Brexit, Texit, Blaexit! or The Republic of New Afrika

Brexit, Texit, Blaexit! or The Republic of New Afrika

What about Blaexit? If Texas succeeds and California, what about the North American African Nation? What happened to Nation Time? What happened to the Nation of Islam, the Republic of New Afrika? What happened to the call for a United Nations supervised plebiscite or vote of the people to decide if we should declare our independence as North American Africans who have been denied the right of self-determination? In our vision of the USA, we see a Balkinization of ethnic groups into nation-states, so the question is what will be the agenda of North American Africans? What part of this American pie do we want? The whites are already clamoring for their part of the American pie (of course they want the whole enchilada) but demographics will deny them the whole enchilada unless civil war is the endgame. We see the British avoided civil war but their battle with the globalists is hardly over. As Mao said, the reactionaries will never put down their butcher knives, they will never turn into Buddha heads! Even as we speak they are calling for a second referendum.

But Texit and Calexit, at least think about Blaxit, a nation of your own or do you desire to be forever under the domination of white supremacy. We who are revolutionary Black nationalists must never give up our desire for nationhood. But if you don’t demand anything, you only get more of the same. Aren’t you tired of treading water in a pitiful state, repeating the mistakes of the past leadership that has only led us into the political slave camp of the Democratic Party to be hoodwinked and bamboozled again and again? “Power concedes nothing without demands; it never has and never will!”, said ancestor Frederick Douglas.
–Marvin X

Republic of New Afrika PGRNA 50th Commemoration 3-31-68 – 2018 Land, Independence, Ujamaa

For thousands of years, Black People in Africa had enjoyed Freedom, Independence, Self-Government and Self-Determination. When Black People came to the Americas as adventurers and explorers and established settlements here, they maintained their love for freedom, independence, self-government and self-determination.

And, when Black People were brought to this land as slaves, Our most powerful motive was to regain Our freedom, independence, self-government and self-determination. From day one, Black People rebelled and sought a way-of-life that was more rewarding and beneficial to Us. We did so in 1526 by rebelling against the Spaniards in South Carolina and running to the Indians, who helped Us drive the Spanish away and experience the self-governing process again. Thus began Our quest to establish a Black nation, a REPUBLIC OF NEW AFRIKA, in North America.

To the Black People who were forced to come to this land, Black Nationalism was a top priority. Self-government was what Blacks wanted more than anything else. Between 1850 and 1860, Blacks became more daring in their determination to rule themselves. For 250 years they had expressed their nationalistic desires by rebelling against whites, terrorizing whites and establishing camps that were governed by Black People.

Throughout the Civil War Black People demonstrated a preference for self-government by taking every opportunity available to govern themselves. Black People flocked in large numbers to areas where northern armies had won battles, and confronted the military officers with situations that could only be controlled if immediate governments were established. Black People would have to run those governments, and had a right to.

In 1864, Special Field Order #15 set aside for Black People a stretch of land from Charleston, S.C. to the country bordering the St. John’s River in Florida. In this area, the official order read, “no white person whatsoever, unless military officers and soldiers detained for duty, will be permitted to reside; and the sole and exclusive management of affairs [of government] will be left to the free people [Black People] themselves.”

Similar centers were established in Mississippi, where more than 70,000 Blacks established governments where all property was under Black government and control, and where all Black residents had the inalienable right to liberty. With such settlements as these, on land from South Carolina to Florida and Mississippi that had been declared Ours, We, Black People, settled down to manage Our affairs [and did a good job].” We wanted to continue managing Our affairs, too. For this reason We resisted efforts made later on by the federal government to take away Our land and oftentimes only gave it up after We had been defeated in battle by army troops.

In the late 1960s, a convention of Black delegates met in Detroit, Michigan and proclaimed that Black People in the United States were in fact a Nation of People separate from the American people. This convention of delegates, including Imari Obadele (who was later elected president of the Black Nation) gave that Nation of People a name, the Republic of New Afrika. The Republic of New Afrika took the concept of Black Nationalism to its ultimate stage when, in 1968, it declared Black People to be free and independent of the United States government.

The Republic of New Afrika declared Black People’s independence because it “believes that Black People in Amerikkka make up a nation of people, a people separate and apart from the Amerikkkan people. The RNA also believes that as a nation of people, We are entitled to all of the rights of a nation, including the right to land and self-determination. The RNA further believes that all the land in Amerikkka, upon which Black People have lived for a long time, worked and made rich as slaves, and fought to survive on is land that belongs to Us as a People, and it is land We must gain control of because, as Malcolm X said, land is the basis of independence, freedom, justice and equality.

We cannot talk about self-determination without discussing it within the context of land. Therefore, the RNA [identified the five states of Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia and South Carolina as Black People’s land and] believes that gaining control of Our land is the fundamental struggle facing Black People. Without land, Black Power, rights and freedom have no substance.
CBS News June 25, 2016, 12:31 AM
From Brexit to Texit? Renewed calls for Texas secession after EU vote

The state flag of Texas.
FORT WORTH, Texas — Britain’s startling vote to leave the European Union has reignited talks of secession in Texas, CBS Dallas-Fort Worth reported.

Daniel Miller, head of the Texas Nationalist Movement, sent a tweet to Gov. Greg About Friday morning calling on him to schedule a statewide referendum on “Texas independence.”
The hashtag #Texit was trending locally, according to CBS DFW. People at the Fort Worth Stockyards had mixed reactions to the idea.
“It’s worth a shot. I’d be happy,” resident Tab Pigg told the station, saying the East and West Coasts “run everything.”

“No one knows we’re even here,” Pigg continued. “Best thing we could do is let them have it. They want to make a wreck out of their part of the world, let ’em wreck it.”
“I feel like that’s almost a little arrogant,” said Clavin Wiese, a tourist from Boston visiting Fort Worth. “What are you, too good to be part of the rest of us, the United States? I don’t know.”
Texas was an independent country from 1836 to 1845 and breaking away from the U.S. has been an age-old debate there.

In December, the Texas Republican Party rejected a proposed, non-binding ballot initiative that would have let voters consider secession during the March 1 primary. The measure would have read: “If the federal government continues to disregard the Constitution” and Texas sovereignty, the state “should reassert the prior status as an independent nation.”
State GOP leaders also abandoned a plank in the party’s platform last month that would have supported a secession referendum.

Miller told Reuters his group has a quarter of a million supporters and will try again for a statewide vote in 2018.
“Texit is in the air,” he said.

Former Texas Gov. Rick Perry is among those who have vaguely flirted with the idea of secession in the past, although a spokeswoman said in 2012 that while Perry “shares the frustrations many Americans have with our federal government,” for the former GOP presidential candidate “believes in the greatness of our Union and nothing should be done to change it.”



Professional Revolutionary By Zayd Shakur

Zayd Malik Shakur~ Black Liberation Army ~ Author ~A PROFESSIONAL REVOLUTIONARY ~ To those of us who have dedicated our lives to the liberation of Black people, who have dared to say, “We shall have our freedom or the earth will be leveled by our attempts to gain it,” death is a common occurrence. It is something we had to accept, for we knew that in waging struggle to free ourselves from the chains of slavery, our choices are small, either to be jailed or assassinated – but we had nothing to lose and everything to gain.

We know that where there is struggle there is sacrifice. The death of Zayd Malik Shakur was a sacrifice, for in our struggle some deaths are lighter than a feather and others are as weighty as a mountain. The death of Zayd Malik Shakur was/as is the death of all revolutionaries and freedom fighters/weightier than a mountain, for Zayd not only practiced the principles of revolutionary warfare – he taught others to do the same.

Mutulu Shakur Speaks on Sundiata Acoli, Zayd Shakur, Kwando, Sekou Odinga, Assata, Lumumba Shakur

Zayd used to say, “A revolutionary is a professional, so you must be a professional revolutionary.” In his life and death Zayd said: I may – if you wish – lose my livelihood I may sell my shirt and bed, I may work as a stonecutter, A street sweeper, a porter. I may clean your stores Or rummage your garbage for food. I may lay down hungry, O enemy of the Sun, But I shall not compromise And to the last pulse in my veins I shall resist. You may take the last strip of my land, Feed my youth to prison cells. You may plunder my heritage, You may burn my books, my poems Or feed my flesh to the dogs. You may spread a web of terror On the roofs of my village, O Enemy of the Sun, But I shall not compromise And to the last pulse in my veins I shall resist. You may put out the light in my eyes. You may deprive me of my mother’s kisses. You may curse my father, my People, You may distort my history, You may deprive my children of a smile And of life’s necessities. You may fool my friends with a borrowed face. You may build walls of hatred around me. You may glue my eyes to humiliations, O Enemy of the Sun, But I shall not compromise And to the last pulse in my veins I shall resist. O Enemy of the Sun The decorations are raised at the port. The ejaculations fill the air, A glow in the hearts, And in the horizon A sail is seen Challenging the wind And the depths. It is Field Marshall Dedan Kamathi (Mau Mau) Returning home From the sea of loss. It is the return of the Sun, Of my exiled ones And for her sake, and his I swear I shall not compromise And to the last pulse in my veins I shall resist, Resist–and resist. Zayd Malik Shakur A Spark in the Prairie Fire Black Panther Party


Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI

Adding color to the royal family doesn’t wipe out their debts to Black people and Colonial Damage #ConversationReparations

For centuries, the British Monarchs made untold wealth through slave trading and free labor

The British royals may be set to welcome a Black member into their family, but that doesn’t mean they’re off the hook for hundreds of years of colonizing and enslaving Africans and dark-skinned people around the globe, all while amassing a ton of wealth in the process.

Sorry to be the one to throw cold water on the recent announcement of Prince Harry and Meghan Markle‘s engagement, but somebody has to do it.

For one, despite the media craze surrounding Markle, a biracial African-American actor, would not be the first royal of African descent. There was Philippa of Hainault (1314-69), the Queen-Consort of Edward III, and Queen Charlotte (1744-1818), who was descended from the Black branch of the Portuguese royal family, and whose namesakes are the cities of Charlotte, North Carolina and Charlottesville, Virginia. Harry’s grandmother, Queen Elizabeth II, is the great-great-great-great-granddaughter of Queen Charlotte–the first Black Queen of England.

One should not overlook the optics and symbolism of having a woman of color as a member of a family that represents a most conspicuous and potent symbol of white European wealth and power. Surely, the white supremacists that Trump retweets–the Britain First crowd, those who embrace Brexit and assassinated a member of Parliament–are reacting to the news with horror and rage.

Royal Royalties British Family From Slavery Global Oppression – Haki Kweli Shakur


There’s something to be said for breaking down traditionally white spaces, whether the White House or Buckingham Palace, but the conversations cannot stop there, lest we praise the symbolism and lose sight of the substance.

The British royal family presided over the exploitation of untold millions of people in Africa, India and around the world. Britain’s national wealth, and the riches of the royal family were built off the backs of slaves, making the Industrial Revolution possible.

The Duke of York and his brother Charles II, founded the Royal African Company, an English slave-trading company, was founded by the Duke of York and his brother King Charles II. Britain dominated the international slave trade, and its raping and pillaging of West Africa was highly profitable for the royal family. According to the National Archives, between 1640 and 1807, Britain transported an estimated 3.1 million Africans to its colonies in the Caribbean, North and South America and other countries. Of that number, 2.7 million arrived.

When Britain abolished slavery in 1833, the country paid its 46,000 slave owners the modern-day equivalent of £17 billion (US$23 billion) in compensation, representing 40 percent of the government’s annual expenditures and the largest bailout in British history until the 2009 bank bailout. Those families and their present-day descendants became wealthy from the enslavement of Black people. Meanwhile, the 800,000 Africans, mostly working in the Caribbean plantations, received not a penny, and were forced to work as low wage apprentices for their former masters until 1838.

According to Dr. Robert Beckford, a British academic theologian, Britain owes the Caribbean a total of £7.5 trillion (US$10.1 trillion), which includes an estimated £4 trillion (US$5.4 trillion) it stole from the region in unpaid labor, £2.5 trillion (US$3.4 trillion) in unjust enrichment to the British economy, and another £1 trillion (US$1.3 trillion) in pain and suffering.

The British do not want to pay reparations, opting for an emphasis on trade and cooperation with Jamaica and its other former colonies in the Caribbean. The CARICOM member states have a ten-point plan to seek slavery reparations from European nations for “the region’s indigenous and African descendant communities who are the victims of Crimes against Humanity (CAH) in the forms of genocide, slavery, slave trading, and racial apartheid.”

Conversation Reparations/ The Historical Struggle – Haki Kweli Shakur


The British royal family owes Black people untold wealth for African slavery and colonialism, and the millions of Black lives lost. These debts are not wiped out simply because Meghan Markle is wearing a crown.

David A. Love December 4, 2017


The Virginia Company of London 1606-1624

From the PBS series Africans in America: The goal of the Virginia Company was clear enough: establish a permanent colony in America that would make a profit for the Company. The company, chartered by King James I in April, 1606, was comprised of two divisions. The Plymouth Company would establish a short-lived colony at the mouth of the Kennebec River near what is now Phippsburg, Maine. The London Company would establish Jamestown in Virginia, England’s first permanent settlement in the New World.
There were two ways to become a member of the London Company. If you had money to buy shares in the Company but were inclined to remain safe and snug in England, you could invest as an “Adventurer.” If you really were adventurous and didn’t mind travelling to the new colony, you could become a member of the Company as a “Planter.”
Planters were required to work for the Company for a set number of years. In exchange for this work — or, more precisely, servitude — the company provided housing, clothing, and food. At the end of the servitude the planter would be granted a piece of land and be free of obligations to the company. In addition, the planter would be entitled to a share of the profits made by the company. (The company also recruited indentured servants, who would work for a set number of years, typically seven, in exchange for passage to the colony.)

Sounds like a good deal, doesn’t it? It really wasn’t. The lives of these colonists were difficult and unpleasant, to say the least.

The planters were really servants of the company. They had no real freedom and were kept by force in the company. They had no choice but to accept any changes that the Governor or company decided to make, including an extension of their contracts. (Three-year contracts were sometimes extended to ten years.) Any letters sent to or received from England were destroyed if they contained any disparaging remarks about the company. Relatively minor offences could result in severe punishments. According to some colonists’ accounts, there were continual whippings, as well as punishments such as hanging, shooting, breaking on the wheel, and even being burnt alive.

The Duke of York’s slave business concern branded the initials “DY” on the left buttock or breast of each of the 3000 slaves they shipped to what were called the “sugar islands” in the Caribbean.

Later, Charles II was a shareholder in the Royal African Company, which made vast profits from the slave trade. The SLAVE TRADE: THE STORY OF THE ATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE: 1440 – 1870
award-winning British historian Hugh Thomas

In the 1680s it was transporting about 5,000 slaves per year. Many were branded with the letters ‘DY’, after its chief, the Duke of York, who succeeded his brother on the throne in 1685, becoming James II. Other slaves were branded with the company’s initials, RAC, on their chests.

Between 1672 and 1689 it transported around 90,000-100,000 slaves. Its profits made a major contribution to the increase in the financial power of those who controlled London.

The British royal family and slavery
In 1632, King Charles I first granted a licence to transport slaves from Guinea. In 1651, a new Guinea Company in London was founded. The term for coinage the Guinea comes from this historic connection. After the revolution of 1688 the trade was thrown open, and in 1713 an English company obtained the privilege of supplying the Spanish colonies in America, South and Central, for thirty years, stipulating to deliver 144,000 negro slaves within that period. One quarter of the stock of the company was taken by King Philip V. of Spain, and Queen Anne of England reserved for herself the other quarter. So the two monarchs became great slave-dealers.

The British Crown controlled the slave trade.
Britain never never shall be slaves. If we set aside the nationalist simplicity, the historical inaccuracy (several centuries of effective Roman enslavement of Britain, the Norman invasion and conquer, the later Hunoverian rule by scheme, etc..) we have left somewhat of a boast, a Freudian boast.
Irish Community Images The British Crown, the English monarchy and their sanctioned elite peer group, of course built most of their personal fortunes via slavery and other crimes against humanity.
The British Crown made much of their vast personal wealth from the human slave trade. The transportation of people, especially Irish and African slaves to their Colonies in the new world.

The British Crown monarchy are extreme hypocrites, they made their money from every crime, but especially the human slave trade and drug trafficking in their Opium wars. They only stopped actively controlling, promoting and blessing the slave trade when the advent of the industrial age and modern capitalism made slavery somewhat expensive.

The effects of the British Crown monarchy terrorism around the world were devastating, they encouraged ignorance and idolatry of themselves upon native peoples,. They did so for gain, personal profits.
Noble & Gracious Queens? The British Crown monarchy was the H.Q. control behind the Human Slave trade The British Crown monarchy were slave traders.

The real history of the supposed Royals of England. Britain fully entered the slave trade in 1660 when Charles II helped found a new company called �Royal Adventures into Africa�. The company was granted a monopoly on the British slave trade for 1000 years, and its members included the royal family and the aristocracy. Two years after its foundation the company had made a profit of �1m. The company wound up in 1672, but after minor changes in staff, shareholders and its charter, was reformed as the Royal African Company, and once again received Royal Protection. The King�s warrant stated:

�We hereby for us, our heirs and successors grant unto the same Royal African Company of England�that it shall be and may be lawful to�.set to sea such as many ships, pinnaces, and barks as shall be thought fitting�.for the buying, selling, bartering and exchanging of, for or with any gold, silver, negroes, slaves, goods wares and manufactures� In colonies such as Barbados, Jamaica and Saint-Domingue (modern day Haiti) outstanding profits were made on the backs of the enslaved African labour force.

The British Royal navy protected slave ships It is estimated that the Crown profited from around 4 million enslaved Africans, who were traded mainly to the Americas in British ships. Profits made on these voyages were often very large.

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI – 5-19-53 ADM Instagram: @Haki_Kweli_Shakur  All Praises Due to Our Ndichie/Ancestors

Nkosi Shaka Zulu-El ( Wayne Perry ) Letter to The Youth


“Salute” Bayete to all the hardihood, tenacious puissant, and honorable Men and Women who refuse to compromise their principals. Or to live any other way, but on their own terms and by their own rules! Once again I, Nkosi Shaka Zulu-EL formerly of the slave name Wayne Anthony Perry-El (The El being the only aspect of that name worthy of my ancestor’s magnificence), come to you from the belly of the ” powers that be’s” -beast, known to the country as ADX. I am doing, as always, well and in every facet of my human existence, despite my hellacious and arduous plight. For I find strength constantly in the adversity the hypocrites have imposed to enervate me mentally, physically, and spiritually. All praise is due to Allah and honor to my prodigious ancestors from whom I sprung, whom he, Allah created to perfection. As one of my brothers (Opio) once said to me “Adversity is nourishing food for those strong enough to digest it.” To all of you perusing this who are oppressed, fighting adversity in whatever way it is attacking you, let that sagacious quote give you inspiration. Never surrender Warriors and Warriorettes! NEVER! You are strong by nature and can digest any and all adversity and become nourished by it; For it is salutary for us.

Wayne Perry Speaks Death B4 Dishonor PT 1

Do not despair, complain, or wax indignant even. Your misfortunes are strong enough to digest them, which is the only way to truly surmount them. Juvenal, the Roman satirist, in the Sixteen Satires said: “The worst sin is to choose survival before honor, to lose what gives life its value for the sake of saving your skin.” I concur with Shirk! No matter what path in life you choose people, never, ever relinquish or discard your honor to avoid any misfortune, even if it effectuated your demise. If you know your actions carry consequences that you cannot endure then do not choose to perpetuate them. To me “Going Hard” is not so much in what you do, but in what you do not allow yourself to do you dig? It takes less strength to act on impulses or desires than it does to negate the urge to act on them. I respect those who are courageous enough and strong enough NOT to do, knowing that they cannot truly handle the consequences for their actions their lower self avidly wants to commit, far more than I respect those who do the opposite. For latter are the cowards. Alas, they’re also often the traducers and ignominious rats! e.g. Alpo, Rayful, Nicky Barnes, Sammy the Bull, to name a few.

Wayne Perry Speaks Death B4 Dishonor PT 2

Dishonor can be avoided most of the time if people stay true to who they know they are and stop doing things whose ramifications, they know they cannot handle! Killing, robbing, hustling, none of these actions validate bravery, manhood, honor or strength. Being true to your nature, knowing and adhering to self, resisting the urge to self-destruct, having the fortitude to surmount the urges of the lower self- these things are laudable and denote honor, strength, excellence of character, bravery, and manhood. Take heed to this message. And these plantations (Federal and State) will rapidly decrease in population, trust me. We ultimately enslave ourselves most of the time. The worst adversary you’ll ever face and the most difficult one you’ll ever have to overcome is “You”, yourself. Manumission is born through self-mastery. To all of you out in society who have comrades, family, lovers immersed behind these concrete walls and steel bars do not allow their physical removal from your presence to induce indifference in you to their excruciating plights.

Love is Supreme when it is pristine and real. Physical separation- even for the remainder of a lifetime- cannot abate or dilute it. For if it does, love was never in existence. In fact, the love should grow immensely when physical separation is forced by incarceration. Love does not live in physical attachment anyway; Lust does. Always support those you love and never, ever, not for an iota of a second forget them. Don’t talk about doing- Do! Until next time warriors, lions, Warriorettes, and lionesses, take care, remain strong and keep striving to live in the spirit of your higher selves. Never become tainted by swimming in the cesspool of dishonor; never become one of the broken ones. DEATH B4 DISHONOR NKOSI……

My esteem for these unyielding, strong, honorable Men. “ Tough Slim “(Marky), Mustafa Sigrdi Zulu, my beloved brother, cousin and doee, Opio Diarra Moore my beloved brother comrade and more, Earl Davis (Baby Earl), Antone White, (“Tone”) Titus, Larry Hoover, Shorty G, Pat (Abdullah my beloved brother) Champ, Drapper my beloved nephew, Sam, Pimp Vito, Birdy Erickyberk, Sean Branch, Sop Sop, Rico Thongs and his brother Rafael, Iman Al-Amin, Mutulu Shakur, Lop my beloved brother, ER, V baddah, Hamga, Shaheed, lil Poo Poo, Boobi, Big Meech, Will, Mike Asay, Kevin G, Manny, Eyone, Big Murphy, Dawood, Gully, Harold Cunningham, Shakur, Big Green, Wayne Wayne, Dre, Bam Bam, Twins, Mateen, Mumit, Phil, Go Go, Tiny and many, many more. Uhuru Sasa!

Check out the entertaining urban novel Aint No Game by Incognito. It can be purchased through or via 15$ money order through the publisher Hardcore Entertainment. LLC 1220 L Street, NW. Ste. 100-462 Washington D.C. 20005 its one of the most graphic and gritty urban novels in existence.
Written In 2013 by Nkosi Shaka Zulu-El. For Washington DC youth, that participates in Programs through OneNation Organization

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM 5-18-53 ADM  INSTAGRAM @Haki_KweliShakur  YOUTUBE Haki Kweli Shakur

Nkosi Shaka Zulu El #369182 Washington Corrections Center P.O. Box 900 Shelton, WA 98584

Nkosi Shaka Zulu El/ Wayne Perry #369182 1313 North Ave. Walla Walla , Washington 99362


Panther 21 Acquitted May 13 1971 , NY Black Panther Party ( Brooklyn, Bronx, Harlem ) 50 Years 1968 – 2018

Look for Me in the Whirlwind

This book contains the original version of Look for Me in the Whirlwind: The Collective Autobiography of the New York 21 with new texts that place it in the context of the whirlinds of our times

January 27, 2018
Look for Me in the Whirlwind: From the Panther 21 to 21st Century Revolutions. Sekou Odinga, Dhoruba Bin Wahad, Shaba Om, Jamal Joseph. Ed. dequi kioni-sadiki and Matt Meyer. Foreword Jamil Al-Amin. Afterword Mumia Abu-Jamal. (Oakland: PM Press. 2017)

Review by carolina saldaña

At 5 am on April 2, 1969, hundreds of FBI, CIA and NYC police agents armed with shotguns, bullet-proof vests and a shoot-to-kill attitude broke down the doors of dozens of houses, apartments and offices to serve arrest warrants on 21 key members of the New York City Black Panthers. According to the absurd accusations, based on information provided by three infiltrators, these men and women had conspired to blow up schools, department stores, police precincts and the New York Botanical Gardens. It was the longest trial ever held in the city at that time.

Two years later, on May 13, 1971, the Panther 21 were acquitted of all charges after only 45 minutes of jury deliberation.

Originally published in 1971, Look for Me in the Whirlwind: The Collective Autobiography of the New York 21, written in prison, emerges anew with additional texts that point to the relevance of this experience for the struggles of this century. Here we find poems, stories, analyses, eulogies and songs never or rarely seen before.


This book published in 2017 is dedicated to New Afrikan political prisoner of war Sundiata Acoli, a mathematician, computer analyst, member of the Black Panther Party in Harlem and New York Panther 21. At the age of 81, he is the only member of the 21 still in prison.



Sundiata Acoli is an inspiration for the generations of the past, present and future because of his undying love for the people, academic brilliance, and a smile that has not been erased during decades of torture.

The authors and editors of this book pay tribute to this comrade held in the dungeons of the imperial prison system where the defense against genocide is considered a crime.

They ask that “if one word or paragraph or section of this book moves any reader a little bit to act in his support this year, please mention him at a dinner, tell his story to somebody, take information about him to an event, make a donation, join the campaign for his immediate freedom.”

In the Foreword to the new edition, Jamil Al-Amin (H. Rap Brown), says: LOOK FOR ME IN THE WORLD…

…He who excuses himself, accuses himself…

We became old at a young age

in a world when justice and law

are two different conversations.

In the Introduction, Shaba Om tells us to LOOK FOR YOURSELVES.

“It became clear after our long trial and acquittal that the real conspiracy was on the part of the police and the U. S. government”. Their aim? “To disrupt and destroy the activities of a central branch of the Black Panther Party… Our 21 was of the 1960s and now we all face the 21st century…Read who you are and be who you are. And look for yourselves ––and discover yourselves–– in the whirlwinds of the 21st century.”

Editor Matt Meyer notes that this book explores an extraordinary page of modern history largely hidden from public view. Even though many progressive people have heard of the Black Panthers founded in Oakland, it’s less likely that they are familiar with the activities of the Panthers in New York.

Now that there’s a resurgence of the Black Liberation Movement with the formation of Black Lives Matter and related groups, more young people know something about Assata Shakur and even wear t-shirts that say, “Assata Taught Me.”

Mutulu Shakur Speaks on Sundiata Acoli, Zayd Shakur, Kwando, Sekou odinga, Assata, Lumumba Shakur


It’s also true that millions love Tupac Shakur’s rap music and thanks to his song, “Dear Mama,” know that his mother Afeni Shakur was a Black Panther. Unfortunately, many have only heard that she struggled with an addiction to crack and know nothing of her role in the trial of the Panther 21 or her work in Black Panther Party programs.

And how many people can tell you the life stories of Lumumba Shakur, Jamal Joseph, Sundiata Acoli, Dhoruba Bin Wahad, Sekou Odinga, Joan Bird and Kuwasi Balagoon? They were all part of the 21 Panthers of New York.

Meyer contends that at a time when an overextended empire is in a deep crisis, intent on crushing all resistance with increasingly militarized police forces, it’s crucial to hear the reflections, ideas and proposals of these comrades. They bring us into this century with the imperative put forth by Assata Shakur: “It is our duty to fight for our freedom. It is our duty to win.”

Editor dequí kioni-sadiki reminds us that J. Edgar Hoover ordered the FBI to destroy the Black Panther Party by means of a secret counterinsurgency program, COINTELPRO. She explains that the 21 New York Panthers each faced 186 charges and sentences of more than 300 years. The bail for each one was set at $100,000 dollars. Their trial was never about justice or protecting citizens from those who allegedly conspired to kill them. In her opinion, Hoover and his henchmen didn´t have the slightest intention of losing this trial, but did, in fact, lose it in their own courts and in the eyes of the people. What they did accomplish, however, was the disruption and destruction of a large part of the work of the Bronx-Harlem Panthers by taking their members out of the communities.

She asks: “What was it about the Black Panther Party which so challenged the capitalist power structure that the organization had to be neutralized?” Was it their principle that Black people have the right to struggle for justice, self-determination and liberation? Was it because their organization was rooted in the Black radical tradition of self-defense and armed resistance to white violence? Was it their revolutionary commitment to defend and serve their communities with breakfast for children programs, free health clinics, housing campaigns, and programs to aid people harmed by domestic violence, among many other things?

In exploring possible answers, dequi kioni-sadiki asserts that the practice and legacy of the Panthers are a source of tremendous power and potential for today’s struggles.

She reminds us that the struggle continues to free political prisoners who are still locked up after spending decades behind bars. These include Sundiata Acoli, Jalil Muntaqim, Herman Bell, Veronza Bowers, Imam Jamil Al-Amin, Mutulu Shakur, Janine Africa, Mike Africa, Janet Africa, Eddie Africa, Debbie Africa, Delbert Africa, Chuck Africa, Robert Seth Hayes, Russell Maroon Shoatz, , Kamau Sadiki, Ed Poindexter, Mumia Abu-Jamal, Kenny “Zulu” Whitmore, Joe-Joe Bowen, Romaine “Chip” Fitzgerald, Ruchell Magee, Kojo Bomani Sababu, Fred Muhammad Burton, Richard Mafundi Lake, Leonard Peltier, David Gilbert, Jaan Laaman and Tom Manning, among many others.

Who were the Panther 21?

Two women –Joan Bird and Afeni Shakur- and 16 men: Michael “Cetewayo” Tabor, Alex “Katara” McKeiver, Curtis “Doc” Powell, Sundiata Acoli (Clark Squire), Ali Bey Hassan, Lonnie Epps, Lumumba Shakur, Lee Berry, Kuando Kinshasa, Shaba Om, Baba Odinga, Dhoruba Bin Wahad, Jamal Joseph, Bob Collier, Kuwasi Balagoon, and Richard “Nine” Harris, plus those who avoided capture: Sekou Odinga, Thomas Berry, and Larry Mack.

The K.Kinte Show Season 6 Origin of The Term “ Black Power “ in RVA 1919 , Black Panther Party NY and The Shakurs wit Guest Haki Kweli Shakur


Their ages ranged from 18 to 34 at the time of the trial. Most were from the North of the country, a few from the South. Many came from poor, single-parent families while a few of their parents had a stable working-class income. Some had little formal education and others had university degrees. Some hustled on the streets at one time or another, and others had regular jobs. Many spent time in the armed forces. Some traveled afar, while others never left their own ghettos. Some worked in health, education and housing projects. Some were members of gangs in their youth. Some had problems with drugs. Some spent time in jail. Some were directly influenced by Malcolm X. Some became members of the Black Liberation Army. Some gravitated towards the Republic of New Afrika. Many were musicians, poets, teachers, historians and political analysts.

Eventually the charges were dropped against eight of the Panther 21, leaving thirteen on trial. Kuwasi Balagoon and Nine were already in prison in New Jersey under other charges, but they contributed texts to the project. After several months, Dhoruba Bin Wahad, Michael “Cetewayo” Tabor, Afeni Shakur and Joan Bird were released on bail and did speaking tours on behalf of the rest.

Afeni Shakur played a decisive role by acting as her own lawyer and winning the freedom of all 21 Panthers. In a collective eulogy to honor her transition, Sekou Odinga, Dhoruba Bin Wahad and Bilal Sunni Ali say that despite the image of her created in the news media, Afeni was “a revolutionary leader and spokesperson for the Black Panther Party. Afeni’s real historical legacy and ultimately the celebration of her life depends on how we, the living, perceived that life…Afeni was one of us, one verse in our generational bio-story…We love you, dear sister Afeni. Although you are gone, you will never be forgotten.”

Those who were charged with other offenses afterward and spent long years in prison were Sundiata Acoli (45 years), Sekou Odinga (33), Dhoruba Bin Wahad (19), and Jamal Joseph (10). Those who contributed the Foreword and the Afterword, Jamil Al-Amin (H. Rap Brown) and Mumia Abu-Jamal, respectively, were not part of “the 21”, but are still held in prison on trumped up charges.

Sundiata Acoli: His poems and articles on the Black Panther Party and the New Afrikan Prison Struggle.

After being declared not guilty in the case of the Panther 21, Sundiata went back to prison two years later, condemned to life in prison ¡plus 30 years! for surviving a police ambush on the New Jersey Turnpike on May 2, 1973. His comrade Zayd Malik Shakur was killed, while Sundiata and Assata Shakur were imprisoned. Assata escaped in 1979 with the help of her BLA comrades and received asylum in Cuba.

Now 81 years old, Sundiata has still not been released. The judge who sentenced him was right about one thing: Sundiata Acoli is a died-in-the-wool revolutionary. Now, more than ever, this man with an entire life of struggle, this poet, this brilliant historian must be free.

In his brief history of the Black Panther Party, Sundiata analyzes both the positive and negative contributions of the group to the Black Liberation Movement. And in his detailed history of the New Afrikan Prison Struggle, he explains:

We use the term “New Afrikan” to define ourselves as an Afrikan people who have been forcibly transplanted to a new land and formed into a “New Afrikan” nation in North America. But our struggle behind the walls did not begin in America… The Afrikan prison struggle began on the shores of Afrika behind the walls of medieval pens that held captives for ships bound west into slavery.

Sundiata recalls that with the activity of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), the Black Panther Party (BPP), the Republic of New Afrika (RNA), the Black Liberation Army (BLA), and other organizations in the 60s and 70s, there were massive arrests, and these groups carried their ways of thinking and acting into the prisons. They sparked demands for better conditions, access to education, newspapers, libraries, health care, contact visits, vocational training and an end to repression, among many others. And they initiated actions that ranged from telephone campaigns and legal claims to hunger strikes and rebellions. They won certain changes and broader community support at that time.

Assata Shakur, who has worked tirelessly to gain freedom for Sundiata and other political prisoners, dedicated her poem to him excerpted here.

…We remember your smile…

We love your smile
We need your smile…

We got to free that smile
That freedom smile
So we can all smile again.

Sekou Odinga: Land and Independence

Sekou Odinga says that the case of the Panther 21 has been an important factor in the movement of the New Afrikan people for land and independence. It was one of the first political cases with a large number of Black radical prisoners and called public attention to their ideas and activities. It ended in a legal victory that was a people’s victory. Yet for the State it was important to get the Panthers off the streets and disrupt the revolutionary work they were doing. In this, they were successful.

Sekou tells us that he worked with the Panthers in the Bronx and Harlem and later entered the autonomous and semi-autonomous units of the BLA, whose members thought it was necessary to have a potential for retaliation ––“that there should be some consequences for the actions of the police and the government.” They understood the need for a clandestine capacity in order to act. Sekou was charged and convicted of going into the Clinton prison in New Jersey and bringing Assata Shakur out. He mentions that it would have been very difficult to do that if pictures of him in public activities had appeared in the news.

Now that he finally got out of prison after 33 years, he is working publicly for the freedom of all political prisoners and especially those of the New Afrikan movement.

His message to young people today? “Organize, organize, organize! Study your history ––ancient and modern… And remember this. We can’t get freedom without land and Independence.”

Dhoruba Bin Wahad: Assata Shakur and the Defense of Political Prisoners under New Age Imperialism

In a series of articles in the new book, Dhoruba Bin Wahad analyzes some of the problems that have arisen regarding the defense of political prisoners.

Their defense is now made more difficult by the international situation. The Black Panther Party was founded at a time of fierce struggles for independence and national liberation in Africa, Asia and Latin America and formed ties of mutual solidarity with many of the forces involved. But that world no longer exists. In his essay entitled “New Age Imperialism” Dhoruba argues that in Africa, “global economic integration, as defined by the developed industrial economies, represents the highest form of neocolonialism to date. It is imperialist by definition because of its wholesale incorporation of and cooptation of post-colonial, progressive ideas.” Instead of encouraging Pan-African interdependence, new age imperialism fosters greed, individualism and the selfish acquisition of power.

One thing necessary in today’s movements is the study of programs of repression that were illegal in the past, but that are now officially incorporated into “the fight against crime.” In his piece entitled “Urban Police Repression,” Dhoruba shares information that was revealed in fighting his own case and that came to light in the cases of Assata Shakur and other activists and guerrillas. While a fair amount of public information is available on COINTELPRO, little is known about two similar programs implemented in New York: NEWKILL and CHESROB.

In his reference to the FBI labeling Assata Shakur as a “terrorist,” Dhoruba says that many groups and individuals have voiced their support for her, but they mistakenly emphasize her innocence to reject that label. Some support her as an exceptional woman, a kind of “Black Madonna,” disconnected from her role as an activist, freedom fighter and soldier in an anti-imperialist and anti-racist movement. Although Dhoruba asserts that her lawyers must refute charges against her with facts, he insists that politically, the question of her innocence is irrelevant. It is necessary to defend her in the context of the criminalization of the Black Liberation Movement to which she belongs. What is needed, he says, is a mass campaign to free all political prisoners, regardless of their legal situation.

Jamal Joseph: Man-Child in Revolution Land

The youngest member of the New York Black Panthers talks about his days in the organization. “I thought the only thing we had to do was free Huey and he would lead us to the revolutionary promised land.” Of course it was necessary to prepare people for the revolution, says Jamal, and that’s why he joined in the work of organizing tenants, students and health workers. He and the other Panthers stopped the police from throwing entire families out into cold weather, took over hospitals and turned them into “people’s clinics,” gave classes during teacher strikes that they considered to be against the good of the community, escorted and took food to elderly people, and resolved disputes and fights in the community with no help from the police.

“Being a Panther meant working in the community every day in concrete action programs—not just using words and slogans,” he says. “Freedom to a hungry person is a meal…Freedom to a homeless person is a warm, dry place to sleep. It’s why the Panther free breakfast program remains one of our greatest achievements.”

Bilal Sunni Ali: Lumumba Shakur and the Most Notorious Black Panthers

The great sax player tells that he met Lumumba Shakur through his mother-in-law, Mariamne Samad, a teacher of African culture in the community. Her daughter Sayeeda married Lumumba and introduced them. He also met his father, Salahdeen Shakur, a close companion of Malcolm X who often traveled to Africa and supported the Black Panthers. Through him, Bilal learned about revolutionary Pan-Africanism and got interested in his internationalist perspective. Together, they studied the books of Malcolm, Mao Tse Tung and Franz Fanon and respected the OAAU, founded by Malcolm X.

Bilal says that after he joined the Black Panther Party, he recruited Lumumba and Sekou Odinga. Then he had to disappear. He returned in 1972, when Lumumba was working with the National Committee in Defense of Political Prisoners. This led him to work with people of the Republic of New Africa. They went to live in New Orleans and worked with the organizers of the Jazz and Heritage Festival there. Lumumba was going to go with his father on a trip to Ghana, but he was killed before their travel date. This happened just a few days before the arrest of Mutulu Shakur, who was accused of conspiring to free Assata Shakur, among other actionsBilal says that Lumumba will always be remembered as “the leader of the most notorious chapter of the Black Panther Party, as a person who was anti-drug, who always supported the Black Liberation Army, and who rallied people to support liberation.”



Look for me in the whirlwind or the storm, look for me all around you, for, with the grace of God, I shall come and bring with me countless millions of Black slaves who have died in America and the West Indies and millions more from Africa to aid you in the fight for Liberation, Freedom and Life.

– Marcus Garvey

The new edition of the book includes the original text written by “the 21” in prison. In this review, the following pages contain comments on only a few extracts from the many compelling testimonies that make up the collective autobiography.

North and South

Although most of the Panther 21 were born in the northern states of New York, New Jersey or Massachusetts, Afeni Shakur was born in North Carolina; Sundiata Acoli in Vernon, Texas; Kuwasi Balagoon in Lakeland, Maryland; and Baba Odinga in the Caribbean country of Antigua. Some of the Panthers from the North spent days, months or years in Southern lands.

In the South, racism was completely out in the open. While walking down the street, only whites could walk in the shade, and it was common to see signs that said “no dogs or negroes allowed here.” KKK members and other racists often drove through the Black communities, shouting the worst kind of insults and throwing rocks or trash at people. “I never called it discrimination or prejudice,” says Afeni. “I called it hate, and that’s what it was.”

Kinshasha remembers Clayton, a young guy who went to visit in New York, where he stopped accepting the racist violence had grown up with. But he wished he had been able to convince Clayton not to go back to Georgia. He heard that when he did go back with his new attitude, he was lynched and castrated for touching, or maybe just looking at, it’s all the same, a young white girl.

In the small town of Vernon, Texas, Sundiata Acoli was once attacked by boys in the white section of town and threw a rock to defend himself. The mother of one the boys threatened him, but Sundiata reasoned that if he told his mother, she would go over to take up for him and would end up getting arrested. “At the age of five or six,” he said, “I had a diploma in the ABCs of survival.”

In the North, poverty, gangs and drugs were the main arms used to destroy the Black community. “In the ghetto,” says Katara, “you learn at an early age who the enemy is –the cops.”

Ali Bey Hassan was present during the rebellion in Newark, Nueva Jersey, in the summer of 1967. He remembers seeing many Black people shot down in cold blood with no arms to defend themselves.

The family

The family life of “the 21” varied. Some lived with their mothers, aunts or foster parents, as Jamal Joseph did. In one house where he was staying he was so hungry that he cried for food. After several changes, he formed a supportive relation with his new grandparents, “Noonie” and “Pa Benjamin.”

Shaba Om remembers that his grandmother in North Carolina always inspired him by telling him about how Mother Nature and Father Time were in love with each other and how one couldn’t live without the other. She always advised him to be independent.

In several cases, the mothers of the Panther 21 cleaned houses to help their children live better. Joan Bird’s mother, for example, was thus able to pay for tap, ballet and acrobatics classes for her daughter.

Kuwasi Balagoon never went hungry while his parents worked constantly, showing their white workmates certain skills for which they were promoted to higher paying jobs. His grandmother swore that there would be no Three Little Pigs or Humpty Dumpty in their house. Her orders nourished the rebellious nature of young Kuwasi, who one day climbed up on top of the playground set, tied a towel around his neck that became his Superman cape and jumped out into the sky.

Kinshasha feels that he inherited a lot of strength, ability and courage from his parents, who made it a point to give him a broad understanding of life. They gave him piano lessons and he once played at Carnegie Hall. When he was five years old, his dad took him to a “riot” so that he would understand what people were rebelling against. When he finished the seventh grade, he scored 98 on a placement test, only to be accused of cheating.

Ali Bey Hassan lived in a situation of extreme poverty with his mother, who worked as a nurse, and often with several other relatives in a single room. His mother was known in the community as being good at fighting when she needed to defend herself. Once she argued with a cop who hit her on the head. She laid little Ali down in the snow, kicked the cop’s ass, took his club, badge and pistol, then picked up her baby and walked away.

While some adults taught their children to passively accept violence to keep then from dying young, others showed theirs how to defend themselves. Once when Lumumba and Zayd Shakur were attacked with rocks by racists in Portsmouth, Virginia, they fought with them and won. When they got home, their aunt Rita asked them what would have happened if they hadn’t fought. “You would have beaten us until we could not sit down for days,” they said. “That’s right,” said Aunt Rita. “In our family when we are right, we make a firm stand on our principles.”


Baba Odinga was required to sing songs about God in his school, but he was more interested in the Obeah man, who walked through his barrio. His mother hated the Queen of England and forbade him to sing songs to her. The only subjects that interested him in school were those about slave rebellions.

Bob Collier was ashamed to go to school because the other students laughed at him for wearing patched clothes. In 1959, he heard Malcolm X speak and returned to school to get his high school diploma. He did well on his university entrance exams and attended seminars at the same time that he mopped floors to make a living.

Sundiata Acoli’s mother worked hard cleaning houses so that he and his sister would have a chance at a university education. With used books from one of the families she worked for, they both learned the alphabet before they started first grade. Sundiata always made good grades and advanced quickly. He finished high school at the age of 15. But he didn’t like the fact that they only taught him “the American dream,” “private enterprise,” “blind justice,” “wild Indians” and “happy slaves. He got a university education and then a job at NASA.

Curtis “Doc” Powell’s parents also worked hard to give their son a college education. In spite of many incidents of discrimination, Doc got his Ph.D and did important work on his theory about the mechanism of cancer. One time when he was working in the early morning hours, he realized that water was pouring into the lab. He was able to cut it off and save all the equipment. Nevertheless, a white lab technician was given credit for what he did.


In the 1950s, it was almost impossible to be young and not be in a gang in the barrios of New York and other cities. Some were huge, with more than 10,000 members. Several members of “the 21” had experience in one or more street organizations. Some saw it as a matter of status, others as security issue.

Dharuba (Dhoruba Bin Wahad) says that it was dangerous to go to school if you weren’t a member of a gang. “The unique thing about living in a colony is that you have to seek recognition among your peers, yet still remain anonymous to your oppressor. And the more recognition you gain among your peers, quite naturally, the more you become a focus of some police attention.”

Lumumba Shakur tells us that everybody had a street name: Tombstone, Graveyard, Ghost, Cherokee, Apache, Snake, Killer, etc. His was Shotgun. It was a symbol of masculinity. If you didn’t belong to a gang, you couldn’t get a girlfriend. Animosity was expressed among the members and not against the system. Every year there was a massive gang fight in Coney Island on May 30th. The attitude was “kill a ghost, stick a stone, drown a drop of water. If the brothers and sisters in the gangs ever knew who their real enemy was, the U. S. system would be in danger of collapse, concludes Lumumba.


Little by little the Black communities in the North were flooded with heroin, which became the weapon of preference to destroy them.

Dharuba remembers his father as a slick guy who liked to have a good time and brought music into the house. But his taste for drugs lead him to jail many times until he himself came to think that the influx of heroin had destroyed an entire generation of people. Maybe two or three generations, comments Dharuba.

In an excerpt from his autobiography, Michael “Cetewayo” Tabor describes the steps that led him to be a heroin addict from the time he was eleven years old, and how he came to leave the habit. He says that one time when he had begun to inject the drug, some of the dealers of weed in the community were waiting for him when he got home, including his former basketball coach, who had given him the dream of working hard to be able to play in the NBA someday. They took him up to the roof and talked to him hard about the danger of what he was doing to himself. His trainer cried and said “better dead than a heroin addict.” He was part of the faction that wanted to throw Cet off the roof, but the ass-kicking faction won. Cetewayo didn’t decide to drop the habit until later, but he knew he had to leave the community. [An excerpt from his 1969 pamphlet “Capitalism plus Dope Equals Genocide” is included in the book.]

The death of Afeni Shakur’s best friend, Sandra, from an overdose of heroin affected her deeply. But she didn’t blame the addicts.

The armed forces

Several members of “the 21” tell about their experiences in the Army, the Navy or the Marines.

When he was 16 years old, Dharuba joined the Army and was soon named squad leader. His position was taken over by a white racist, however, who criticized him every time his squad showed some military prowess. After constant battles with the authorities, a sergeant finally gave him an undesirable conduct discharge. His Colonel thought it was really unjust and said he would be willing to give him a recommendation to get a job when he got out.

While stationed in Germany, Kuwasi Balagoon and other Black soldiers refused to accept racist violence. They formed a clandestine organization to retaliate every time a white soldier attacked a Black one. The name of the group was “De Legislators,” and their members were De Judge, De Prosecutor, De Executioner, Hanibal and De Prophet. Their most effective tactic was to jump up and come down hard on the face of the aggressor. The role of De Prophet was to predict that a racist would be attacked, go and find him, and attack him. Eventually some Latin, Hawaiian and Indian brothers joined the group and once in a while a white outlaw. The secret of their success? Being careful and being decisive. There was no time to rest after kicking one ass. There were always five more asses to kick, said Kuwasi.

In 1961, Kinshasha was sent to Guatemala to work for the United States Embassy and protect the Marines stationed there. His first stop was Panama. There he ran into a huge march whose main demand was the return of the Canal to its rightful owners. He learned that the majority of people in Panama are Black and saw the embassy personnel as an instrument of US oppression. “In fact, considering what I represented at the time, I really was their enemy,” says Kinshasha.

Kinshasha spent two and a half years in Guatemala. He says, “I entered a country a very apolitical Negro marine and came out a dedicated Black revolutionary.” Although he was part of the enemy armed forces, the people related to him as a Black comrade who had the same oppressor.”

In London, Kuwasi Balagoon felt more committed to Black Liberation. He met people from the Antilles, Africa, Asia and Latin America and joined their brotherhood. Listening to Otis Redding and James Brown, “my soul revived,” he said. It was a time to relax, party, learn, teach and talk about what was happening with Black people all over the world.

Ali Bey Hassan joined the United States Navy in 1955. Even though an official pressured him to choose the Services Division, he insisted on Gunnery. He overheard a white sailor volunteer for Services but the official said, “No, we have a better place for you.” One night Ali went to a club in Portsmouth, Virginia, where B.B. King was playing. After a while he strolled over to the other side of the club and saw that a high barbed wire fence divided the dance floor. On one side the Black people were dancing and having a good time. On the other the white people were just sitting there, not moving. Three or four white women tried to cross the fence, but the cops stopped them. One began to fight with them but they beat her with a club and took her away.

Despite the racial mistreatment that went on in the armed services, most of the Panther 21 had no other way to travel and gain an international perspective firsthand. Nevertheless, Curtis “Doc” Powell, Bob Collier and Sundiata Acoli report that they paid their own expenses to travel to other parts of the world, including Africa, Cuba, Mexico, Jamaica and the countries of Central America, which taught them a lot.

The influence of Malcolm X

In Paris, Curtis “Doc” Powell was doing research in the daytime and playing jazz piano at night. “THEN I MET MALCOLM,” he said. He was coming back from Mecca and knew he was going to die very soon. He knew who was going to kill him: the United States government. “I was heading towards a stage of no alternatives: victory or death,” said Doc. “Malcolm was already there.”

Richard “Nine” Harris Heard Malcolm X give a speech at the Newark Mosque, which inspired him to read and study. After Malcolm was killed, Nine stayed in contact with other followers of his.

Lumumba Shakur says that at Comstock Prison, where he was held in 1962, all the brothers loved Malcolm X. One day his father, Salahdeen Shakur visited him and told him that he knew Malcolm and that he was a genius. They talked about repression in the streets and in the Black communities. Afterwards, Lumumba told the brothers that his Dad knew Malcolm and that he agreed with him, that he was going to change his name to Shakur (the thankful) and that he had to find a strong African name. “Oh, spare us, Shotgun!” answered the brothers, again and again. “Ah, well then, I’m gonna spare you this Muslim bean pie I’ve got,” joked Shotgun. Then they all ate the pie and talked about what his dad had told him.

After the authorities denied Lumumba parole, there was a huge uprising at Comstock prison, and all the leaders were transferred to Attica where they were held in isolation cells.

Self-Defense, Community and Prison Struggles

When Sundiata Acoli heard about the three comrades killed in Mississippi while they were registering people to vote, he went down South, even though he really didn’t think the vote was the best way to make social changes. He took a gun along but didn’t really need it because the sister in the house where he stayed was a strong believer in self-defense. He liked the Organization of Afro American Unity (OAAU), founded by Malcolm X, and supported his stand on self-defense, human rights and international struggle.

Kuwasi Balagoon was working in the struggle for decent housing in Harlem, where he and his comrades held a rent strike to force the authorities to exterminate rats in city buildings. They also held a major demonstration in Congress, which was attacked by the police. The lost their anti-poverty funds, but continued to do the work.

In Newark, Richard “Nine” Harris was working with the Black Man’s Liberation Army. During the 1967 rebellion, six teams from their group participated. None of them appeared on the streets after that. The police were eliminating everybody they saw as a threat, said Nine.

When Lumumba Shakur got out of prison, he and Sekou Odinga joined the OAAU. They felt that male chauvinism kept many members from following Ella Collins after Malcolm X was assassinated and that the programs weren’t being implemented in the Black communities. For several months, they worked in Jamaica Queens to try to make sure Anti-Poverty funds went to the hands of the people, but the majority didn’t agree and called the police.

Joining the Panthers

In June of 1968, Ali Bey Hassan heard Bobby Seale speak in public. “He said what I was feeling, that’s why I joined the Black Panther Party,” he said. Ali studied imperialism and the struggles for self-determination in the world. He liked the Panther’s community meetings.

Katara had heard the Black Panthers use the term “pig,” but he wasn’t sure what they meant by it. He went to a meeting and joined the group. Then he asked, “What is a pig?” Everybody look at him like he was from another planet and then one member gave him a long explanation. He began to participate in meetings to support the rent strike. He felt like there wasn’t a strong response on the part of the people until a brother was arrested by the police at a Malcolm X tribute. Katara went to file a formal complaint and saw that he was accompanied by an army of addicts, dealers and street sisters to make sure nothing happened to him.

In August of 1968, Curtis Powell had his Ph.D and worked at Colombia University in New York. He joined the Black Panthers because he was a “revolutionist” and because he realized that the “American Dream” was built on slavery, force, racism, grand larceny and fascism.”

Shaba Om saw a copy of Ramparts Magazine with a photo of the Panthers on the cover. Then he bought a copy of The Black Panther newspaper. He says that Panther political education classes and the music of John Coltrane led him to stop selling drugs and women’s bodies. “I found out that the love of my life died from heroin… I helped the pigs kill my sister,” he said. With that realization, he changed his name from Lee Roper to Shaba Om.

In 1967, Afeni Shakur saw Bobby Seale speak on the corner of 125th Street and Second Avenue, where, Malcolm, Marcus Garvey, Kenyatta and many others had spoken. In August, Eldridge spoke from another platform. He said, “I dare you to go to the political education class tomorrow.” “I went,” says Afeni. “When they asked who wanted to be a Panther, I raised my hand.” Afeni says that when she met Sekou and Lumumba, it was the first time in her life that she had met men who didn’t abuse women. Afterwards, she married Lumumba. Later Sekou had to live a clandestine life for a while and then went to Algeria. She says: “ I heard that the children over there shout from their windows, ‘¡Sekou, Sekou, Sekou!’ They’re always around the house because they love that man.”

Baba Odinga says that he was on the street in Harlem when a Black man carrying boxes asked for some help. They took the boxes to the Black Panther office and the man asked him if he wanted to help feed some hungry children. He said yes.

Sundiata Acoli was earning a lot of money at NASA but realized that he was deceiving other Black people about the meaning of success in life. He began to look around for an organization that really alleviated the suffering of Black people.

Jamal Joseph joined the Black Panther Party in October of 1968. He had first thought that the group was too extreme, almost suicidal. A friend wanted to investigate what they were doing, and both of them began to go to community meetings. He joined the group and worked in the Brooklyn office, then in the Harlem office, in the afternoons to help find a solution to the rats and cockroaches that infested public housing.

Joan Bird joined the party in September or October of 1968. She had heard about the group’s history on the news media. When a friend invited her to her house, she met people who were working in the Harlem office. She felt that their programs were just what Black people were looking for –something that responded to their basic needs and their right to determine the destiny of the Black community and bring peace. Joan attended university classes at night and did party work during the day. On January 17, 1969, she began to suffer fierce repression. Several cops dragged her out of a car, beat her, stomped on her brutally, and threatened her life and that of her family. At the same time, they started a smear campaign in the press, accusing her of being a witness against the Panthers. One time, the cops hung her upside down by her ankles from a third story window to try to get information out of her. “In the Panthers, what keeps your spirit strong is knowing that you’re willing to die for your freedom,” says Joan.

Life in the Women’s House of Detention, NYC

In this segment of the Collective Autobiography, Joan Bird describes in great detail the horrendous conditions in the women’s prison located in Greenwich Village, NYC. From the rats that bite the prisoners to the brutal cavity searches of their bodies by a supposed “doctor,” Joan gives the details of what happens every hour on every floor of the building. On the third floor, for example, the prisoners were not paid a penny for their forced work in the laundry or the sewing room for many years. Then at the beginning of the 70s, when this book came out, they started to earn ten cents an hour on the condition that they couldn’t earn more than $120 a year.

Rebellion in Branch Gardens Prison, Queens, NYC

On October 1, 1970, after the beginning of the trial of the 21 Black Panthers of New York, a rebellion broke out in the prison known as “Branch Queens,” followed by a whole series of rebellions in “The Tombs” in Manhattan and other prisons in Brooklyn and Queens. From the perspective of the prisoners who defined themselves as “prisoners of war (POWs),” Kuwasi Balagoon narrates the conditions of genocide in New York prisons, the actions taken in Branch Queens and the problems and issues of debate during the rebellion.

The first day, says Kuwasi, was called “Turnabout Day” the day when a radical, unexpected turn of events took place. That day the guards were captured and locked up while the cells of all the prisoners were opened. The POWs had the keys to all the cells. Maintenance was organized, barricades set up, lookouts designated and all the telephones smashed. Messengers ran from one floor to another, security teams were organized on each floor and a battle plan developed.

There were several problems to resolve. The prisoners in charge of the commissary, for example, served themselves. Others ate too much and others didn’t take their turn at guard duty.

Even so, negotiations started off well. The prisoners let two of the seven hostages go to show their good faith in negotiations. All the demands were reported in the commercial press. The rebellion in The Tombs immediately broke out, and three Supreme Court justices went in to hold hearings. There were a few bail reductions and even a few prisoners released. Demonstrations were held all over the city by the Black Panthers and Young Lords.

Then more serious problems began. There were signs of fear among some of the prisoners. With a massive concentration of police outside Branch Queens, the bicycle-riding Mayor of New York City, referred to by Kuwasi as “Slimy Snake Lindsay of Flim Flam City,” lied to the press, saying that all the hostages were going to be freed and that there would be no reprisals. Some of the negotiators wanted to release all the hostages. Somebody began to sing, “Everybody wants to go up to Heaven, but nobody wants to die.

Kuwasi says that the Panthers and other warriors felt really good about being in the rebellion and were ready to take it to a higher level. They wanted justice for all. Everybody would have to make a decision. Keep the hostages and prisoner bargaining power? Or turn over the hostages and give up the bargaining power, accepting the consequences to come? This is a question that all the prison rebels in Babylon will have to answer over and over again in the future, says the narrator.

A general meeting was held to ask one question: If the pigs attack, are we going to kill the hostages? Here are some of the answers. “Yeah.” “Motherfucking right.” “No, no, no.” “Let’s cut their throats, hang them, set them on fire, and throw them out the eighth floor window.” “We’ll put them up to the window and tell the pigs to stop, and if they keep coming we’ll throw them out one by one.” “I think we have gone far enough. I think we should call a press conference and give the prisoners up.”

Then a vote was taken. Four of the floors said, “Turn them loose,” and three said, “Fight.” The non warriors turned them over.

For the warriors, this was a big let-down, says Kuwasi. “The pain of losing a battle we did not have a chance to fight.” The worst thing was, he said, that some Black prisoners would rather die than kill three pigs. They thought their lives valued less than the lives of three agents of the state.

While the warriors were preparing to resist until the end and take as many cops possible with them, the news came that the pigs were beating some of the prisoners to death in the yard. The warriors used a megaphone to announce it to the public and asked people to get in touch with the lawyers of “the 21” and other responsible public figures. They saw at least one honest news report on TV and later held a meeting with the lawyers.

In the end, they left the jail in a cherry picker, “a pretty way-out way to leave any building,” said Kuwasi. “The people had saved us! All power to the people! We love you!”

In the Afterword, Mumia Abu-Jamal tells us that the book is “like a song…as beautiful as it is wonderful.”

He says that upon reading these stories written in first person, he learned why this disparate group of people had come together.

They joined because the lure of revolution was too strong to shake. They joined because they had once heard Minister Malcolm X speak and he left a vibration of resistance in their blood. They came together because in unity there is strength. They came together because it was the rightest thing they could think of doing. They joined because they wanted to make their lives count for something bigger than themselves. They joined because they could do nothing else. They joined the Black Panther Party because they could not live with themselves if they didn’t.

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May 1863 Afrikan Slaves Revolt at Tredegar Iron works in Richmond VA, Slavery Was Never a Choice

#SlaveryWasNeveraChoice May 1863 – A Slave Revolt Occurs Amongst Slaves at Tredgar Iron Works in Richmond Virginia The Main Southern Industrial Business Complex of That Time in The South , Only The Leaders Were Punished.

May Day ( New Afrikans Activity of Slave Resistance in The Month of May ) 900 Armed Slave Liberation Army Conspiracy of 1792 Norfolk Virginia & Slave Rebellions at Tredgar Iron Works Richmond Virginia – Haki Kweli Shakur

May 17th 1723 – Seven Slaves Sentence to Sale & Removal From The Virginia Colony For Conspiring to Revolt

May 1792 – Conspiracy of Norfolk 900 Armed Slaves Conspired across multiple cities with a Plan to Attack the City of Norfolk Virginia is Uncovered in a Letter Intercepted by Slave Owners

May 1863 – A Slave Revolt Occurs Amongst Slaves at Tredgar Iron Works in Richmond Virginia The Main Southern Industrial Business Complex of That Time in The South , Only The Leaders Were Punished


The Historic Tredegar Iron Works Richmond Va fear of a slave uprising near Richmond (1830-1831) On the eve of the Civil War, Richmond, Virginia was the most industrialized city in the South. The turnpike project introduced Anderson to the Tredegar industrialists and to the use of enslaved labor for industry. Tredegar Iron Works had five slave laborers in 1841, but this number increased to seventy-eight by 1848. By 1860 the Tredegar Iron Works had become the largest producer of iron in the South, with a complex covering nearly five acres and employing close to 800 laborers, both black and white, free and slave. Up to and during the Civil War, enslaved labor was critical to the southern economy.

The Role of The Virginia Slave & Iron and Tobacco

Urban industrial slavery provided slave owners with a steady income and manufacturers with a decreased cost of production. Many slave owners retained control over the hiring negotiations with employers, but some allowed their slaves to negotiate their own terms of employment. Negotiating the terms of their employment allowed enslaved people to receive cash payment for overtime work and to secure lodgings away from their employer. These perks created a sense of independence and increased the realization of self-worth among the urban enslaved. The money earned by the enslaved supported the growth of a cohesive community that fought against the oppression of slavery. In 1841, the enslaved and free black members funded the establishment of the First African Baptist Church in Richmond. Enslaved people also used their money to purchase freedom for family and community members, facilitating escapes, assisting the sick and the elderly, burying the dead, and donating to charities for the destitute. Living away from employers and masters also provided the enslaved with a better opportunity to learn to read and write. Anderson was unusual in that he kept strict control over his industrial slaves, not allowing them to live off-site. The independence enjoyed by many urban enslaved people instilled fear among some white Richmond residents, who believed that the urban enslaved had too much liberty, which undermined the institution of slavery.

Richmond experienced population and manufacturing growth between 1800 and 1860 and the system of slavery provided industries with a stable, controllable, and cheap workforce. Financial independence and a strong community network better equipped the urban enslaved population to organize politically and socially once the peculiar institution was dismantled.


Haki Kweli Shakur 5-10-53 ADM ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI

Quotations of Revolutionary Mazi Nnamdi Kanu Book of The Red Black & Green with a Sun ☀️

Director Nnamdi Kanu is the leader of Radio Biafra, IPOB worldwide, and her forces. Nnamdi Kanu is a living legend for Biafrans worldwide. In his effort to restore Biafra and Free Biafrans from their enslavement by the British-Nigeria government, Nnamdi Kanu has said words of wisdom when addressing the agitation of Biafra. People have misunderstood the words he’s being saying. He calls Nigeria a Zoo, Because Nigeria consists of many people who behaves like animals. A country where Police officers, fight themselves like animals over N20, he also calls them baboons and monkeys, because people with normal senses will not shoot unarmed civilians. Nnamdi Kanu is a man who has been blessed with wisdom and Bravery from our creator. For this reason I decided to compile some of his famous quotes. Some people say he preaches hate messages to people, but Nnamdi Kanu is not preaching hate messages rather the TRUTH.

Nnamdi Kanu has been missing since last September 2o17 when Nigerian Forces invaded His Family Compound Nnamdi Kanu is the Patrice Lumumba, Thomas Sankara, Amilcar Cabral, of The Millennium Years we must demand a investigation by the world on his whereabouts from the Nigerian Government Present Nnamdi Kanu!

These words are –

1- We are the Children of the Most High; we even show it in the names we bear.

2- Agboghu Awusa (Rochas) has decided to work with the Northerners by bringing in Muslim Leadership in the land.

3- Biafra as a Religion.

4- Nigerians do not like the Truth

5- The Media has been corrupted & painted as Saints, while people lavishes in lack of Knowledge due to the corruption made in the media. Evidence shows that Yoruba’s are more into Journalism than others. For this reason, they (Nigerians) stand guilty as charged!

6- So, before you act or write, let your conscience judge your soul. Remember, no matter how hard you try to hit it, one day it will get open.

7- We welcome every group agitating for Biafra as long as you are doing it in truth and honesty

8- Nelson Mandela doesn’t live in a mansion. Mahatma Ghandi never lived in a mansion. Martin Luther King Junior never lived in a mansion. Che Guevara never lived in a mansion. What are you doing with landed property? What are you doing with wealth if you are a freedom fighter? We work ourselves to put our money in Biafra. The glory of your people being free is your gain. Nigeria can do anything it likes; I am interested in Biafra alone

9- You cannot actualize what is already in existence (Biafra)

10- Mind you, we are not actualizing but realizing Biafra because Biafra already existed

11- When you are in a freedom fighting movement, the leadership of that movement is not very important, what is important is the ideology that underpins the entire movement


Biafra: Haki Shakur Speaks on Biafra Genocide, Struggle, Referendum, & New Afrikan Nationhood , My Dedication to Nnamdi Kanu & The Biafra Struggle Free The Land! 


12- Biafra is puritanical in the sense that it doesn’t like contamination with any other thing and that is why we are suffering today.

13- The ideology of Biafra is the freedom, the emancipation of all the Biafran people which means that all the people bound genetically, cul­turally and by the same value system.

14- The way out is total freedom for Biafra because Nigeria will not be free unless Biafra is free.

15- We are not against Nigeria.

16- We must make it abundantly clear that Biafra is not the antithesis of Nigeria

17- We want Nigeria to be one should they feel to engage in the exercise but what we are saying is that you are keeping us in bondage

18- We are asking people to leave La­gos, leave where you are in Europe, in America, in Asia, wherever you may be, travel to the village, if you come back the same person, then you know something is wrong with you because where we come from is decaying

19- Biafra land is in absolute and unimaginable poverty which nobody can cure unless we have Biafra.

20- I will destroy Nigeria with the weapon of truth.

21- Radio Biafra is the most listened to indigenous broadcast out of sub Saharan Africa.

22- We welcome every group agitating for Biafra as long as you are doing it in truth and honesty.

23- Our relationship with genuine people within MASSOB pursuing Biafra in truth and hones­ty is sound.

24- What we abhor is the leadership of MASSOB because the leadership of MASSOB is corrupt.

25- You see anywhere in the history of modern freedom fighters where you jettison freedom fighting and start looking for chieftain­cy titles? You abandon freedom fighting to start pricing the cost of cement and sand to go and build a house.

26- Have you heard anybody else come out to say what Boko Haram is doing is bad and must be matched? The answer is no.

27- What Boko-Haram is doing to us is not only abominable; it is absolutely unacceptable to us

28- If people are exchanging the lives of our people for money, for jeep for what they can get, their days are numbered.

29- Biafra will be realized both legally, politically, socially and oth­erwise.

30- One thing is for certain, Biafra is coming. Nobody can stop it. No amount of intimidation, arrest, torture, deprivation will stop Biafra from coming. It is already ordained.

31- We are not talking about the Biafra that these new age churches preach ask­ing us to leave everything to God. We are not leaving everything to God, we are asking God to give us the power to be able to do things when we start, you should tell your readers that the world will not even be able to contain us. What Boko-Haram is doing will appear like a tea party when we start our own. The reason being that, we have not done anything in this country to deserve the treatment that we are getting.

32- They say don’t break away and be Biafra, we agree to remain in one Nigeria, what are we getting today? Punishment, Death, Disaster upon disaster. You are living in a country you call your own and you are dying every blessed day. Is it a country?

33- If they are killing us in these numbers because somebody who answers an Igbo name is in Aso Rock what do you think will happen when an Igbo man is there? They will slaughter all of us.

34- They killed Aguiyi Ironsi and from that they massacred everybody. Isn’t that enough to tell the Igbo people that you are not wanted in this country?

35- Even the Ohanaeze that we are hoping and praying should be constituted in a way to reflect the wishes and aspirations of our people is now dancing to the tune to whoever pays them highest.

36- One governor in the South East comes out and say I will develop my state and make it better, they will impeach him and put somebody else in there and we are very docile and doing nothing.

37- Let’s make this very clear, if we don’t fight for Biafra to come, many more Boko-Haram deaths will happen.

38- They will come in forcibly to Islamize us. It is now happening in Imo State. The entrance to the government house has an Islamic symbol there. I challenge anybody to go and have a look. It is happening.

39- They are building their Islamic centers. I am not against any religion. Islam if practiced very well is a wonderful religion, I have nothing against it but you can see the creeping Islamization we are experiencing and that can’t continue.

40- It is for everybody to listen to Radio Biafra

41- Everybody should cultivate and develop the habit of making sure they have the Biafran consciousness in them, in truth and honesty.

42- We don’t want the Biafra of the old of deception deceit and lies. Biafra rep­resents light. We have no mixture with darkness.

43- Anytime you stand upon the name Biafra to lie and to cheat, you are finished. You cannot accomplish anything.

44- What are we doing in Nigeria? What have you gained in Nigeria? Do you know that oil is in Imo State before any other place? Do you know that Shell was in Owerri before any other place in this country? Is it fair that we from Biafra cannot make use of Calabar or Port Harcourt sea ports?

45- Why must I be in Ohaozara and import a car through La­gos, does that make any economic sense to anybody?

46- A country that claims it is
developing? In a country where crude oil comes from the ground, yet, you can’t produce electricity and you are telling me you are human beings? I don’t want to belong to that country, God forbid!

47- I am Nnamdi Kanu; I am the Voice of the Voiceless People of Biafra, Africa and the world at large.

48- I am a representative of truth and Honesty, I am an epitome of Kindness and LOVE, I am a paragon of Liberty, I was born a libertarian an activist and Orator, I am Nnamdi Kanu, Radio Biafra is the like a Child of my Brain, which through I have succeeded airing my gospel of
redemption to the world, I am Brave and never afraid to unveil the truth even before my enemies.

49- I am Nnamdi Kanu, I am whiter than white and whiter than snow, and my mantra is (Eziokwu Bu Ndu) which means “Truth is life” inIgbo language.

50- I am Nnamdi Kanu; I was born to liberate my people the (Biafrans) from this shackles of Darkness man made contraption that has enslaved them since 1914.

51- I want you all to know that anything or names you claim as a nation under Nigerian government will fail you all, our name is Biafra

52- My Love, passion and agitation for freedom for the People of Biafra and the rest of African Nation must be achieved, and we shall be free from this mental and Colonial enslavement, they will kill us, they will arrest us, they will intimidate us, but at the end we shall win, and my people shall be free and Biafra shall come.

53- I encourage you to stand strong and be fearless as Biafra shall take care of the families of the demised heroes and heroines when Biafra is restored, and they shall be remembered as heroes forever.

54- I plead that you all should open your doors and extend your hands of support to all Biafran’s in every Biafra states where this movement is taking place.

55- Those business/ traders across Biafra Land, it’s time to shut down your shops and join this movement, your future is better in Biafra as a Biafran than the peanuts you are benefitting which fell off from your masters table

56- I want you to know that the Nigeria Military that are pulling their triggers killing our people are the Hausa/ Fulani Boko Haram boys in Nigeria military uniform, our quest is just; we request only for our freedom to be free as a People.

57- Our resolve cannot be defeated nor intimidate, our togetherness as one people from every part of Biafra is currently our strength.

58- I am very optimistic that the youth of Biafra and parents outnumbered those that benefit from this fraudulent one Nigeria apologist at the seat of power.

59- Our Brothers from river line area, I love you so much for standing up and acknowledging the fact that we are the same blood, and together we shall march down this tower of Babylon (Nigeria) because at the end Biafra will come.

60- We are formidable

61- My goodness me

62- May chukwu okike abiama strike me dead the day I betray Biafra/Biafrans

63- The British Government is so evil that they love Nigerian oil more than they care about the lives of Nigerians

64- If it requires me to give my life for the realization of Biafra, I will give my life gladly

65- Biafra is a spirit


Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA MOI New Afrikan Independence Movement / Provisional Government Republic of New Afrika Within The United States In Solidarity with THE IPOB 5-8-53ADM 2018


At the height of the movement to rid the nation of slavery – the abolitionist movement – Martin R. Delany was one of the more charismatic and practical leaders of the time.

Delany was born free to a free mother, Pati, in Charles Town, Va. in 1812. His father, Samuel, was enslaved. Pati was literate and taught her children to read. Delany and his family moved to Chambersburg, Pa. in the early 1820s and would later be joined by his father, who was finally able to purchase his own freedom in Virginia.

In 1831, Delany, seeking greater freedom and the opportunity for higher education, traveled for months from Chambersburg to Pittsburgh, where he settled as a boarder with the family of Lewis Woodson. It was Woodson who counseled and further educated Delany and included him on trips to Philadelphia for Anti-Slavery meetings. Under Woodson’s tutelage, Delany advanced into a researcher, writer, and activist. By 1839, Delany had travelled in the Mississippi Valley to observe, research, and explore American slavery. This venture produced a serial article about slavery in America that was published in the Anglo-African Magazine. His return to Pittsburgh witnessed his greater involvement in abolitionist organizations. He helped found the Moral Reform Society and the Philanthropic Society.

Martin Delany, c. 1847. Called the father of Black Nationalism, this rare image captures Delany, already an abolitionist, writer, publisher, and journalist at this point in his life. Courtesy of Floyd Thomas.
Martin Delany, c. 1847. Called the father of Black Nationalism, this rare image captures Delany, already an abolitionist, writer, publisher, and journalist at this point in his life. Courtesy of Floyd Thomas.
In 1843, with investments from local African Americans, Delany founded The Mystery newspaper. The Mystery became the first newspaper by an African American west of the Allegheny Mountains. As editor and publisher of The Mystery, Delany attracted a growing audience. One such person was Frederick Douglass, who visited Delany at his home in Pittsburgh in 1847. Douglass proposed that Delany and he work together to edit the North Star newspaper, Douglass’ venture. Delany joined Douglass, but the collaboration only lasted a few years. In 1850, Delany was on his way to Harvard Medical School.

Nation Builders (Tunis G Campbell,Ben Pap Singleton, Edwin McCabe, Negro Fort ) -Haki Kweli Shakur

Unfortunately, Delany and two other African American medical students were met with hostilities from some of their classmates who signed petitions to have them dismissed. In 1851, they were released from Harvard – with credential. Before he returned to Pittsburgh, Delany stopped in New York City to patent a tool he had invented. When he was rejected because of his race, he made up his mind that America was not the place for progressive Black people. He then began to formulate ideas for mass Black emigration to Central and South America. He encouraged David Peck, a friend and former Pittsburgher, to go to Nicaragua. Delany began plans to establish a formal organization for the emigration of Blacks.

By 1854, the National Emigration Convention was organized in Cleveland, Ohio, with Delany presiding. This group gained significant momentum and by 1856 commissioned Delany to put together a team to travel to Africa to establish settlement. Also in 1856, Delany moved his family to Chatham, Canada West (Ontario, Canada). Soon after, he travelled to Liberia and then Nigeria to negotiate land leases among the Abeokuta in Yoruba land of the modern day Omo State. Delany was successful in his negotiations only to be thwarted by British colonial agents and the coming U.S. Civil War.

RBG- Martin Delany and Charles Town 2 of 2

In 1863, Delany returned to the U.S. from his home in Canada to recruit for the newly established United States Colored Troops to defend the Union against the Confederacy in the Civil War. One of his first recruits was his son, Toussaint. In February 1865, Delany met with President Lincoln at the White House to talk about the establishment of a permanent force of Black troops commanded by Blacks in the South to protect and guarantee the new freedom for the nearly four million ex-slaves. Lincoln commissioned Delany a Major in the 4th USCT in the Army of the South station in the Low Country of South Carolina. Within months, Lincoln was dead and the war was over. Delany, however, remained in South Carolina as a Federal employee of the Freedmen’s Bureau.

RBG- Martin Delany and Charles Town 1 of 2

After his service to the government, he remained in South Carolina, where he was elected as a Trial Justice. This 1877 summons is evidence of Delany’s role as a trial justice in South Carolina. The signed summons is one of the few existing documents that is in Delany’s hand. Most of his personal papers were destroyed in a fire at Wilberforce University decades ago.

Doctor, explorer, novelist, agitator, thrice a newspaper editor, one of the first black field officers in the U.S. Army, trial justice – all in one man – who was also black in a mostly white world that enslaved those black. “His was a magnificent life, yet why is it we know so little of him?” wrote W.E.B. DuBois.”. . . This most extraordinary and intelligent black man,” wrote no less than Abraham Lincoln after they met.

But his long life ended as a Greek tragedy because one decision of his backfired and swept away much of everything he worked and stood for – a man who accomplished so much but few had followed or, and since then remembered.

NOTE: (William N. Reed of the 35th U.S.C.T. preceded Delany as such a field officer – Service Records and “ U.S.C.T. and Commissioned Officers of African-American Descent.” 13 November 2011 Web 28 December 2011.)


Forty-seven year old Delany is on his way over Atlantic waves to see for the first time his psychic and spiritual home – Africa.

“Act in the Living Present – The Life of Martin Robison Delany” – by Jim Surkamp

MD: “And if I never more return – OK – I leave you here and journey on and if I never more return, farewell.”

NARRATOR: Martin Delany finally gave up on America.

His expulsion with two others from Harvard Medical School just because of skin color convinced him that the power of reason and merit alone did not in fact determine the country’s esteemed leaders. So, scraping together just a few hundred dollars,

he rented a crew and ship to go back to Africa, where his grandfather Shango had returned several generations before.

His critics, including Frederick Douglass, were legion. “You must stay here and fight for freedom,” they told him.

Delany certainly reflected on his already long life:

the long road as one of five children in a freed family in Charles Town Virginia;

and after that fleeing because they illegally learned how to read, followed by the many years as a physician’s assistant in Pittsburgh,

and then editing two influential newspapers.

Most of all he remembered perhaps as he gazed at the sperm whales that
wandered into those southern latitudes . . . Of the day he was walking

the road to Pittsburgh in 1829 deciding – with his head filled with books and images of pharaohs and Africa – of making this pilgrimage in reverse back to Africa.

“Land Ho!”

NARRATOR: “The arrival of Martin Robison Delany in Liberia is an era in the history of African emigration, an event doubtless that will long be remembered by hundreds of thousands of Africa’s exiled children.

Persons from all parts of the country came to Monrovia to see this great man.”

Ridiculed and ignored in America for speaking – embraced by the thousands here for speaking – how strange.

MD: “The regeneration of the African race can only be effected by its own efforts, the efforts of its own self and whatever aid may come from other sources; and it must, in this venture succeed, as God leads the movement and His hand guides the way.”

“Face thine accusers, scorn the rack and rod and, and if thou hast truth to utter, speak and leave the rest to God.”

But we pushed on to Abeokuta. . . . Africa taught Martin Delany its mysteries.

MD: “The principle markets to see all the wonders is in the evening. As the shades of evening deepen, every woman lights her little lamp and, to the distant observer, presents the beautiful appearance of innumerable stars.”

“But in the entire Aku country one is struck by the beautiful, clear country which continually spreads out in every direction.” Africa also taught him its nightmares. . . “I read August 13th in the ‘West African Herald’:

“. . . King Dahomey is about to make the Great Custom in honor of the late – King Gezo. Determined to surpass all former monarchs, a great pit has been dug which is to contain human blood enough to float a canoe. Two thousand persons will be sacrificed on this occasion. The – King has sent his army to make some excursions at the expense of some weaker tribes. The younger people will be sold into slavery. The older persons will be killed at the Grand Custom.”

MD: “Whole villages are taken.”

“Farewell, farewell my loving friends, farewell. . .”

The jasmine smells of Africa are tonight less fragrant than my scented memory of soft, honey-suckled summer’s night breezes in Virginia long ago, and awaking to the mockingbird.

NARRATOR: On April 10th, 1860 at Lagos, Martin Delany and Robert Campbell
boarded ship for London and Birmingham

to seek backers for a plan to build freedman’s cotton farms in the Niger
Valley. They would undersell, at the gold price of fourteen cents a pound, all the slave-wrought cotton from the plantations back home,

to make bales of cotton rot on the docks of Charleston and New Orleans as it were.

MD: When I was growing up in Pittsburgh, my children’s age – I worked hours and hours inscribing with a fine needle the Lord Prayer – all of it –

on the face of an English six pence like this one.

NARRATOR: Delany was not wanted in in the United States because of his radical political views. So he set sail for London and began preparing his report to his backers on the promise of Africa.

MD: I’ve noticed that . . . when I read, my eyes scan the page . . . back and forth. . . and up and down, like a loom.

I was so crazy about words, I was like Cervantes. I’d pick up every grimy scrap in the gutters of Charles Town to see if it had magic code to worlds beyond. I read and broke bread with the ideas and dreams of Thomas Jefferson and Socrates and ancient pharaohs. Then Grandma Graci at night would tell me about my grandfather, Shango.

GRANDMA GRACI: “No more stories Martin.”

MD: And off to sleep and dreams about the greatest people who ever lived. I wanted my children to accumulate great hopes.

If I ever set shoe leather on New York’s dock, President Buchanan himself would drop the noose around my despised neck, since John Brown, who I knew, did rebel and killed, and was hanged, I didn’t reckon there would be much of a welcoming party for me.

NARRATOR: Dr. Delany’s most prestigious speaking invitation was before the International Statistical Society,

chaired by Queen Victoria’s husband, Prince Albert, and the most esteemed
scientific body in the world on July 16, 1860, at London’s Somerset House. As the meeting was beginning at four,

Lord Brougham, who hated American slavery, addressed the body which included the delegation from the United States,

headed by Augustus Baldwin Longstreet.

United States Ambassador George Mifflin Dallas was also seated on the dais. Both fervently believed as did their President that those persons called slaves were technically, legally, and truly

three-fifths human – just a notch above a good horse.

BROUGHAM: “I call to the attention of Mr. Dallas to the fact there is a Negro present, and I hope he will feel no scruples on that account.”

MD: I was eye-to-eye with men who wished me dead. So many memories engulfed me. “I rise, your Royal Highness, to thank his Lordship, the unflinching friend of the Negro, for the remarks he has made to myself and to assure your Royal Highness and his Lordship that I AM a man.”

NARRATOR: Withering amid what the London Times later called the wildest shouts ever from so grave an assemblage, Longstreet jumped up and led the United States delegation out of the hall.

Ambassador Dallas stayed seated on the dais, silent. The proceedings ended. And Dr. Delany became an international sensation.

Delany read the reactions to his actions from America. Even Frederick Douglass spoke well of him. A new President had been elected. His plans for Africa delayed by war there, and too many days of watching birthdays of his children go by from his cramped little room in London,

cold rain drizzling outside and streaking his window pane. He wrote that memories leapt to life and pierced his heart with a golden spear and riddled his breast with precious stones. Memories, such as that of Lucinda Snow, the blind girl in the Ohio Asylum – who played for him Rose Bud on a piano for him shortly after his own dearest daughter had just died. Nothing, Delany decided, could keep him from being home in Chatham, Ontario by Christmas. There was hope there. It was 1860.

Doctor Delany joined his family in Chatham, Dec. 29th, 1860 to help a flood of escaped ex-slaves. South Carolina voted to secede nine days before. Slavery was being challenged in earnest.

On January 9th, 1861, Confederate shore batteries fire upon Federal supply ships approaching Fort Sumter.

President Lincoln at his March 4th Inauguration said: “Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.”

Peacetime ends.

Bull Run, July 21st, 1861

Stonewall Jackson’s Shenandoah Valley Campaign, May-June, 1862

Antietam, the bloodiest day in American military history, September 17, 1862

Fredericksburg, Dec. 13, 1862

Vicksburg, Dec. 1862 through May, 1863

“All persons held as slaves shall thenceforward be forever free and such persons of suitable condition will be received into the armed services.” President Lincoln, January 1st, 1863

179,000 men of color enlist. Three million remain enslaved.

Confederate General Lee loses Gen. Jackson, his best, at Chancellorsville, May, 1863.

Lee Gambles

Over 50,000 casualties at Gettysburg foresees the ultimate defeat of the Southern Cause, July, 1863.

Days later, angry anti-draft mobs in soldier-less New York City burn a Negro orphan asylum.

And lynch twelve innocent freed blacks. The 7th New York militia helps restore order.

On July 18th, public opinion is reversed by extreme bravery of men in the 54th Massachusetts’ Colored Regiment at Fort Wagner, South Carolina.

“With silent tongue, clenched teeth, and steady eye, they have helped us on to this great consummation, while others have strove to hinder it.” A. Lincoln, April 26, 1864

A ninety-two per cent Republican vote by furloughed soldiers delivers big unexpected off-year wins in Ohio and Pennsylvania for Lincoln and his party.

Abolitionist Lew Tappan writes: “We are coming out of the slanderous valley for we have lived to have old opponents say to us: “We were wrong.”

“The year has brought many changes I thought impossible, May God bless this Cause.” Black recruit in Baltimore, MD.

The U.S. Senate passes an amendment abolishing all slavery. The house still opposes. – April 9, 1864

Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest orders the murder of mostly black prisoners at Fort Pillow, April 12, 1864.

“(it is hoped) these facts will demonstrate that Negro soldiers cannot cope with Southerners.”

“Whatever happens there will be no turning back” – a letter to President Lincoln from his new commander, Gen. Grant, April, 1864.

The Battle of the Wilderness and Spotsylvania, May 5th through 12th, 1864.

“These men are incomprehensible standing from daylight to dark killing and wounding each other, then making jokes and exchanging newspapers.” Col.Theodore Lyman.

Gen. Grant of his Cold Harbor, Va. attack, June, 1864: “I regret this assault more than any other.”

Equal pay for black troops is finally enacted, June, 1864.

A teacher in the occupied South writes: “Their cry is for ‘books’ and ‘When will school begin?’”

Civilians become targets.

Union Gen. Hunter torches “Leeland” and “Fountain Rock” in Shepherdstown, WV and VMI in July, 1864. General Jubal Early strikes back, levels Chambersburg, ransoms Hagerstown and Frederick, MD.

“The valley is not fit for man or beast. I have destroyed 2,000 barns.” – “Gen. Philip Sheridan

Gen. William Sherman writes: “We cannot change the hearts of these people. But we can make it so terrible and make them so sick of war, they will not appeal to it again.”

“I can make my men march and make Georgia howl.” Gen. Sherman while cutting a swath of destruction fifty miles wide to Savannah to the sea.

Martin Delany sought roles and work for Gen. Sherman’s thousands of “camp followers”

Delany went to President Lincoln himself with an idea to make the South Carolina coastline a new Israel for freedmen and women who had been joining Sherman’s army marching across Georgia in the tens of thousands.

First, Delany thought, they would be an army of Africa of able black men, recruited, trained, and then themselves becoming liberating soldiers and, after the war, these same men would become able keepers of the land, the same land Sherman had promised in South Carolina in January of that same year. Gen. Sherman tentatively gave, subject to the approval of the President of course, tens of thousands of acres of land, once owned by the plantation owners, to the freedman.

Each family, Sherman ordered, would get forty acres – a place in the sun – and one army mule on loan. If Abeokuta failed to be Martin Delany’s promised land, the Carolina coastline would be his Israel.

On a cold, clammy damp morning at 8 AM on Feb. 8th, Delany was welcomed by President Lincoln into his study at the White House. Lincoln had followed Delany’s doings for years. He knew him. On entering the executive chamber and being introduced to his excellency, a generous grasp of the hand brought me to a seat in front of him.

AL: “What can I do for you, sir?”

MD: “Nothing, Mr. President, but I’ve come to propose something to you, which I think will be beneficial to this nation in this critical hour of her peril.”

AL: “Go on sir.”

Delany and Lincoln discussed the value of black leaders for freed black Americans, and how so many feared black leadership.

AL: “This is the very thing I’ve been looking for and hoping for; but nobody offered it. I have talked about it; I hoped and prayed for it. But up until now, it has never been proposed. “When I issued the Emancipation Proclamation, I had this thing in contemplation. I then gave them a chance by prohibiting any interference on the part of the army; but they did not embrace it.”

MD: “But Mr. President, these poor people could not READ your proclamation.”

While he spoke Lincoln was writing on a piece of paper.
“Hon. E. M. Stanton:
“Don’t not fail to have a meeting with this most extraordinary and intelligent black man –

A. Lincoln.”

AL: “Stanton is firing!
Listen. He is in his glory. Noble man!”
MD: “What is it? Mr. President”
AL: “Why don’t you know? Haven’t you heard the news? Charleston’s ours.”

NARRATOR: Martin Delany later in April, caught a stage for the cradle of Southern animosities, Charleston, South Carolina, a state which which turned by the magic stroke of a pen and the raising of a sword into a new land of opportunity.

And reported to Gen. Rufus Saxton, a strong protector of freedman and who
commanded the occupation forces in South Carolina.

MD: “I entered the city which from earliest childhood and through life I had learned to contemplate with feelings of utmost abhorrence, where the sound of the lash at the whipping post, and the hammer of the auctioneer were coordinate sounds in thrilling harmony, such as might well have vied for the infamous – King of Dahomey.”

“For a moment, I found myself dashing in unmeasured strides through the city. Again I halted to look upon the shattered walls of the once stately, but now deserted edifices. And but for the vigilance and fidelity of the colored firemen, there would have been nothing left but a smoldering plain of runs in the place where Charleston once stood.”

NARRATOR: Chief Justice Salmon Chase in Charleston said: “A great race numbering four million is suddenly brought into freedom. All the world is
looking to see whether the prophecies of the enemies of that race will be fulfilled or falsified. It rests upon the men of that race to tell.”

Delany made it in time to see the flags changed at Fort Sumter, with his son, a young private, also there. And his old friend

and comrade-in-arms, William Lloyd Garrison, who as he bade goodbye to a large adoring audience in Charleston said: GARRISON: “I have always advocated non-resistance; but this much I say to you: “Come what may, never will you submit again to slavery. Do anything. Die first! But don’t submit again to them, never again be slaves. Farewell.”

NARRATOR: Major Delany, the first black field officer in the U.S. Army,
quickly organized schools, farms, farmers, freedmen and tried to reason with the disenfranchised plantation owners, who were always trying to tie new freedman into enslaving contracts, exploiting their illiteracy. But Delany they loved. He was one of them and he told it to them straight.

MD: “I came to talk to you in plain words so as you can understand how to open the gates of oppression and let the captive free. In this state there are 200 thousand able, intelligent honorable Negroes, not an inferior race, mind you.”

“. . . I want to tell you one thing, do you know that if it was not for the black man, this war never would have been brought to a close with success.

“Do you know that? . . . Do you know that?”

NARRATOR: But they would be asked to submit again – and soon. From the moment a bullet penetrated the Great Liberator’s brain at Ford’s Theater, no such a grand promise of land and freedom would ever hold.
In May, just a month later,

the newly appointed President Johnson ordered all these lands – those not properly surveyed – returned to some 300 plantation owners – even if someone else’s crop was already growing in the field. One freedman wrote to Andrew Johnson himself: “We have been ready to strike for liberty and humanity, yea to fight if need be, to preserve the glorious union. And now, we are ready to pay for this land.

‘Sign contracts with your old master and work their land as partners’ This was the plea to most freed blacks. Throughout that long summer, Delany’s superiors Generals Howard and Saxton avoided Johnson’s order and eventually defied them outright until September when they broke the news to the freedmen they loved so much. An Edisto Island freedman wrote his friend,

Gen. Howard: “You ask us to forgive the landowners of our island. You only lost your right to arm in war and might forgive them. The man who tied me to a tree and gave me thirty nine lashes, who stripped and flogged my mother and sister and who will not let me stay in his empty hut unless I do his planting – that man I cannot forgive. . . General we cannot remain here.”

NARRATOR: Many left South Carolina. Some stayed and fought and were beaten.

Delany fought: “Every species of infamy, however atrocious, private and public, bare-faced and in open daylight is defiantly perpetrated under the direction and guidance of the despicable political leaders in the sacred name of ‘Republicanism’ and ’Radicalism.’

“But these Yankees talk smooth to you. Oh yeh. Their tongues roll just like the drum. They don’t pay you enough.”

I was told to stay out of politics.

NARRATOR: The forty acres and a mule promised to freedmen were already secretly being returned to the planters courtesy of the tireless machinations of Trescott and Williams in Washington. They even got Gen. Sherman to write President Johnson. On the brink of being court-martialed himself for his opposition, Gen. Howard wrote his superiors:
“The lands which have been taken possession by this bureau have been solemnly pledged to the freedman. Thousands of them are already located on tracts of forty acres each.

The love of the soil and desire to own farms amounts to a passion. It appears to be the dearest hope of their lives.”

NARRATOR: Within two years, the Freedman Bureau had its main function of redistributing the lands to previous owners and apologizing for it . . .
Gen. Saxton had been reassigned, Howard court-martialed, but Lt. Col. Delany – a survivor – pressed on. He had made himself too valuable to too many people in a very short time.

Republican politicians, like Christopher Columbus Bowen, who controlled the patronage at the Customs House, hated his dangerously incorruptible independence and integrity, but like everyone,

bowed to his almost messianic hold on the freedmen – this the long-awaited black leader. And on the other side, the old Southern aristocracy saw Delany’s magic too. And planned to use him someday for their own ends. As one old Southern editor put, in grudging admiration: “Martin Delany is a genuine Negro.”

MD: “No one who knows me will doubt my African proclivities. I have possessions in Africa which I hope to enjoy.”

NARRATOR: The old Southern guard watched and waited. They noticed Delany’s perceptibly growing disgust with corruption, greased palms and greed that fueled his own Republican Party’s machine.

MD: The Freedman’s Bureau was allowed to continue to return those 63,000 acres to the planters. I told freedman to get educated to see what was going on. Through two crop failures in 66 and 67, I told freedmen to rely on their muscles, their faith, and the righteousness of their cause. 1870 saw almost all of those 63,000 promised acres were back in planters hands and some 90,000 of South Carolina’s freedmen had left in disgust and desperation.

2,000 brothers and sisters set sail for my beloved Africa. The best of our people. Their hopes were gone before mine.

Delany’s disgust with the politics of the Republican Party deepened on a trip to New York City when he represented the state on Wall Street in a bond issue. And he found out that Governor Chamberlain

had given his old college chum and roommate $750,000 in commissions. The Old Southern guard watched and waited knowing that Martin Delany might be the key to regaining power.

WADE HAMPTON: “We can control and direct the Negroes if we act discreetly.”

MD: I would come to know people like General Wade Hampton an embodiment of the old South who invited me to speak at barbecue gatherings.

HAMPTON: “If it means we can protect our state from destruction, I am willing to send Negroes to Congress. They will be better than anyone who can take the oath of loyalty and I should rather trust them than renegades or Yankees. . . . My experience has been that when a Yankee can do a bit of rascality, the temptation to do it is almost irresistible.”

NARRATOR: No one, though, would be a more fateful associate in all of Martin Delany’s long and broad lifetime as General Wade Hampton, the old cavalryman, aristocrat and front man for the Old South. Who, yes, truly speaking personally for himself – wished for a better life for the freedman because he and Delany both fervently lived and advocated personal honor and a regimen of book learning and practical skills as every freedman’s road to true permanent economic redemption. It was only a matter of time that these two stars would head on a one-on- one collision course and one of those two stars would orbit around the other.

If only there had been more than just one Wade Hampton and one Martin Delany. America’s working, educated electorate would have emerged sooner. But the personal prestige, humanitarian and pragmatic ways of each man could only briefly capture the public imagination,

while, at all other times, whites, blacks, Democrats and Republicans slid disgracefully into the abyss where guns and bribes were constantly used as the preferred path to personal power and glory. Pressured out of the Freedman’s Bureau in 1869, Delany was retired from public life, selling real estate and editing his own newspaper, when Rev. Richard Cain came to him one day in 1872 and urged him to help elect Franklin Moses Governor. He might even get – for his efforts – a decent job later to support his seamstress wife, Catherine, and their large family.

Delany could deliver freedmen’s votes. Hoping to enhance his own political fortunes in this state with a majority of black voters, and hoping to get more homesteads for freedmen, Delany stumped vigorously for Moses.

Moses had always given lip service to Delany’s plan to attract Northern money to be long-term, low-interest loans to help the freedmen to buy and develop their own homesteads.

Delany’s unvarnished truth-telling inspired the common people and irked those grubbing after filthy lucre.

Wrote onetime governor B. F. Perry: “After mature reflection, I believe Col. Delany has exhibited in his speeches more wisdom and prudence, more honor and patriotism than any other Republican, white or black, in South Carolina.”

Delany wrote that, should the homeless become landowners, they would at once become proportionately interested in the affairs of state. Before either school house or church can be erected, he said, the people themselves must be settled in homes of their own. Freedmen were leaving the state, denied the once promised forty acres virtually all back in original hands, and their life savings deposited faithfully in the Freedman’s Savings and Trust Company, now gone from mismanagement.Delany knew his plan could work. In three years he organized white cotton wholesalers and freedmen farmers on Hilton Head Island into a peaceable alliance that grew and harvested the crop profitably. Moses was elected. So was “Honest John” who boasted he bought his seat in the U.S. Senate for $40,000.

But Governor Moses continued to drive even higher the state debt. It had already soared from one to over seventeen million dollars in the previous five years. Moses then raised taxes on freed holders to pay for all this. And he lined his pockets with priced pardons sold to 503 imprisoned felons. And they were all released into this heavily armed, hate-filled powder keg land. And Governor Moses gave Delany no job. Rev. Cain wrote Moses: “I had assured Mr. Delany that you would not break faith. He has staked all on your word. For Heaven’s sake, do not cast him away.”

Seeing Beaufort’s old St. Helena Church summed up a visitors’ feeling in 1873 about every South Carolina town he saw. It was one of complete

prostration, dejection, stagnation.

VISITOR: “Utter stagnation marks its streets and everything is flavored with decay. The mockingbird sings as if winter has no meaning for them. The old mansions are permeated with the air of desertion. The merry tinkling that proceeds from the closed shutters of one of them seems altogether dissonant with the surroundings.” Bad crops, bad weather, a lost position in world cotton markets, a national depression – this all contributed. So by 1874, all of South Carolina, including Delany’s beloved St. Helena Island, looked like an armed camp.

The Ku Klux Klan was forming almost three hundred rifle clubs that once beat two hundred freedmen and killed four more in just nine months, in just one county. Freedmen either armed themselves, or prayed the Federal troops

would never leave. Some freedmen and their families slept in the swamps in the mild winter where the men in hoods and facemasks could not find them. Wrote the editor of the Edgefield Advertiser in one of the states’ most strife-torn counties: “Good people now look upon the entire electoral contest as a struggle between thieves and plunderers.” And they worried: “Among the whites is a class of men who hold human life at little value, and

among the colored people there is a class who do not wish to labor and are known as habitual thieves or disturbers of the peace.

Gen. Rufus Saxton wrote back his old friend Robert Smalls about these darkest of times in South Carolina: “I rejoiced when the right of suffrage came and I sorrowed when it was told that some had sold this precious birthright for a miserable mess of potage.”

A few years earlier, Delany heard the church bells ring when the Fourteenth Amendment had been passed; but it was a hollow sound. He saw freedmen unable to read show up at the Freedmen’s Bureau with great baskets. The word, “Registration” sounded not much different from that other word: “provisions.”

The Republicans’ vampire-like bite into the state’s ebbing lifeblood blinded them to that emerging menace and giant, the old Southern Democrats and their gun-toting right wing rabble. Delany saw this disaster collision coming.

MD: Again and again I warned the majority Republicans to go easy on the white planters because one day the shoe would go over to their foot. And sure enough it did.

NARRATOR: Delany ran for lieutenant governor in 1874 on an independent reformed Republican ticket, getting 64,000 votes as the corrupt Chamberlain won.

MD: I lost my race but the planters got the shoe on their foot capturing the majority of seats in the statehouse.

NARRATOR: Delany was made justice of the peace in Charleston when, as the gubernatorial election drew near in 1876, was indicted, courtesy of Governor Chamberlain, for misusing the funds of a dirt poor black church. Hardly. The implicit threat was: do not support Wade Hampton who was now the official candidate against Chamberlain with all the wealth and smart men the Old South could muster squarely behind him.Hampton and Delany always appealed to people’s desire for peaceful solutions based on reason and fair play.

HAMPTON: “I pledge myself solemnly in the presence of the people of South Carolina and in the presence of my God that, if the Democratic ticket is elected – not one single right enjoyed by the colored people today shall be taken from them.”

NARRATOR: As violence increased the extreme Democratic clubs secretly assigning one man to personally bribe or scare one freedman from voting,


as Chamberlain’s campaign promises became more grotesque and desperate, Delany announced for Wade Hampton in September, 1876 – immediately putting his life at risk.

MD: Freedmen, I told one and all, were serving a new master now: the radical Republican Carpetbaggers. I said the blackest truth out loud – a black man would not be allowed to lead, not just to live, but to lead. I myself always dared to do what the white men ever dared and done – to pull on every lion’s tail a white man has pulled.

NARRATOR: On October 16th, C.C. Bowen promised Delany that his party of white and black Democrats could speak to freedmen on Edisto Island. Before his steamer left the Charleston wharf a number of Republican negroes gathered and they noisily demanded that they be permitted to take passage and threateningly declared that they wanted a chance to clean out those Democrats.

MD: The audience at the meeting of some 500 or 600 “African citizens” was by far the most uncouth, savage and uncivilized that I have ever seen. As soon as I mounted the wagon, the Republican Negroes started to beat their drums and left in a body. They would not listen to “De Damn Democrats. They marched off and the women crowded around the wagon with their bludgeons, threats, and curses.

I rose to speak on the wagon. They interrupted me as I said: “I had come to South Carolina with my sword drawn to fight for the freedom of the black man. . . . I had warned you against trusting your money to the Freedman’s Bank; and that you had, to your sorrow, paid no heed to my warnings.”

In violation of the agreement that neither party should carry guns or rifles to the place of meeting, the Negroes had brought their muskets and secreted them in a nearby swamp and in an old house near a church not far from the speaking ground. They marched out of the swamp with their arms and opened fire upon the whites who were unarmed. In the meantime I, Mr. William E. Simmons, and several aides to white men had taken refuge in a brick house adjoining the church. The Negro militia charged out of the swamp surrounded the brick house and tried to batter down the door. Failing in this, they broke open the windows and pointed their muskets at us. We all escaped except for Mr. Simmons, who upon emerging from the door was knocked down and beaten to death.

Six white men were killed and sixteen whites wounded that day. One black man was killed. The siege of Cainhoy continued for several days afterwards.

NARRATOR: Hampton did win by a fiercely contested 1100 vote margin, the difference coming from some 3,000 Republican, black voters who followed Delany’s example. All of America’s fate, in one sense, pivoted on this handful of votes.

MD: I had hurt the cause of my people beyond all imaginings.

NARRATOR: Then Wade Hampton made history. With his election for governor still in dispute and the state in anarchy he met at the Willard Hotel with president-elect Rutherford B. Hayes, who held onto his election by one electoral vote. To keep his single electoral vote lead, Hayes and Hampton agreed that Hayes would support and confirm Hampton’s election as Governor and as Hampton wrote Hayes:

HAMPTON: “If the Federal troops are withdrawn from the State House, there shall be on my part or that of my friends no resort to violence but we shall look for their maintenance solely to such peaceful remedies as the Constitution and laws of the State provide.”

MD: U.S. soldiers were removed from the South on Hampton’s pact with Hayes – and I helped that. One person called it the abandonment of the colored race. Wade Hampton appointed me judge and I remained until he was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1879. But the secret, all-white Charleston County Democratic committee methodically organized the state, county-by-county and parish-by-parish to crush the Republican party and all spokesmen for Reconstruction. My son drowned in the Savannah River. His body was found in December, late 1879. My wife Catherine, who had carried our family during my long absence, needed me.

I was old. My children needed their college educations at Wilberforce. The books that set my dreams afire long ago belonged to them now.

So I was there on the dock when a ship – the Azor – set sail for Liberia from Charleston harbor

full of hopeful friends, with my fondest dreams on that distant shore.
My torch had passed from me.

His loving admirers gave him the Liberian flag on that dock for his many, many years of inspiration to act on their dreams.

“Almost all his many children became teachers. His name is misspelled on his tombstone. His life’s work was lost when a library burned. And the ancestors of those who left for Africa in his lifetime and with his blessing still turn the native soil.

MD: ”Act, act in the living present – but act. Speak the truth and leave the rest to God.”

GRANDMA GRACI: No more stories, Martin. No more stories, Martin.

Resources – Other Than Delany:

Griffith Cyril E. (1973). “Martin R. Delany and the African Dream, 1812-1885.” Ann Arbor, MI.: Michigan State University.

Griffith Cyril E. “Martin R. Delany and the African Dream, 1812-1885.” 24 November 2005 Web. 28 December 2011.

Griffith Cyril E. “The African dream: Martin R. Delany and the emergence of pan-African thought.” 24 November 2005 Web. 28 December 2011.

Levine, Robert S. “Martin Delany, Frederick Douglass and the Politics of Representative Identity,” University of North Carolina Press, 1997. Print.

Rollin, Frank A. (1883). “Life and Public Service of Martin R. Delany: Sub assistant commissioner Bureau relief of refugees, freedman, and of abandoned lands, and late, Major 104th U.S. colored troops,” Boston, MA: Lee and Shepard. Print.

Simkins, Francis B.; Woody, Robert. (1966). “South Carolina During Reconstruction.” Gloucester, MA.: Peter Smith.

Sterling, Dorothy (1971). “The Making Of An Afro-american: Martin Robison Delany, 1812-1885.” Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Inc.

Sterling, Dorothy (1971). “The Making Of An Afro-american: Martin Robison Delany, 1812-1885.” 27 April 2007 Web. 28 December, 2011.

Surkamp, James T. (1853). “To Be More Than Equal: The Many Lives of Martin R. Delany 1812-1885. West Virginia University Libraries. 9 Nov. 1999. Web. 26 Dec. 2010.

Ullman, Victor.(1971). “Martin R. Delany: The Beginnings of Black Nationalism.” Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Print.

Resources – Delany:

“Martin R. Delany – A Documentary Reader.” (2003). Robert S. Levine, ed. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press. Print.

Martin R. Delany: A Documentary Reader.” edited by Robert S. Levine. 29 June 2007 Web. 28 December, 2011.

Delany, Martin R. (1859). “Blake or The Huts of America: A Tale of the Mississippi Valley, the Southern United States.” (serialized in 1859 in “The Weekly Anglo African Magazine.” Print.

Delany, Martin, R. (1859). “Blake: The Huts of America.” Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library. 14 July 2007. Web. 26 Dec. 2010.

Delany, Martin R. (1852). “The Condition, Elevation, Emigration and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States Politically Considered,” (Philadelphia, PA): published by the author. Print.

Delany, Martin R. (1852). “The Condition, Elevation, Emigration and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States Politically Considered.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Dec. 2010.

Delany, Martin R. (1861). “Official Report of the Niger River Valley Exploring Party.” by M.R. Delany, Chief Commissioner to Africa. New York, NY and London, Eng.: Self-published. Print.

Delany, Martin R. (1861). “Official Report of the Niger River Valley Exploring Party.” MyBeBooks. 27 July 2008. Web. 30 Dec. 2010.

Delany, Martin R. (1879). “Principia of Ethnology: The Origin of Races and Color with an Archaeological Compendium and Egyptian Civilization from Years of Careful Examination and Enquiry.” Philadelphia, PA: Self-published. Print.

Delany, M. R. (1853). “The origin and objects of ancient Freemasonry, its introduction into the United States, and legitimacy among colored men : a treatise delivered before St. Cyprian Lodge, no. 13, June 24th, A.D. 1853, A.L. 5853.“ Pittsburgh, PA: W. S. Haven. Print.

Delany, M. R. (1853). “The origin and objects of ancient Freemasonry, its introduction into the United States, and legitimacy among colored men : a treatise delivered before St. Cyprian Lodge, no. 13, June 24th, A.D. 1853, A.L. 5853.“ Pittsburgh, PA: W. S. Haven. Print. 19 September 2008 Web. 20 March 2012.

Image Credits:

1. Smithsonian Institution

2. Harvard University buildings
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

3. detail from Headpiece, The Flying Dutchman, from North Folk Legends of the Sea, published in Harper’s Monthly Magazine, January 1902. Print.

4. “Sketch Map of Mid-Century Africa, Circa 1850.” Maps ETC. Historic Maps for Students and Teachers. 16 October 2006 Web. 22 December 2011.

5. Frederick Douglass
Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

6. detail from image – U.S. Army Historical Institute, Carlisle, PA. (hereafter “USAMHI”)

7. Detail from “Dressing for the Carnival” by Winslow Homer published:
Downes, William Howe. (1911). “The Life and Works of Winslow Homer.”
Boston, MA.; New York, NY: Houghton Mifflin Co. P. 76. Print.

Downes, William Howe. (1911). “The Life and Works of Winslow Homer.”
Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 15 December 2011.

8. King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Hartford, CT.: American Publishing Company, Inc. P. 376. Print.

King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 December 2011.

9. Masthead “The North Star” newspaper, June, 1848
Library of Congress. 26 August 2004 Web. 24 December 2011.

10. Miller, Olive Beaupré, ed; Wyeth, N. C. (Newell Convers), illustrator
(1920). “The treasure chest of my bookhouse.” Vol. 4. Chicago, IL.: The Bookhouse for children. P. 84. Print.

Miller, Olive Beaupré, ed; Wyeth, N. C. (Newell Convers), illustrator
(1920). “The treasure chest of my bookhouse.” Vol. 4. Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 December 2011.

11. Man walking –
King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Hartford, CT.: American Publishing Company, Inc. P. 318. Print.

King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 December 2011.

12. Cape Palmas/Harper – Googlemaps

13. Monrovia – Googlemaps

14. People cheering

15. Fighting mob in Indiana
Douglass, Frederick.(1881). “The life and times of Frederick Douglass.”
Harford, CT.: Park Publishing. P. 285

Douglass, Frederick.(1881). “The life and times of Frederick Douglass.”
Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 25 December 2011.

16. Yoruba dieties
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

17. Delany – USAMHI

18. Aebokuta – Googlemaps

19. Market women – Nigeria
Freedom From Hunger. Freedom From Hunger 18 August 2000 Web. 25 December 2011. ©Karl Grobl for Freedom from Hunger, 2010.

20. Atakora_Benin_Batia
Wikipedia English. Latest update 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

21. King Gezo of Dahomey. Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture.
6 September 2008 Web. 25 December, 2011.

22. Group of people
The African Slave – Slave Taken from a Dhow Captured by H.M.S. Undine. Library of Congress – USZ62 – 10295. 24 September 2010 Web. 25 December 2011.

23. The Banjo Player
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

24. Map African Coast – Library of Congress

25. Anthony_Ashley-Cooper,_7th_Earl_of_Shaftesbury
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

26. Cotton field workers
King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Hartford, CT.: American Publishing Company, Inc. p. 307. Print.

King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 December 2011.

27. Sixpence, George IV, Great Britain, 1826 Numismatics Reg. No: NU 956
Museum Victoria. 14 December 2007 Web. 21 December 2011.

28. Charley reading a book
Strother, David H. “On Negro Schools.” Harpers Magazine, New York, NY: Harper and Bros. Volume 49. Sept. 1874. Print.

Strother, David H. (Sept. 1874). “On Negro Schools.” Harpers Magazine. 11 June 2008. Web. 25 Dec. 2010.

29. James_Buchanan
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

30. Prince Albert and Queen Victoria
The Alexander Palace Time Machine. 10 October 2010. Web. 22 December 2010.

31. Henry_Brougham,_1st_Baron_Brougham_and_Vaux
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

32. Augustus_Baldwin_Longstreet
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

33. George_M._Dallas
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

34. Musee de L’Homme; used in “Underground railroad.” (1998). Washington, D.C.: Dept. of the Interior, National Park Service.

35. Delany – USAMHI

36. Johnson, Eastman. (1863).”The Lord Is My Shepherd.” (Painting). Smithsonian American Art Museum. 9 April 2009 Web. 25 December 2011.

37. Same as 36.

38. Rain on window – Jim Surkamp

39. Confederate Flag at Fort Sumter
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

40. Inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, 4 March 1861
American Memory. Library of Congress 15 February 2001 Web. 26 December 2011.

41. Battle of Fort Sumter April 1861
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

42. Bull Run Ricketts’ Battery
Manassas National Battlefield Park. 22 April 1997 Web. 26 December 2011.

43. Thomas J. Jackson. Harpers Ferry National Historic Park 13 October 2006 Web 27 December 2011.

44. Dunker Church – Antietam Battlefield – USAMHI

45. Fredericksburg
Fredericksburg National Battlefield Park. 22 April 1997 Web. 26 December 2011.

46. Vicksburg Town Center – USAMHI

47. Members of the guard of the 107th Infantry Regiment, U.S. Colored Troops at Fort Corcoran, Washington, D.C. – Library of Congress.

48. Black Louisiana Troops at Port Hudson, 1863 – Library of Congress. 15 April 2010 Web. 26 December 2011.

49. “The Last Meeting of Lee and Jackson,” oil on canvas, by E.B.D. Julio
The Museum of the Confederacy, Richmond, Virginia. Photography by Katherine Wetzel.

50. Gettysburg – town
Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 2. New York, NY: The Review of Reviews Co. p. 231. Print.

Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 2. Perseus Digital Library at Tufts University. 10 May 2008. Web. 16 Feb. 2011.

51. Bodies on Gettysburg Battlefield
Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 2. New York, NY: The Review of Reviews Co. p. 242. Print.

Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 2. Perseus Digital Library at Tufts University. 10 May 2008. Web. 16 Feb. 2011.

52. Burning of the Colored Orphan Asylum, New York City Draft Riots, 1863.
Leslie, Frank; Moat, Louis Shepheard (c1895). “Frank Leslie’s illustrated history of the Civil War. The most important events of the conflict between the States graphically pictured. Stirring battle scenes and grand naval engagements … portraits of principal participants.” New York, NY: Mrs. F. Leslie. Print.

Leslie, Frank; Moat, Louis Shepheard (c1895). “Frank Leslie’s illustrated history of the Civil War. The most important events of the conflict between the States graphically pictured. Stirring battle scenes and grand naval engagements … portraits of principal participants.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 25 Sept. 2011.

53. Hanging a Negro in Clarkson Street
“The Riots in New York: The Mob Lynching a Negro in Clarkson-Street.” Illustrated London News, August 8, 1863. Print.

“The Riots in New York: The Mob Lynching a Negro in Clarkson-Street.”
New York 5 June 2008 Web. 25 December, 2011

54. The Storming of Fort Wagner-lithograph by Kurz and Allison 1890
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

55. Abraham Lincoln – by Mathew Brady, February 23, 1861.

56. Reformer Lewis Tappan
House Divided: The Civil War Research Engine at Dickinson College. 6 October 2008 Web 26 December 2011.

57. Wood, Thomas Waterman. (1865-1866). “A Bit of History: The Contraband, The Recruit, The Veteran.” Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

58. Man in chains
Whittier, John Greenleaf. (1835). “My Countrymen in Chains!”
Quakers and Slavery.” Swarthmore College. 21 February 2009 Web. 26 December 2011.

59. Nathan Bedford Forrest – National Archives

60. Fort Pillow Massacre – Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Weekly, April 30, 1864. 30 December 2004 Web. 2 December 2011.

61. Ulysses S. Grant from West Point to Appomattox
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

62. Wilderness – National Archives

63. Spotsylvania wounded – National Archives

64. Dead soldier
Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. New York, NY: The Review of Reviews Co. p. 63 Print.

Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

65. African-American soldiers
Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. New York, NY: The Review of Reviews Co. p. 195. Print.

Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

66. Destroyed Chambersburg, PA., 1864
Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. New York, NY: The Review of Reviews Co. p. 163. Print.

Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

67. Sheridan’s army foraging in the Shenandoah Valley, 1864
Strother, David H., “Personal Recollections of the Civil War.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine, New York, NY: Harper and Bros. Volume 35, Issue: 210, November, 1867. p. 708. Print.

Strother, David H. (November, 1867). “Personal Recollections of the Civil War.” Harper’s Magazine. 7 May 2008 Web. 20 Oct. 2010

68. William T. Sherman
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 May 2011.

69. William T. Sherman on horseback at Federal Fort No. 7, Atlanta, 1864 – Library of Congress

Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. New York, NY: The Review of Reviews Co. Print.

Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

70. African-American man standing beside chimney
Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. New York, NY: The Review of Reviews Co. p. 35. Print.

Miller, Francis Trevelyan. (1912). “The photographic history of the civil war in ten volumes.” Vol. 3. Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2010.

71. U.S. Capitol Building, 1863 – Library of Congress.

72. soldiers – Library of Congress

73. mule and plow – Library of Congress

74. Lincoln sitting in the White House
by Mathew Brady’s assistant, Anthony Berger, taken April 26, 1864

75. Delany – USAMHI

76. Man lying on ground with others
“Contrabands” at Foller’s House, Cumberland Landing, VA., May 14, 1862 (James Gibson)

77. Signature – National Archives

78. Shooting Pheasant from the Stage
Strother, David H., “Virginia Illustrated.” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine, New York, NY: Harper and Bros. Volume 10, Issue: 57, (Feb., 1855). p. 299. Print.

Strother, David H.,…”>”Virginia Illustrated." Harper’s New Monthly Magazine,

79. Rufus Saxton
Civil War Generals in Black and White.” 23 February 2002 Web. 21 December 2011.

80. St. Philip’s Church – Charleston spire
King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Hartford, CT.: American Publishing Company, Inc. p. 443. Print.

King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 December 2011.

81. Charleston, S.C. View of ruined buildings through porch of the Circular Church (150 Meeting Street) – Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

82. 82. Salmon P. Chase. Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 December 2011.

83. Flag-raising Fort Sumter Charleston Harbor 1865
Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 September 2011.

84. William Lloyd Garrison
House Divided: The Civil War Research Engine at Dickinson College. 6 October 2008 Web 26 December 2011.

85. Homer, Winslow. “Defiance,_Inviting_a_Shot_before_Petersburg.” 1864.
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 September 2011.

86. Martin Robison Delany full figure in uniform
“Martin Robison Delaney(sic)” History of Wilberforce 20 January 2010 Web. 27 December 2011.

87. Martin Robison Delany (same image as 86, but close up)
“Martin Robison Delaney(sic)” History of Wilberforce 20 January 2010 Web. 27 December 2011.

88. Andrew_Johnson
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 20 September 2011.

89. Gen. O. O. Howard. History E-Library. Civil War Sites Series. 21 April 1997 Web. 21 December 2011.

90. King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Hartford, CT.: American Publishing Company, Inc. p. 784. Print.

King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 December 2011.

91. Plowing in South Carolina
LC-USZ62-134227 (b&w film copy neg.)
Library of Congress

92. Christopher Columbus Bowen
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 27 December 2011.

93. Major Martin Delany
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 27 December 2011.

94. Scott political cartoon
University of South Carolina Library 12 July 2011 Web 27 December 2011.

95. Edisto Island, SC. James Hopkinson’s Plantation. Group going to field.
ca. 1862-1863. “Civil War Treasures from the New-York Historical Society.” Library of Congress. American Memory.25 February 2001 Web. 24 December 2011.

96. Governor Daniel H. Chamberlain
Youfind. Yale Library. 25 October 2008 Web. 27 December 2011.

97. Wade Hampton
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 27 December 2011.

98. Freedom and Pardon From Governor Moses – Harper’s Weekly.

99. Martin Delany as a civilian.
Simkins, F.B.; Woody, Robert H. (1966). “South Carolina During Reconstruction.” Gloucester, MA.: Peter Smith. p. 114. Print.

100. Benjamin Franklin Perry
South Caroliniana Library 30 June 2011 Web. 27 December 2011.

101. Mountain of debt – Harper’s Weekly, July 25, 1874, P. 616.

102. Frank_Buchser_Old_Virginia_1870
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 27 December 2011.

103. KKK
Digital Gallery.New York Public Library
5 April 2005 Web 27 December 2011.

104. Dead man
Digital Gallery.New York Public Library 5 April 2005 Web 27 December 2011.

105. “The Bright Side” by Winslow Homer published:
Downes, William Howe. (1911). “The Life and Works of Winslow Homer.”
Boston, MA.; New York, NY: Houghton Mifflin Co. p. 38. Print.

Downes, William Howe. (1911). “The Life and Works of Winslow Homer.”
Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 15 December 2011.

106. Robert Smalls 6 April 2001 Web. 27 December 2011.

107. church spire, Charleston, SC –
King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Hartford, CT.: American Publishing Company, Inc. p. 443. Print.

King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 December 2011.

108. James Hopkinson’s Plantation – 1862-1863
Civil War Treasures from the New-York Historical Society.” Library of Congress. American Memory. 25 February 2001 Web. 24 December 2011.

109. Cartoon of Wade Hampton and D. H. Chamberlain – Leslie’s Weekly.

110. Satellite view Edisto Island, SC – Googlemaps

111. Serious older woman –
King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Hartford, CT.: American Publishing Company, Inc. p. 437. Print.

King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 December 2011.

112. man with gun from “Shotgun Policy”
Thomas Nast – Harper’s Weekly.

113. dead man detail from “Shotgun Policy”
Thomas Nast – Harper’s Weekly.

114. Wade Hampton
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 27 December 2011.

115. Willard Hotel
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 27 December 2011.

116. Rutherford B. Hayes
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 27 December 2011.

117. Martin Delany
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 27 December 2011.

118. Wilberforce – Googlemaps

119. The Battery – Charleston
King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Hartford, CT.: American Publishing Company, Inc. p. 445. Print.

King, Edward. (1975). “The Great South.” Internet Archives: Digital Library of Free Books, Movies, Music, and Wayback Machine. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 24 December 2011.

120. Sea foam
detail from Headpiece, The Flying Dutchman, from North Folk Legends of the Sea, published in Harper’s Monthly Magazine, January 1902. Print.

121. Drawing of boy driving cart in Charleston, SC.
Harper’s Weekly.

122. Drawing of three people talking in Charleston, SC.
Harper’s Weekly.

123. Harriett Murray with her students Elsie and “Puss”
Laura Matilda Towne First Unitarian Church of Philadelphia. 12 September 2007 Web. 28 December 2011.

124. ship –
Wikipedia English. 27 Oct. 2009. Web. 27 December 2011.

TAGS: Martin Delany, Charles Town, WV., William N. Reed, Frederick Douglass, Pittsburgh, Africa, Monrovia, Liberia, Cape Palmas, Abeokuta, Benin, King Gezo of Dahomey, Robert Campbell, Aku, Somerset House, Prince Albert, George Mifflin Dallas, Lord Brougham, Lord Shaftesbury, International Statistical Congress, Prince Albert, Augustus Baldwin Longstreet, Birmingham, Sonny Luckett, I am a man, Abraham Lincoln, Sumter, Emancipation Proclamation, Chatham Ontario, Wilberforce, South Carolina, Freedman’s Bureau, Edisto island, C.C. Bowen, Wade Hampton, D. H. Chamberlain, Franklin Moses, Rev. Cain, Rufus Saxton, O. O. Howard, 40 acres and a mule, Rutherford B. Hayes, 1876, reconstruction, radical Republicans, Charleston, Civil War, black nationalism, B. F. Perry, Robert Smalls, Robert S. Levine, Jim Surkamp, jsurkamp,, APUS,, American Public University

Karl Marx 200th Birthday & The Communist Manifesto

Today Marks The 200th Birthday of Karl Marx May 5 1818 – 14 March 1883 philosopher, economist, historian, political theorist, sociologist, journalist and revolutionary socialist.

Manifesto of the Communist Party
by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels

On February 21, 1848, The Communist Manifesto, written by Karl Marx with the assistance of Friedrich Engels, is published in London by a group of German-born revolutionary socialists known as the Communist League. The political pamphlet–arguably the most influential in history–proclaimed that “the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles” and that the inevitable victory of the proletariat, or working class, would put an end to class society forever. Originally published in German as Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei (“Manifesto of the Communist Party”), the work had little immediate impact. Its ideas, however, reverberated with increasing force into the 20th century, and by 1950 nearly half the world’s population lived under Marxist governments.

Karl Marx was born in Trier, Prussia, in 1818–the son of a Jewish lawyer who converted to Lutheranism. He studied law and philosophy at the universities of Berlin and Jena and initially was a follower of G.W.F. Hegel, the 19th-century German philosopher who sought a dialectical and all-embracing system of philosophy. In 1842, Marx became editor of the Rheinische Zeitung, a liberal democratic newspaper in Cologne. The newspaper grew considerably under his guidance, but in 1843 the Prussian authorities shut it down for being too outspoken. That year, Marx moved to Paris to co-edit a new political review.

Paris was at the time a center for socialist thought, and Marx adopted the more extreme form of socialism known as communism, which called for a revolution by the working class that would tear down the capitalist world. In Paris, Marx befriended Friedrich Engels, a fellow Prussian who shared his views and was to become a lifelong collaborator. In 1845, Marx was expelled from France and settled in Brussels, where he renounced his Prussian nationality and was joined by Engels.

Scientific socialism is the combatant to eliminate Capitalism-Haki Kweli Shakur


During the next two years, Marx and Engels developed their philosophy of communism and became the intellectual leaders of the working-class movement. In 1847, the League of the Just, a secret society made up of revolutionary German workers living in London, asked Marx to join their organization. Marx obliged and with Engels renamed the group the Communist League and planned to unite it with other German worker committees across Europe. The pair were commissioned to draw up a manifesto summarizing the doctrines of the League.

Back in Brussels, Marx wrote The Communist Manifesto in January 1848, using as a model a tract Engels wrote for the League in 1847. In early February, Marx sent the work to London, and the League immediately adopted it as their manifesto. Many of the ideas in The Communist Manifesto were not new, but Marx had achieved a powerful synthesis of disparate ideas through his materialistic conception of history. The Manifesto opens with the dramatic words, “A spectre is haunting Europe–the spectre of communism,” and ends by declaring: “The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Workers of the world, unite!”

In The Communist Manifesto, Marx predicted imminent revolution in Europe. The pamphlet had hardly cooled after coming off the presses in London when revolution broke out in France on February 22 over the banning of political meetings held by socialists and other opposition groups. Isolated riots led to popular revolt, and on February 24 King Louis-Philippe was forced to abdicate. The revolution spread like brushfire across continental Europe. Marx was in Paris on the invitation of the provincial government when the Belgian government, fearful that the revolutionary tide would soon engulf Belgium, banished him. Later that year, he went to the Rhineland, where he agitated for armed revolt.

The Black Bourgeoisie, The Proletariat, Class Struggle – Haki Kweli Shakur

The bourgeoisie of Europe soon crushed the Revolution of 1848, and Marx would have to wait longer for his revolution. He went to London to live and continued to write with Engels as they further organized the international communist movement. In 1864, Marx helped found the International Workingmen’s Association–known as the First International–and in 1867 published the first volume of his monumental Das Kapital–the foundation work of communist theory. By his death in 1884, communism had become a movement to be reckoned with in Europe. Twenty-three years later, in 1917, Vladimir Lenin, a Marxist, led the world’s first successful communist revolution in Russia.


Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI 5-5-53 ADM 2018

Afrikan & Chicano Resistance Cinco De Mayo History: The Southern UndergroundRailRoad , Marcus Garvey Mexico 🇲🇽 UNIA Branches, Black & Brown Power

The Southern Underground Rail Road , Mexico , Land Titles, Safe Haven For Fugitive Runaway Political Prisoners (Slaves) & Marcus Garvey UNIA in Mexico

In 1836, after the fall of the Alamo and its slave-owning or pro-slavery leaders, such as William Travis, Jim Bowie and Davy Crockett, Mexican forces were defeated and an independent Texas was eventually annexed by the United States. However, before the expulsion of Mexican forces from Texas, Brig. Gen. Jose Urrea evicted scores of illegally-settled plantation owners, liberated slaves and, in many instances, granted them on-the-spot titles to the land they had worked.

Oddly enough, many Black people call for “40 acres and a mule” – a reference to Union Gen. Sherman’s Special Field Order 15 and Gen. Howard’s Circular 13, which made some land available to former slaves. But what one never hears are references to Mexican Gen. Jose Urrea and the land titles that he and his men granted to former Texas slaves following the defeat of the Alamo, a generation before the Civil War.

The Underground ( Black August-Midwest/South Underground RailRoad) PT 2 – Haki Kweli Shakur

By the year 1855, the estimates were that as many as 4,000 to 5,000 formerly enslaved Africans had escaped to Mexico. Slaveholders became so alarmed at this trend that they requested and received approximately one fifth of the standing U.S. Army which was deployed along the Texas-Mexico border in a vain effort to stem the flow of runaways. These Africans in Mexico established branches of Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association! One of the Black oil workers who came to Tampico stated, “There is no race prejudice; everyone is treated according to his abilities.” During the same period, Black heavyweight champion Jack Johnson asserted that Mexico was “willing not only to give us the privileges of Mexican citizenship, but was also willing to champion our cause.”

Garvey’s organization, Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), established 100 years ago in 1914, has an equally singular record in Africa, where it established itself, oblivious of political and linguistic barriers, in the European colonies of England, France, Belgium and Portugal, as well as in the independent state of Liberia and the racist state of South Africa. Also, in Central America, the UNIA spread with great rapidity from Mexico to Panama. In Canada, it entrenched itself coast to coast, from British Columbia to Nova Scotia. The African diaspora embraced Garvey’s organizational and oratorical genius from Brazil, Australia to Barry Dock, Wales. It is estimated the global membership reached 6 million.

The Underground ( Black August – VA Undergound RailRoad South /Midwest) PT 1 – Haki Kweli Shakur

Also A Black colony which included 50 families developed fruit orchards and engaged in cattle raising. It established itself in Baja, California, in the Santa Clara and Vallecitos Valleys situated between Ensenada and Tecate, approximately 30 miles south of San Diego and lasted into the 1960s.

Of course there are many more historical intersections where Mexican and African people cooperated with each other. A few examples were the solidarity between the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC)/ Black Panther Party and Brown Berets, Republic of New Afrika/ Aztlan Nations,  SNCC and the Alianza Federal de Pueblos Libres and El Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Atzlan (MEChA) and the Black Student Union (BSU).

Mack Lyons, a Black member of the United Farmworkers Union’s National Executive, negotiated its contract with Coca Cola, which owns Minutemaid and sizeable Florida orange groves. In Los Angeles during the ’90s, Black and Brown students recognizing common history and mutual interests formed the African and Latino Youth Summit (ALYS).

Puebla Mexico 1862 Chicano and New Afrikan/Gullah/ Seminole Nation Defeat French Army led By Napoleon Cinco De Mayo May 5 1862

The destiny of Africa’s scattered people has been impacted and decided in more countries than popular history has acknowledged. Mainstream history does not reveal how Africans benefited from France’s humiliating defeat at Puebla, Mexico on May 5, 1862. Cinco de Mayo is a fitting and spirited annual celebration which reminds us of Mexico’s heroic, although short-lived victory over Napoleon 3rd’s larger and better-armed forces.

Biafra: Biafra, New Afrika, Catalonia, Aztlan, Struggle For Total Independence – Haki Kweli Shakur

Black people should also celebrate the French army’s defeat at the hands of Mexican forces for two reasons. First, Napoleon’s generals, who commanded the French invaders, supported the slave-holding Confederacy in the U.S. Second, Benito Juárez, the president of Mexico at that time, gave land to anti- colonial Black-Seminoles.

It was President Benito Juárez who gave land to a faction of the Black-Seminole freedom fighters that had carried on a long and courageous war of liberation against Spanish and U.S. colonizers. It was certainly in the interest of Blacks on both sides of the Rio Grande, that the Juárez government which had befriended rebellious slaves, and whose predecessor had outlawed slavery, survive Napoleon’s invasion and continue in office.

The Black Seminoles, exiled from their Florida strongholds, were forced to continue their struggle for freedom on the Western frontier. In Oklahoma, the Government put them under the authority of the Creek Indians, slave owners who tried to curb their freedom; and white slave traders came at night to kidnap their women and children. In 1850, a group of Black Seminoles and Seminole Indians escaped south across Texas to the desert badlands of northern Mexico. They established a free settlement and, as in Florida, began to attract runaway slaves from across the border. In 1855, a heavily armed band of Texas Rangers rode into Mexico to destroy the Seminole settlement, but the blacks and Indians stopped them and forced them back into the U.S. The Indians soon returned to Oklahoma, but the Black Seminoles remained in Mexico, fighting constantly to protect their settlement from the marauding Comanche and Apache Indians!

The Underground Road Went South to Mexico , Texas , Florida But going north across the border has not always been the objective. More than 100 years ago, for example, Americans were escaping into Mexico, Slaves in the US famously took the underground railroad north into free states and Canada, but a similar path existed to the south into Mexico. Slavery was abolished in Mexico in 1829 by Mexican President Vicente Guerrero, who was of mixed descent, including African heritage. Bacha-Garza says her research indicates that about 3,000 slaves escaped across the river in the 1850s. MICHIGAN The Underground Railroad also ran south—not back toward slave-owning states but away from them to Mexico, which began to restrict slavery in the 1820s and finally abolished it in 1829, some thirty-four years before Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation.

Most of the slaves who escaped to Mexico came from Texas, and to a lesser extent Louisiana, Kelley notes, just as a preponderance of those who escaped northward came from places neighboring northern states. The journey to freedom in Mexico, even from Texas, was “long and difficult and dangerous,” Kelley says. Just as there are no firm figures about how many enslaved people escaped to Canada—estimates range from 30,000 to 100,000—no reliable figures exist concerning how many escaped to Mexico. A Texas Ranger in the nineteenth century put the number at four thousand but “quantifying this is never going to happen,” Kelley says.

The Underground Railroad that led to Mexico had no known analogue to Harriet Tubman, a former slave, who in a dozen journeys led some seventy people to freedom, but Texas had its own liberators.