whether they will stay out is an interesting question.

Armies have a peculiar status in many post-colonial societies. They are often made up of many of the ethnic groups in the country (although the proportions may be different) and perhaps apart from some universities there is opportunity for individuals from different groups to interact. By their nature, they deal with machinery, sometimes quite technically advanced. Officers and technicians too are exposed to world class standards, whether these are eastern or western. The services must be organized and disciplined to a much greater extent than civilian society. They are supposed to be national institutions. And training and education are a necessity not a luxury. The armed services in many ways seem better suited to running a country than the civilian elite. They have often acted on the belief that that is true, aided by the failures of the civilian political system.

Foreign policy of African countries has varied from pro-Western (Kenya) to very pro-Soviet (Guinea and Mozambique until the breakup of the Soviet empire). Its constant factor has been opposition to the white dominated regimes that remained in southern Africa. Now that South Africa has become a “normal” rather than a pariah state it will be interesting to see whether a single theme will emerge other than a general identification with “third world” issues. Possible new focusesare the New World Information Order (licensing journalists) and preferential treatment of trade and debt for poor countries are among these.

Nigeria’s foreign policy outside Africa has been pro-Western and it has been a mainstay of many of the United Nations trucekeeping forces. It had a large contingent in the former Belgian Congo in the early 1960s for instance and Nigerians have served in the UN forces in Lebanon, Somalia and other areas. It was a vociferous supporter of liberation movements in southern Africa. The MPLA government of Angola, in particular, owes its legitimacy as much to Nigerian diplomacy as Soviet arms aid. A major theme has been to try to keep out foreign involvement in African political affairs, especially from the former Colonial powers. There has traditionally been great suspicion of French motives because of the numerous French interventions in the post-independence affairs of its former colonies. In trying to carry out this policy, Nigeria has not only joined but initiated pan-African attempts at resolving internal problems of other states. Notable among these interventions was its role in the Chadian African Intervention forces in the early 1980s (unsuccessful), its attempted mediation in border disputes between Mali and Bourkina Fasso (unsuccessful) and its current role as leader of the military forces of ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) in Liberia. But because of its disproportionate population and, for Africa, wealth Nigeria has often been looked at suspiciously by its neighbors afraid it may use its muscle against their interests.

A final question, and not just for Nigeria is what sorts of people, with what sorts of training are needed to run a successful state. Most Nigerians hope, but do not necessarily expect, that part of the qualification should be that the rulers be civilians.

NIGERIA. “Nigeria’s Rulers, ignoring court, decide to hold presidential vote,” Kenneth B. Noble, NYT 12Jn93,p.4 talks of reaction to Justice Bassey Ikpeme’s order to postpone the vote. Michael O’Brien, director of the USIA, being expelled for “blatant interference” in saying postponement would be unacceptable. Also credentials being withdrawn from 8 Americans here as election observers. Polls showed Moshood Abiola, Social Democratic Party, a Yoruba ahead with 47.3% of Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Party and a Kano man. Both are muslims and friends of current military president Ibrahim Babangida.

“Nigerian army sets aside election intended to restore democracy,” Kenneth B. Noble, NYT 17Jn93, p.1 reports on legal challenge to suppress reporting results. Growing indications were that Moshood Abiola was having a decisive win. “Nigeria rights group cites opposition’s gains,” Kenneth B. Noble, NYT 19Jn93, p.2 reports on the release by the Campaign for Democracy of final results. Moshood Abiola was said to have won 19 of the 30 states. The story notes this is a setback for the Hausa-Fulani group of the north; both candidates are muslims but

“Nigeria reveals census’ total, 88.5 million, and little more” NYT, 25 Mr 92, p.12. There is still considerable doubt about how many Nigerians there are. The 1952 British census was an undercount, the 1962 and the 1963 recounts were inflated and the 1973 census was annulled after it was taken — possibly because it revealed facts about the country the rulers did not want to acknowledge. The December, 1991 census counted some 30 million less Nigerians than most thought existed. It seems to have been an honest attempt at a count, at least according to most official observers.

“Nigeria had to act against coup plotters,” NYT, 2 Se 95, 18 is a letter from the Nigerian Ambassador to the US, Zubair M. Kazaure, justifying detention and death sentences for those suspected in a recent coup plot. He also justifies other aspects of domestic policies including Abacha’s 1993 takeover and the regime’s economic and political actions. Interesting alternate views are presented in Bob Herbert’s column in the Times of August 14 titled “The Fantasy Coup,” which generated this letter from Ambassador Kazaure. Letters from Nigerian exiles in the US have often had uncomplimentary things to say about his character and veracity.

“Repression in Nigeria,” Howard W. French reporting from Abidjan, Ivory Coast in the NYT, 12 No 95, 18 says that going ahead with execution of eight ethnic activists, the country’s leader, General Sani Abacha, was betting that international isolation was “less terrifying than the perils of Nigeria’s internal politics.”

“Commonwealth suspends Nigeria over executions,” Reuters to NYT, 12 No 95, 18 reports on the action of the 52 member Commonwealth. It is unprecedented. Only Gambia, currently under military rule, dissented. President Nelson Mandela of South Africa has been a driving force behind strong actions against the Nigerian regime.

“Nigerian government hangs 9 activists,” CDT(AP), Frank Aigbogun, 13 No 95, 10 reports that the eight final words of Ken Saro-Wiwa before his body went limp were “Lord take my soul, but the struggle continues.” It also reports that because of faulty equipment it took five attempts to hang the anti-government activist. Eight countries, including the United States, withdrew their ambassadors from Nigeria in protest. Ken was perhaps the most prominent Ogboni activist — the group inhabits the main oil-producing area of the country and has been complaining of not receiving enough compensation for the environmental damage done to their environment and livelihood by the oil industry. The major company involved, Shell has come under attack for not pressing the government to commute the sentences and for appearing to support it by going ahead with a $4 billion natural gas liquefaction program. Shell says it has no influence on the government and says if it didn’t cooperate with the government some other oil or gas firm would.

“Nigeria Foaming,” The Economist, 18 No 95, 15-16 raises the question of whether the execution of 9 political activists protesting injustices to the Ogoni people will be forgotten soon by outsiders — eager to make money from Nigerian oil and gas. Oil revenues are systematically stolen and squandered says the article and even though Nigeria is not the most brutal country in the world, it is the most misruled.

“After the hangings,” The Economist, 18 No 95, 18 notes the executions were announced while Nigerians were glued to the Nigeria-Uzbekistan soccer match. National news at 9pm ignored them as did state-controlled radio.

“Nigeria sees its sinking fortune in a soccer group’s snub”, Howard W. French, NYT, 6 Ap 95, A5 talks about the recent cancellation of the FIFA world junior championship to have been held here. Given the soccer madness that infects Nigeria, this snub may have hurt more than most. The argument was that security was not sufficient. “But perhaps more than security, soccer officials were also concerned about what has made life intolerable for many Nigerians: a level of corruption so high and an absence of basic public services so complete that many have concluded that the only service the military Government provides is to rob its own people…As with other tax money that frequently finds its way into the pockets of officials here, little of the budget allocated to get ready for the soccer tournament seemed to have been spent for its intended purpose….said one professor who spoke in his shabby offices where he rarely ventures [] because his salary arrives months behind schedule. ‘The sad fact is that without organizations like FIFA to bear down on us in all facets of life, this country, the way it is going, will never work.”

Source:

https://personal.ems.psu.edu/~williams/print/nigeria.htm

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30 Mother Goddess of Igboland – Ugo Nwamama

❌ 💢➕🔻🔺️
Names Of Various IGBO Mother Goddesses:

1. NNE-CHUKWU – The Supreme Mother Of The Universe.

2. NNE-ANA – Mother Earth.

3. NNE-OMA – Mother Of Purity.

4. NNE-ONWA – Mother Moon.

5. NNE-ONO NA MBU – The Mother Who Was At The Very Beginning Of Time.

6. NNE-ONU – Mother Of The Watery Abyss.

7. NNE-ATU – Mother Bull And Thoughts.

8. NNE-AGWU – Mother Of All Infinite Wisdom And Knowlegde.

9. NNE-UWA – Mother Of The Cosmic Egg.

10. NNE-ETE – The Mother Who Detamines The Structural Plan Of The Cosmos.

11. NNE-IGBO – Mother Of The Forest Of Life And Her Children.

12. NNE-OBI – Mother Of Hearts And Home.

13. NNE-UTO – Sweet Mother / Mother Of Cosmic Growth.

14. NNE-ELE – Mother Of The Infinite.

15. NNE-IYI – Mother Of The Celestial Waters.

16. NNE-MMIRI – Mother Water.

17. NNE-NRI – Mother Of The Priest Kings.

18. NNE-OFO – Mother Of Sacred Truths.

19. NNE-CHI – Mother Of Spiritual Energy And The Core Of The Cosmos.

20. NNE-OSHIMIRI – Mother Ocean.

21. NNE-OKWA – Mother Of Thrones And The Guinea Fowl.

22. NNE-BU-ISI – The Mother Who Was First.

23. NNE-OKPU – Mother Creator.

24. NNE-EKE – Mother Of The Cosmic Light

25. NNE-ORIE – Mother Of The Cosmic Watery Wave.

26. NNE-AFO – Mother Of The Earthly Soil.

27. NNE-NKWO – Mother Of Cosmic Winds

28. NNE M’UZU – The Mother Of The First Iron Smelting. The Mother That Knows Iron.

29. NNE-IKENGA – The Mother Of All Moving Energy Forces.

30. NNE-NWANYI-CHUKWU – The Supreme Elderly Lady God.

If There’s Anyone I Didn’t Mention, Drop Their Names On The Comment Section. Also Note That My English Translations Of The Names Of These Mother Goddess Doesn’t Give Full Detail Of What They Are. Each Of These Goddesses Are School Of Thoughts On Their Own.

Odinani/Omenala/AFA The Sacred Science of SELF – Haki Kweli Shakur

 

NGWANU

YAGAZIWEZIE

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