Che Guevara Initiates Cuban Literacy Campaign Learning How to Read is Revolutionary

Rebel Literacy: Cuba’s National Literacy Campaign – by Mark Abendroth

Confidence in neo-liberalism has been seriously shaken by the worldwide financial crisis and so it is a good time for re-appraising Cuba’s National Literacy Campaign in 1961 and determining what can be learned from it regarding an alternative model for human development. The Literacy Campaign has been studied before, but Mark Abendroth uses a new analysis based on his theory of critical global citizenship.

The Literacy Campaign is undeniably among the world’s greatest educational accomplishments of the 20 th century. Before the Campaign almost a million Cubans lacked basic schooling due to race, class, gender and geographical isolation. A total force of 308,000 volunteers worked with 707,212 illiterate Cubans and helped achieve a first grade level of reading and writing. Cuba’s overall illiteracy rate was reduced from over 20% to 3.9% in just one year.

Volunteers included popular educators, workers from factories and 100,000 students between the ages of 10 and 19 who carried in their knapsacks a pair of boots, two pairs of socks, an olive-green beret, a blanket, a hammock, a lantern, and copies of a teacher’s manual and a student primer). The volunteers lived and worked with their students during the day and taught them in the evening. This Campaign broke down barriers between urban and rural areas and challenged discrimination against women and Black people. Red flags were hung over doorways signalling Territories Free of Illiteracy. The end of the campaign was celebrated on 22 December 1961 with a Rally of the Pencils outside the National Library at the Plaza de la Revolucion in Havana.

An understanding of the Cuban Revolution and its Literacy Campaign requires a careful study of Cuba’s long history of struggles against colonialism, slavery and illiteracy. Abendroth traces this history back to Cuba’s first revolutionary Hatuey, the Taino warrior who led a resistance against Spanish invaders in 1510. Cuba’s First War of Independence started on 10 October 1868 and freedom fighters such as Carlos Manuel de Cespedes, Maximo Gomez and Antonio Maceo paved the way for Cuba’s most celebrated national hero, Jose Marti, and his struggle for Cuban and Latin American independence. Spanish colonialism was replaced by US neo-colonialism in 1898 and the legacy of this still exists today in the US military base at Guantanamo Bay.

The triumph of the Revolution in 1959 built on these early struggles for independence and Fidel Castro was the latest in a long line of freedom fighters. The seeds of the Literacy Campaign were sewn by the Rebel Army which conducted literacy drives, initiated by Che Guevara. After Batista was ousted in January 1959 the new government began to formulate the National Literacy Campaign early in 1959. Education and ideas would become the primary weapons for defending the Revolution.

Military barracks were converted into schools and 10,000 new classrooms were opened. The Agrarian Reform Law was implemented in June 1959 and campesinos suddenly became owners of the land they worked. Foreign owned factories were nationalised and this put Cuba on a collision course with the US who imposed a trade blockade on the island which exists to this day despite annual UN resolutions, carried by huge margins, calling for it to be lifted. The US backed an attempt to invade Cuba at the Bay of Pigs in April 1961 and this led Castro to declare the socialist nature of the Revolution, which was increasingly influenced by Soviet and Chinese thinking. Abendroth reminds us of the importance that Lenin and Mao attached to education in the building of socialism.

Haki Kweli Shakur 6-14- 52 ADM August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM

The National Literacy Campaign took place at a critical stage of the Revolution when Cuba was faced by increasing US hostility and the threat of invasion. It is argued that the Campaign succeeded in 1959 because it followed the Revolution’s 1959 triumph. Conversely, the Revolution likely would not have survived without the success of the Literacy Campaign. On 26 September 1960 Fidel Castro made the following promise at the UN in New York: ‘In the coming year, our people intend to fight the great battle of illiteracy, with the ambitious goal of teaching every single inhabitant of the country to read and write in one year.’ The Cuban government declared that 1961 would be the Year of Education.

On 5 January 1961 counter-revolutionaries assassinated Conrado Benitez, an 18 year old volunteer teacher in the mountainous Escambray region. Before long, all literacy instructors who left their homes to teach in rural zones became known as Conrado Benitez brigadistas. The National Literacv Commission had four departments ? Technical, Publicity, Finance and Publication ? which worked together to support the volunteers and manage the logistics of the campaign. The manual Alfabeticemos and the primer Venceremos (We will triumph) were the central texts of the campaign. They were tools for literacy instruction and also civics textbooks for the Revolution. Themes of nationalism and internationalism together supported the growing idea of a critical global citizenship.

The Conrado Benitez brigadistas had an average age of 15. They were given seven days training before embarking on their journey to a remote rural region. Over 105,000 instructors had been trained by August 1961. But between July and August a census identified that there were 250,000 more illiterate people than had initially been estimated at the start of the campaign. More instructors were recruited into what became known as Homeland or Death brigades, named after a slogan coined by Fidel Castro. On 5 November Melena del Sur became the first municipality to declare itself free of illiteracy. Tragically, another young teacher, 16 year old Manuel Ascunce, was murdered on 26 November together with the father of his host family, Pedro Lantigua. Like Conrado Benitez, Ascunce became a martyr who inspired Cubans to finish the work of the campaign.

Over 1.25 million Cubans participated in the Campaign either as an instructor or student. Abendroth identifies three themes which ran through the campaign and which are central to his focus on critical global citizenship: civic engagement of youth; popular education; and critical global education. Many of the Cubans who Abendroth interviewed spoke passionately of their sense of global citizenship while remembering their work as instructors or students in the campaign; and it is the testimony of these Campaign participants which forms the most powerful chapter of the book. Here are just three statements, from the many which Abendroth quotes, which sum up the Campaign and its legacy:

‘When I was 17, I couldn’t read or write. When my children were 17, they had finished high school. My daughter is an economist.’

‘Socialism has given us life and has taught us that with work and struggle we can live well with all that we need.’

‘The Literacy Campaign helped instil in me a sense of solidarity with other people.’

This is the essence of critical global citizenship. There are many global problems that will not be resolved until a critical mass develops a conscience of them and a political will to mobilise against them. The Literacy Campaign was one of the greatest achievements of the Revolution. It enabled the development of a free education system, from nursery schools to universities. Everywhere in Cuba there are school buildings and education centres which can be identified by a bust of Jose Marti which stands outside of them. The Literacy Campaign also enabled the development of a thriving publishing industry in Cuba, which is unique among developing countries. This, in turn, enabled book shops to sell books at very affordable prices and there is a passion for books and reading in Cuba which is evident at the annual International Book Fair held in Havana. The Literacy Campaign also enabled Cuba to develop a comprehensive network of public libraries, which are the envy of many developed countries.

The Cuban people have become critical global citizens who will never again be easily subjugated by neo-liberalism or by any other nation. A Battle of Ideas is the latest phase of the Revolution to engage young people in the construction of socialism. Cuba is a giant school in which learning goes far beyond the four walls of a school. Participatory democracy is a reality in Cuba through a local, municipal and national electoral system known as Poder Popular. Cuba continues to send thousands of doctors and teachers to countries in need, and the Yes I Can literacy teaching method has been adopted by 15 countries and has been recognised by UNESCO.

The Literacy Campaign made all of this possible; and the Literacy Campaign was made possible by the Revolution. But the Revolution is still threatened by US aggression, which continues under the Obama administration. Abendroth concludes by setting us all a challenge to sustain the Cuban Revolution and become critical global citizens: ‘People around the world can be moved to pressure the US government to end the blockade and to let Cuba live in peace. This is a worthy project for critical global citizens.’

The Black Laws of Virginia ( Slavery )

Black Laws of Virginia

Source: June Purcell Guild, ed. Black Laws of Virginia: A Summary of the Legislative Acts of Virginia Concerning Negroes from Earliest Times to the Present (Afro-American Historical Society of Fauquier County, Virginia: 1996)

___
1638. Act X.
All persons except Negroes are to be provided with arms and ammunition or be fined at the pleasure of the governor and council.

1680. Act V.
Whereas the frequent meetings of considerable numbers of Negro slaves under pretense of feasts and burials is judged of dangerous consequence, it is enacted that no Negro or slave may carry arms, such as any club, staff, gun, sword, or other weapon, nor go from his owner’s plantation without a certificate and then only on necessary occasions; the punishment twenty lashes on the bare back, well laid on. And, further, if any Negro lift up his hand again any Christian he shall receive thirty lashes, and if he absent himself or lie out from his master’s service and resist lawful apprehension, he may be killed and this law shall be published every six months.

1682. Act III.
Whereas the act of 1680 on Negro insurrections has not had the intended effect, it is enacted that church wardens read this and the other act, twice every year, in the time of divine service, or forfeit each of them six hundred pounds of tobacco, and further to prevent insurrections no master or overseer shall allow a Negro slave of another to remain on his plantation above four hours without leave of the slave’s own master.

1691. Act XVI.
An act for suppressing outlying slaves covering divers subjects, states whereas many times Negroes, mulattoes and other slaves lie hid and lurk in obscure places killing hogs and committing other injuries, it is enacted, that the sheriff may raise so many forces from time to time as he shall think convenient for the effectual apprehending of such Negroes. If they resist or runaway they may be killed of destroyed by gun or otherwise whatsoever, provided that the owner of any slave killed shall be paid four thousand pounds of tobacco by the public.

1710. Chapter XVI.
Whereas a Negro slave named Will, belonging to Robt. Ruffin, of the County of Surry, was signally serviceable in discovering a conspiracy of Negroes for levying war in this colony; for reward of his fidelity, it is enacted that the said Will is and forever hereafter shall be free and shall continue to be within this colony, if he think fit to continue. The sum of forty pounds sterling shall be paid the said Robt. Ruffin for the price of Will.

1723. Chapter IV.
Whereas the laws now in force for the better governing of slaves are found insufficient to restrain their unlawful and tumultuous meetings, it is enacted that if any number of Negroes exceeding five conspire to rebel, they shall suffer death, and but utterly excluded the benefit of clergy.
It is reenacted that if slaves are found notoriously guilty of going abroad at night or running away and lying out and cannot be reclaimed from such disorderly discourses, it shall be lawful to direct every such slave to be punished by dismemberment, or any other way not touching life.

1726. Chapter IV.
Runaway slaves, whose masters are not known, may be hired out by the keeper of the public gaol, with a strong iron collar with the letters “P.G.” stamped thereupon.

 

1748. Ch. XXXVIII.
The conspiracy of slaves or their insurrection is a felony and the penalty death without benefit of clergy. I t is repeated that incorrigible slaves going abroad at night may be dismembered by court order and if they die no forfeiture nor punishment shall be incurred.

___

1785. Chapter LXXVIII. Every person of whose grandfathers or grandmothers anyone is or shall have been a Negro, although all his other progenitors, except that descending from the Negro shall have been white persons, shall be deemed a mulatto, and so every person who shall have one-fourth or more Negro blood shall in like manner be deemed a mulatto. This act is to be in force from January 1, 1787.

1866. Chapter 17. Every person having one-fourth or more Negro blood shall be deemed a colored person, and every person not a colored person having one-fourth or more Indian blood shall be deemed an Indian.

1878. Chapter 311. Under the subject of offences against morality and decency, it is said: If any white or Negro resident of the state shall go out of the state for the purpose of being married, and with the intention of returning, be married out of it, and return, he shall be as guilty as if the marriage had been in the state.

Any white person who shall intermarry with a Negro, or any Negro who shall intermarry with a white person, shall be confined in the penitentiary from two to five years.

Chapter II: Servants and Slaves in the Sixteen Hundreds

1642. Act XXII. A punishment is provided for loitering runaways in the colony; for a second offense a runaway is to be branded in the cheek with the letter “R.”

It is a felony for a runaway to carry powder and shot, punishable by death.

If there is a complaint of the master for harsh or un-Christian usage or for want of diet, the commissioner may warn the master or mistress.

1655. Act I. Indian children brought in as hostages are not to be treated as slaves.

1661. CIII. Whereas the barbarous usage of some servants by cruel masters brings so much scandal and infamy to the country that people who would adventure hither are through fear diverted, it is enacted that every master shall provide servants with a competent diet, clothing, lodging, and shall not exceed the bounds of moderation in correcting them and a servant may make complaint to the commissioner and have remedy for his grievances.

1669. Act I. If a slave resist his master and by the extremity of the correction, chance to die, his death shall not be a felony, since it cannot be presumed that malice (which alone makes murder a felony) would induce a man to destroy his own estate.

1680. Act X. Whereas the frequent meetings of considerable numbers of Negro slaves under pretense of feasts and burials is judged of dangerous consequence, it is enacted that no Negro or slave may carry arms, such as any club, staff, gun, sword, or other weapon, nor go from his owner’s plantation without a certificate and then only on necessary occasions; the punishment twenty lashes on the bare back, well laid on. And, further, if any Negro lift up his hand against any Christian he shall receive thirty lashes, and if he absent himself or lie out from his master’s service and resist lawful apprehension, he may be killed and this law shall be published every six months.

Chapter III: Servants and Slaves in the Seventeen Hundreds

1705. Chapter XLIX. This is a general act concerning servants and slaves and covers a great many subjects. A number of the sections are given here, and some are summarized elsewhere in this book. Some of the paragraphs cover Negroes only, some refer to runaways and servants generally, some apparently to indentured servants only.

All servants (not being slaves) shall have their complaints received by a justice of the peace, and an order at the discretion of the court may be made as to diet, lodging, clothing and correction. On a second complaint the servant may be sold at an outcry by the sheriff, and after charges deducted the remainder shall be paid to the owner.

Contracts of masters with servants are void unless approved by court; sick or lame servants are not to be discharged, upon pretence of freedom, under penalty.

In case any slave who has run away does not immediately return home after a proclamation at the door of every church in the county, it shall be lawful for any person whatsoever to kill and destroy such slave by such means as may be thought fit without accusation of any crime. If any runaway slave shall be apprehended it shall be lawful to order such punishment, either by dismembering or any other way not touching his life, as may be thought fit, for reclaiming such incorrigible slave, and terrifying others from like practices.

Slaves shall not go armed under penalty of twenty lashes on the bare back, well laid on.

For every slave killed, under this act, the owner shall be paid by the public.

1710. Chapter XVI. Whereas, a Negro slave named Will, belonging to Robt. Ruffin, of the County of Surry, was signally serviceable in discovering a conspiracy of Negroes for levying war in this colony; for a reward of his fidelity hereafter shall be free and shall continue to be within this colony, if he think fit to continue. The sum of forty pounds sterling shall be paid the said Robt. Ruffin for the price of Will.

1732. Chapter VI. Stealing a slave is a felony, and the punishment death without benefit of clergy.

1782. Chapter XXXII. Because greatinconvenience has arisen from persons permitting their slaves to go at large and hire themselves out, under promise of paying their owners money in lieu of services, it is enacted that if slaves are permitted to go at large, they may be sold and disposed of by the sheriff. Twenty-five per cent of the amount of the sale shall go toward lessening the county levy, five per cent to the gaoler and the rest to the owner of the slave.

1785. Chapter LXXVII. No person shall henceforth be a slave in Virginia, except such as were so on the first day of this Assembly and the descendants of the females of them. Slaves hereafter brought in and kept one year shall be free.

A slave shall not go from where he lives without a license of letter showing he has authority from his master.

Slaves shall not keep arms; riots and unlawful assemblies by slaves shall be punished by stripes.

1798. Chapter 4. Free persons conspiring with slaves to rebel shall suffer death. Free persons harboring or entertaining any slave without the master’s consent shall pay ten dollars, free Negroes not able to pay shall receive not to exceed thirty-nine lashes.

 

Maggie L Walker Her Support For Marcus Garvey & The U.N.I.A (Garveyism & Virginia Legacy ) Richmond Virginia

Maggie L Walker Her Support For Marcus Garvey & The U.N.I.A (Garveyism & Virginia Legacy ) Richmond Virginia Native Maggie L Walker Was a Known Supporter of The U.N.I.A. and Marcus Garvey Maggie L Walker The First Woman of any Race to Open and Charter a Bank in The U.S. a mighty feet for a Black Woman in The Slave Holding South. Marcus Garvey and The U.N.I.A has heavy ties to Richmond & Virginia in Totality he spoke here several times including Richmond!

Marcus Garvey (1887-1940) that aimed to liberate Africa from European rule and unite peoples of African descent — and, more broadly all people of color — in the struggle against global white supremacy. Garveyites developed a practice of mass-based, grassroots, liberationist politics that offers important lessons for students and advocates of social justice today,” said Ewing, author of “The Age of Garvey,” which won the 2015 Stuart L. Bernath Book Prize, awarded by the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations, The black freedom struggle is often understood in the United States as an American phenomenon,” he said. “The Garvey movement is a reminder of — and exceptional example of — the black freedom struggle’s global reach.”

Garveyism, he added, has deep roots in Virginia, where the Universal Negro Improvement Association, a black nationalist fraternal organization founded by Garvey, once operated nearly 50 divisions.

“[Richmond’s] Maggie Lena Walker hung a large photograph of Marcus Garvey in her study, alongside a framed copy of Garvey’s well-known essay, ‘African Fundamentalism,’” he said. “Divisions of the UNIA still operate in Richmond and in Washington, D.C.”

Anniversary Birth … Maggie Lena Walker (1864–1934) of Richmond, Virginia, first black woman to form a bank in the United States

In 1902, she established a newspaper for the organization, The St. Luke Herald. Shortly thereafter, she chartered the St. Luke Penny Savings Bank. Mrs. Walker served as the bank’s first president, which earned her the recognition of being the first black woman to charter a bank in the United States. Later she agreed to serve as chairman of the board of directors when the bank merged with two other Richmond banks to become The Consolidated Bank and Trust Company, which grew to serve generations of Richmonders as an African-American owned institution.

Mrs. Walker to manage a large household. Her work and investments kept the family comfortably situated. When her sons married they brought their wives to 110 1 ⁄ 2 East Leigh Street, her home in Richmond’s Jackson Ward district, the center of Richmond’s African-American business and social life around the start of the 20th century.

Walker received an honorary Master’s degree from Virginia Union University in 1923, and was inducted into the Junior Achievement U.S. Business Hall of Fame in 2002. #MaggieLWalkerDay #TheBlackWallSt #JacksonWard #BlackMecca #HarlemofTheSouth #RVA #RichmondVirginia #1stBlackWomanwithaBank Jackson Ward(Harlem of The South Black Wall St RVA), Black Town Boley -Haki Kweli Shakur

 

UNIA – Universal Negro Improvement Association History in Virginia

https://keyamsha.com/2013/01/22/liberty-university/

Liberty University is probably one of the least known aspects of the movement for the redemption of Africa. The Universal Negro Improvement Association, founded by Marcus Garvey, was sought out to purchase the school. Located in Claremont, Surrey, Virginia on the south shore of the James River, the school was originally founded by John Jefferson Smallwood, the grandson of Nat Turner

The UNIA was approached by the board of trustees of the Smallwood-Corey Industrial Institute after Smallwood’s premature death. The Smallwood-Corey Institute was acquired by the UNIA for $7,300 on June 19, 1926 with UNIA acting President-General Frederick Augustus Toote as trustee. For that sum the UNIA received the property itself, including twelve buildings along with assumption of the institute’s debts of merely $53,000. Among the school’s facilities were:

Three halls named Bagley, Sawyer and Lincoln
Cottages named Mayflower, Sunnyside and Roslyn (aka Roseland)
two sheds, a barn, power house, pump house, and pavillion
The main building on the school’s campus, itself estimated to be worth $100,000 was renamed Garvey Hall. Overall the property was appraised at $250,000.

The renamed Liberty University began its first year of operation on September 15, 1926.

Its first commencement exercises were conducted on Sunday, May 29, 1927. The ceremonies spanned several days. Events commemorating the occasion included “a oratorical contest, a play, an alumni dinner, and an alumni meeting.

Eventually, the property was sold. It is currently not occupied by the university. The image above demonstrates the layout and buildings at the time of purchase. This site is also notable for being the place where the second cargo of Africans brought to America in 1622. With it’s takeover by the UNIA the “John Hay Wharf,” previously known as “Old Claremont Wharf” the landing site for newly arrived Africans in the USA could now be the launching point for Africans working to bring into existence a redeemed, renewed and revitalized Africa.

Black Land Stolen on Amerikkkan Shores

Documented Land taken away from New Afrikans/Blacks through trickery , violence and Murder

Two thousand have been collected in recent years by the Penn Center on St. Helena Island, S.C., an educational institution established for freed slaves during the Civil War. The Land Loss Prevention Project, a group of lawyers in Durham, N.C., who represent blacks in land disputes, said it receives new reports daily. And Heather Gray of the Federation of Southern Cooperatives in Atlanta said her organization has ”file cabinets full of complaints.”

AP’s findings ”are just the tip of one of the biggest crimes of this country’s history,” said Ray Winbush, director of Fisk University’s Institute of Race Relations.

Some examples of land takings documented by the AP:

•After midnight on Oct. 4, 1908, 50 hooded white men surrounded the home of a black farmer in Hickman, Ky., and ordered him to come out for a whipping. When David Walker refused and shot at them instead, the mob poured coal oil on his house and set it afire, according to contemporary newspaper accounts. Pleading for mercy, Walker ran out the front door, followed by four screaming children and his wife, carrying a baby in her arms. The mob shot them all, wounding three children and killing the others. Walker’s oldest son never escaped the burning house. No one was ever charged with the killings, and the surviving children were deprived of the farm their father died defending. Land records show that Walker’s 2 1/2-acre farm was simply folded into the property of a white neighbor. The neighbor soon sold it to another man, whose daughter owns the undeveloped land today.

• In the 1950s and 1960s, a Chevrolet dealer in Holmes County, Miss., acquired hundreds of acres from black farmers by foreclosing on small loans for farm equipment and pickup trucks. Norman Weathersby, then the only dealer in the area, required the farmers to put up their land as security for the loans, county residents who dealt with him said. And the equipment he sold them, they said, often broke down shortly thereafter. Weathersby’s friend, William E. Strider, ran the local Farmers Home Administration – the credit lifeline for many Southern farmers. Area residents, including Erma Russell, 81, said Strider, now dead, was often slow in releasing farm operating loans to blacks. When cash-poor farmers missed payments owed to Weathersby, he took their land. The AP documented eight cases in which Weathersby acquired black-owned farms this way. When he died in 1973, he left more than 700 acres of this land to his family, according to estate papers, deeds and court records.

• In 1964, the state of Alabama sued Lemon Williams and Lawrence Hudson, claiming the cousins had no right to two 40-acre farms their family had worked in Sweet Water, Ala., for nearly a century. The land, officials contended, belonged to the state. Circuit Judge Emmett F. Hildreth urged the state to drop its suit, declaring it would result in ”a severe injustice.” But when the state refused, saying it wanted income from timber on the land, the judge ruled against the family. Today, the land lies empty; the state recently opened some of it to logging. The state’s internal memos and letters on the case are peppered with references to the family’s race.

In the same courthouse where the case was heard, the AP located deeds and tax records documenting that the family had owned the land since an ancestor bought the property on Jan. 3, 1874. Surviving records also show the family paid property taxes on the farms from the mid-1950s until the land was taken.

AP reporters tracked the land cases by reviewing deeds, mortgages, tax records, estate papers, court proceedings, surveyor maps, oil and gas leases, marriage records, census listings, birth records, death certificates and Freedmen’s Bureau archives. Additional documents, including FBI files and Farmers Home Administration records, were obtained through the Freedom of Information Act.

Case of Richmond Virginia Bryan Logan, a 55-year-old sports writer from Washington, D.C., was researching his heritage when he uncovered a connection to 264 acres of riverfront property in Richmond, Va.

 

 

Today, the land is Willow Oaks, an almost exclusively white country club with an assessed value of $2.94 million. But in the 1850s, it was a corn-and-wheat plantation worked by the Howlett slaves – Logan’s ancestors.

Their owner, Thomas Howlett, directed in his will that his 15 slaves be freed, that his plantation be sold and that the slaves receive the proceeds. When he died in 1856, his white relatives challenged the will, but two courts upheld it.

Yet the freed slaves never got a penny.

Benjamin Hatcher, the executor of the estate, simply took over the plantation, court records show. He cleared the timber and mined the stone, providing granite for the Navy and War Department buildings in Washington and the capitol in Richmond, according to records in the National Archives.

When the Civil War ended in 1865, the former slaves complained to the occupying Union Army, which ordered Virginia courts to investigate.

Hatcher testified that he had sold the plantation in 1862 -apparently to his son, Thomas -but had not given the proceeds to the former slaves. Instead, court papers show, the proceeds were invested on their behalf in Confederate War Bonds. There is nothing in the public record to suggest the former slaves wanted their money used to support the Southern war effort.

Moreover, the bonds were purchased in the former slaves’ names in 1864 – a dubious investment at best in the fourth year of the war. Within months, Union armies were marching on Atlanta and Richmond, and the bonds were worthless pieces of paper.

The blacks insisted they were never given even that, but in 1871, Virginia’s highest court ruled that Hatcher was innocent of wrongdoing and that the former slaves were owed nothing.

The following year, the plantation was broken up and sold at a public auction. Hatcher’s son received the proceeds, county records show. In the 1930s, a Richmond businessman cobbled the estate back together; he sold it to Willow Oaks Corp. in 1955 for an unspecified amount.

”I don’t hold anything against Willow Oaks,” Logan said. ”But how Virginia’s courts acted, how they allowed the land to be stolen – it goes against everything Amerikkka stands for.” Documented Land taken away from New Afrikans/Blacks through trickery , violence and Murder

Two thousand have been collected in recent years by the Penn Center on St. Helena Island, S.C., an educational institution established for freed slaves during the Civil War. The Land Loss Prevention Project, a group of lawyers in Durham, N.C., who represent blacks in land disputes, said it receives new reports daily. And Heather Gray of the Federation of Southern Cooperatives in Atlanta said her organization has ”file cabinets full of complaints.”

AP’s findings ”are just the tip of one of the biggest crimes of this country’s history,” said Ray Winbush, director of Fisk University’s Institute of Race Relations.

Some examples of land takings documented by the AP:

•After midnight on Oct. 4, 1908, 50 hooded white men surrounded the home of a black farmer in Hickman, Ky., and ordered him to come out for a whipping. When David Walker refused and shot at them instead, the mob poured coal oil on his house and set it afire, according to contemporary newspaper accounts. Pleading for mercy, Walker ran out the front door, followed by four screaming children and his wife, carrying a baby in her arms. The mob shot them all, wounding three children and killing the others. Walker’s oldest son never escaped the burning house. No one was ever charged with the killings, and the surviving children were deprived of the farm their father died defending. Land records show that Walker’s 2 1/2-acre farm was simply folded into the property of a white neighbor. The neighbor soon sold it to another man, whose daughter owns the undeveloped land today.

• In the 1950s and 1960s, a Chevrolet dealer in Holmes County, Miss., acquired hundreds of acres from black farmers by foreclosing on small loans for farm equipment and pickup trucks. Norman Weathersby, then the only dealer in the area, required the farmers to put up their land as security for the loans, county residents who dealt with him said. And the equipment he sold them, they said, often broke down shortly thereafter. Weathersby’s friend, William E. Strider, ran the local Farmers Home Administration – the credit lifeline for many Southern farmers. Area residents, including Erma Russell, 81, said Strider, now dead, was often slow in releasing farm operating loans to blacks. When cash-poor farmers missed payments owed to Weathersby, he took their land. The AP documented eight cases in which Weathersby acquired black-owned farms this way. When he died in 1973, he left more than 700 acres of this land to his family, according to estate papers, deeds and court records.

• In 1964, the state of Alabama sued Lemon Williams and Lawrence Hudson, claiming the cousins had no right to two 40-acre farms their family had worked in Sweet Water, Ala., for nearly a century. The land, officials contended, belonged to the state. Circuit Judge Emmett F. Hildreth urged the state to drop its suit, declaring it would result in ”a severe injustice.” But when the state refused, saying it wanted income from timber on the land, the judge ruled against the family. Today, the land lies empty; the state recently opened some of it to logging. The state’s internal memos and letters on the case are peppered with references to the family’s race.

In the same courthouse where the case was heard, the AP located deeds and tax records documenting that the family had owned the land since an ancestor bought the property on Jan. 3, 1874. Surviving records also show the family paid property taxes on the farms from the mid-1950s until the land was taken.

AP reporters tracked the land cases by reviewing deeds, mortgages, tax records, estate papers, court proceedings, surveyor maps, oil and gas leases, marriage records, census listings, birth records, death certificates and Freedmen’s Bureau archives. Additional documents, including FBI files and Farmers Home Administration records, were obtained through the Freedom of Information Act.

Case of Richmond Virginia Bryan Logan, a 55-year-old sports writer from Washington, D.C., was researching his heritage when he uncovered a connection to 264 acres of riverfront property in Richmond, Va.

Today, the land is Willow Oaks, an almost exclusively white country club with an assessed value of $2.94 million. But in the 1850s, it was a corn-and-wheat plantation worked by the Howlett slaves – Logan’s ancestors.

Their owner, Thomas Howlett, directed in his will that his 15 slaves be freed, that his plantation be sold and that the slaves receive the proceeds. When he died in 1856, his white relatives challenged the will, but two courts upheld it.

Yet the freed slaves never got a penny.

Benjamin Hatcher, the executor of the estate, simply took over the plantation, court records show. He cleared the timber and mined the stone, providing granite for the Navy and War Department buildings in Washington and the capitol in Richmond, according to records in the National Archives.

When the Civil War ended in 1865, the former slaves complained to the occupying Union Army, which ordered Virginia courts to investigate.

Hatcher testified that he had sold the plantation in 1862 -apparently to his son, Thomas -but had not given the proceeds to the former slaves. Instead, court papers show, the proceeds were invested on their behalf in Confederate War Bonds. There is nothing in the public record to suggest the former slaves wanted their money used to support the Southern war effort.

Moreover, the bonds were purchased in the former slaves’ names in 1864 – a dubious investment at best in the fourth year of the war. Within months, Union armies were marching on Atlanta and Richmond, and the bonds were worthless pieces of paper.

The blacks insisted they were never given even that, but in 1871, Virginia’s highest court ruled that Hatcher was innocent of wrongdoing and that the former slaves were owed nothing.

The following year, the plantation was broken up and sold at a public auction. Hatcher’s son received the proceeds, county records show. In the 1930s, a Richmond businessman cobbled the estate back together; he sold it to Willow Oaks Corp. in 1955 for an unspecified amount.

”I don’t hold anything against Willow Oaks,” Logan said. ”But how Virginia’s courts acted, how they allowed the land to be stolen – it goes against everything Amerikkka stands for.” Documented Land taken away from New Afrikans/Blacks through trickery , violence and Murder

Two thousand have been collected in recent years by the Penn Center on St. Helena Island, S.C., an educational institution established for freed slaves during the Civil War. The Land Loss Prevention Project, a group of lawyers in Durham, N.C., who represent blacks in land disputes, said it receives new reports daily. And Heather Gray of the Federation of Southern Cooperatives in Atlanta said her organization has ”file cabinets full of complaints.”

AP’s findings ”are just the tip of one of the biggest crimes of this country’s history,” said Ray Winbush, director of Fisk University’s Institute of Race Relations.

Some examples of land takings documented by the AP:

•After midnight on Oct. 4, 1908, 50 hooded white men surrounded the home of a black farmer in Hickman, Ky., and ordered him to come out for a whipping. When David Walker refused and shot at them instead, the mob poured coal oil on his house and set it afire, according to contemporary newspaper accounts. Pleading for mercy, Walker ran out the front door, followed by four screaming children and his wife, carrying a baby in her arms. The mob shot them all, wounding three children and killing the others. Walker’s oldest son never escaped the burning house. No one was ever charged with the killings, and the surviving children were deprived of the farm their father died defending. Land records show that Walker’s 2 1/2-acre farm was simply folded into the property of a white neighbor. The neighbor soon sold it to another man, whose daughter owns the undeveloped land today.

• In the 1950s and 1960s, a Chevrolet dealer in Holmes County, Miss., acquired hundreds of acres from black farmers by foreclosing on small loans for farm equipment and pickup trucks. Norman Weathersby, then the only dealer in the area, required the farmers to put up their land as security for the loans, county residents who dealt with him said. And the equipment he sold them, they said, often broke down shortly thereafter. Weathersby’s friend, William E. Strider, ran the local Farmers Home Administration – the credit lifeline for many Southern farmers. Area residents, including Erma Russell, 81, said Strider, now dead, was often slow in releasing farm operating loans to blacks. When cash-poor farmers missed payments owed to Weathersby, he took their land. The AP documented eight cases in which Weathersby acquired black-owned farms this way. When he died in 1973, he left more than 700 acres of this land to his family, according to estate papers, deeds and court records.

• In 1964, the state of Alabama sued Lemon Williams and Lawrence Hudson, claiming the cousins had no right to two 40-acre farms their family had worked in Sweet Water, Ala., for nearly a century. The land, officials contended, belonged to the state. Circuit Judge Emmett F. Hildreth urged the state to drop its suit, declaring it would result in ”a severe injustice.” But when the state refused, saying it wanted income from timber on the land, the judge ruled against the family. Today, the land lies empty; the state recently opened some of it to logging. The state’s internal memos and letters on the case are peppered with references to the family’s race.

In the same courthouse where the case was heard, the AP located deeds and tax records documenting that the family had owned the land since an ancestor bought the property on Jan. 3, 1874. Surviving records also show the family paid property taxes on the farms from the mid-1950s until the land was taken.

AP reporters tracked the land cases by reviewing deeds, mortgages, tax records, estate papers, court proceedings, surveyor maps, oil and gas leases, marriage records, census listings, birth records, death certificates and Freedmen’s Bureau archives. Additional documents, including FBI files and Farmers Home Administration records, were obtained through the Freedom of Information Act.

Case of Richmond Virginia Bryan Logan, a 55-year-old sports writer from Washington, D.C., was researching his heritage when he uncovered a connection to 264 acres of riverfront property in Richmond, Va.

Today, the land is Willow Oaks, an almost exclusively white country club with an assessed value of $2.94 million. But in the 1850s, it was a corn-and-wheat plantation worked by the Howlett slaves – Logan’s ancestors.

Their owner, Thomas Howlett, directed in his will that his 15 slaves be freed, that his plantation be sold and that the slaves receive the proceeds. When he died in 1856, his white relatives challenged the will, but two courts upheld it.

Yet the freed slaves never got a penny.

Benjamin Hatcher, the executor of the estate, simply took over the plantation, court records show. He cleared the timber and mined the stone, providing granite for the Navy and War Department buildings in Washington and the capitol in Richmond, according to records in the National Archives.

When the Civil War ended in 1865, the former slaves complained to the occupying Union Army, which ordered Virginia courts to investigate.

Hatcher testified that he had sold the plantation in 1862 -apparently to his son, Thomas -but had not given the proceeds to the former slaves. Instead, court papers show, the proceeds were invested on their behalf in Confederate War Bonds. There is nothing in the public record to suggest the former slaves wanted their money used to support the Southern war effort.

Moreover, the bonds were purchased in the former slaves’ names in 1864 – a dubious investment at best in the fourth year of the war. Within months, Union armies were marching on Atlanta and Richmond, and the bonds were worthless pieces of paper.

The blacks insisted they were never given even that, but in 1871, Virginia’s highest court ruled that Hatcher was innocent of wrongdoing and that the former slaves were owed nothing.

The following year, the plantation was broken up and sold at a public auction. Hatcher’s son received the proceeds, county records show. In the 1930s, a Richmond businessman cobbled the estate back together; he sold it to Willow Oaks Corp. in 1955 for an unspecified amount.

”I don’t hold anything against Willow Oaks,” Logan said. ”But how Virginia’s courts acted, how they allowed the land to be stolen – it goes against everything Amerikkka stands for…

Black Liberation Army Member, Assata Shakur, Tried on Murder and Assault Charges , KKKourt Sketches

Black Liberation Army Member, Assata Shakur, Tried on Murder and Assault Charges

Chesimard

New Jersey v. Chesimard, 555 F.2d 63 (3d Cir. 1977)

Assata Shakur was born Joanne Deborah Byron and was raised middle-class in Queens. She joined the Black Panthers in college, but the arrests of the Panther leadership in 1969 effectively crushed the organization. The Black Liberation Army (BLA) replaced it.

On May 2, 1973, Shakur participated in a shoot-out on the New Jersey Turnpike that resulted in the death of one state trooper and the wounding of another. Assata Shakur was taken into custody. She conceived a child in prison, and the consideration of her pregnancy resulted in a mistrial. Meanwhile, the City of New York piled charge after charge on Shakur, using weak evidence and the rationale that the BLA had to be stopped. But juries recognized the prosecution’s fragile cases. They dismissed or acquitted, over and over, and as Shakur waited to be tried on the murder and assault charges from the Turnpike shooting, civil rights groups began to see her as a symbol for courage in the face of oppression.

On March 25, 1977, Assata Shakur was found guilty and given the maximum sentence, despite testimony that her bullet scars corresponded to wounds incurred while surrendering. On November 2, 1978, three BLA members took advantage of the poor security at Shakur’s prison and broke her out. She hid in Pittsburgh and then fled to Cuba in 1984, where she secured political asylum. She is currently #4 on the FBI’s Most Wanted Terrorists List.

Who Are New Afrikan Political Prisoners – Haki Kweli Shakur 6-9-52 ADM

JUST — COME HOME! by Political Prisoner Jalil Muntaqim

JUST — COME HOME!
by Political Prisoner Jalil Muntaqim

When I was captured my daughter was two months in the womb. Her mother and I were both members of the Black Panther Party, the political party whose legacy, beyond the media-driven narrative of militancy, is responsible for today’s free breakfast program for children, Sickle Cell Anemia Research, Free Community Health Clinics, Bus Program for Families to Prison, to name a few of the programs the BPP initiated.

Knowing I would not soon be released from prison, I told my daughter’s mother, “go and make a living for yourself, but whatever you do—that baby you are carrying is my child and I intend to part of her life.” She stuck around for 10 years before she decided to get married and start another family. By that time, my daughter knew me as Daddy, we had a solid bond, although she only knew me from prison visits. She knew I bought her first bicycle, made sure she had gifts or money each birthday and would be there for her no matter my circumstances surviving in prison.

By the time she turned 11 years old, she began to act out, not getting along with her step-father; from time to time she lived with either of my sisters or brother. You can imagine my anguish trying to convince my siblings to take in my daughter when they had their own children to raise. Added to that drama, each of my siblings had their own issues with me, their big brother being in prison during their formative years growing up and my not being there for them. This is especially true when any of them got into a scrape with the neighborhood bully, they being unable to threaten, “I’m going to get my big brother” or situations where my sisters needed my advice dealing with unwanted suitors. Yes, prior to my capture, I had to stop a couple of young dudes because of their disrespect toward either of my sisters.

When my daughter was 16 years old, she was completely out of control. She lived in California, where I was originally captured in 1971, so I arranged for her to spend the summer in New York City, staying with Safiya Bukhari, a former BPP member and close friend. During the summer, she got a summer job and every weekend friends would bring her to Greenhaven to visit. I remember we had a family day picnic, and Yuri Kochiyama, Nandi Majid and Naomi Burns brought her for the event. While we were standing in line to have lunch, a young prisoner who I knew started talking to her. After a few words between them, I walked away, standing at a distance and watching them converse. After a few minutes they ended the conversation, and she walked to me, asking “Why did you leave me with that guy?” I responded, “Hey, you’re 16 years old, I know you know how to handle yourself, and I have confidence you will make the right decisions.” She gave me a quizzical smile, appreciative of the fact I recognized her maturing into a young woman.

When we returned to the table with my friends, telling them about the encounter, they started teasing me about how I’d soon be an “ole grandfather”—I did not like that kind of talk at all! Little did I know what they all knew and my daughter did not inform me—she was already pregnant. When I did find out, I was livid! Weeks later she aborted the pregnancy, then the following year got pregnant again, bearing a little girl. My daughter went on to finish high school living with her baby daddy’s family, and then went to find work.

By the time my granddaughter was 11 years old, in 2000, I had an interview with Essence Magazine for a feature arranged for me by poet, author and activist Asha Bandele, titled “Daddy Says”. The article talked about incarcerated fathers maintaining relationships with their children, with a nice photo of myself, daughter and granddaughter taken at Eastern (Napanoch).

It’s now 2017; my daughter is married with her own home and herself a grandmother. At 45 years, she still calls herself “Daddy’s girl.” My grandson will soon be playing for the “Bulldogs” and my great-granddaughter is writing me telling of her problems in elementary school.

Being an incarcerated father is difficult, but we have to put in the work; in the end, it is rewarded by the legacy you leave behind. Admittedly, it is also painful, especially after 9 parole hearings with you telling your family members—“I’ll make it at the next parole hearing.” It has come to the point where my daughter tells me to stop telling her that. She no longer believes the parole system is fair and impartial. She says “JUST — COME HOME!”

Write:
Anthony Bottom #77A4283
Shawangunk C.F.
P.O. Box 700
Wallkill, NY 12589-0700

http://freejalil.com

North Carolina Slave Conspiracies of 1802 ( North Carolina New Afrikans Wanted a Black Nation )

State of North Carolina Bertie County

The examination of Sundry Negro Slaves touching a conspiracy supposed to exist among the slave to rebel taken at Windsor before Justice assigned to keep them from the County of Bertie above named taken at Windsor this ninth day of June one hour and eighteen hundred and two.

That on the night on which despondent made died rode up Mr. Jaycook’s Ferry wikth Mr. Clement’s Robin that Robin told Despondent the Negroes were to rise and kill their white people. They were to leave a meeting at Mr. George Outlaw junior’s old field—that he Robin [unclear] the white people had catched him and whipped him at Mr. Daniels he would join them—that if there had not been too many together when they whipped him. Gain leader (belonging to Mrs. Anne Turner) Gain waited to buy some gun powder. Later that year buying a gun and some powder. The Negroes wanted to rise and kill white people; he would have some of their brains out. That him Outlaw Tony, Mr. Taylor Ports, Mr. Dyuyer’s Plato, David Horne’s Bob, Mr. James Jordan, little Jack, Mr. David Turner’s Emanuel, Jim L. Despondent himself, Mr. Dongan’s Jim and Sam Major Frances Pugh’s Lohil, Ambrose and Jim, Mr. Grays’ Dick, Miss. Lenon’s Sophie, Peter and Andréa, Mr. Handley, Bob, Mr. Outlaw’s Jim, Oliver or Sutton Harry, Mr. Purdy, Bill Mr. turner’s Gain, Mr. Haiss Arthur, Lewis and George, Captain Mr. Caufon Eli, Mr. John Clarks Peter, Malache Oliver’s Bob and Mr. Clemens Lt Robin all informed they were to meet to join to rise against the white people—Mr. Grays Dick also informed Despondent that Mr. Gray’s Jack was to join.

They were to kill all the white people to burn houses and blow them up. Kill the people and so all they could to furnish themselves with arms from those who were first killed.

The examination of Jim, belonging to the Estate of David Turner deceased, he denies having any knowledge of or connection with the conspiracy—he heard last Monday evening from a Negroe boy of his mistress which boy said old woman about the house informed him-there was to be a meeting at Mr. George Outlaw’s old field tomorrow evening to concert a plan that they would rise up and kill the whites at Windsor first, get into the houses and kill the people as they come out of the houses—understood that Mrs. Turner’s Gain was the head man in calling the meeting.

Haki Kweli Shakur 6-7-52 ADM North Carolina Slave Conspiracies of 1802  Granville North Carolina Location

 

No.4

Virginia the property of Mr. Assi Darga says Bob/Dr. Dargert/ said the Black people always back_____about rising down at Pasquotank__Col. Pugh’s Sam told him he heard the Negroes about Windsor were about to rise. Sam told him on Monday he met with Mr. James (as he came from Mr. Simon’s), who [crossed out] him the Negros and Indians were rising against the Whites.

No.5

–Bob Mr. Lennon—Scipio Mr. Linnon told him then was to a night meeting at Mr. Outlaw field on Monday night last by Virginia. There were all the meeting hand was to be given when they were to kill the White people Mr. Turner’s Gain was head man and Mr. Stone’s Bob was next head man and André Mr. [unclear] was next head man, Mr. Hare’s Arthur next head man [unclear] Bob had the powder in a log a horn full and a sword made of a scythe and had a gun at his master house Scripio Mr. Bossman told him gave Virginia. Hear to hold night meeting on Monday nights. They were to kill the White men and do Negro woman and take White women for wives and the yard Negro girls for waiters this conversation happened Sunday evening at Mr. Busman

Examination of Harry the property of Mr. Outlaw, he says that Mr. Layette’s Sam some time ago come over to Mr. Outlaw and told this Harry that them guns we heard was in Virginia and that the Negroes was their fighting the White people about two weeks after the same come over again, and said that Mr. Gwerte’s Negroes was going to rise and that Capt. West had taken up 9 Negroes of his and denied it, but the head man confessed it and that—Capt West cut off the leader of them head. Mr. Barco come riding by the fence of Mr. Outlaw yesterday with a gun. Danice the property of Mr. Outlaw said that the white people would with their guns they are so afraid of the Negroes, Harry observed to him he would ride with his gun to Edmond the property of Luke Walton deceased, said they had better not interrupt him for if that they did he would soon leave Casher neck that he was as good a man as any of them he was asked where he was a going to for your master can for no friend to you, he said there is many a one as good as these masters.

Simon/Mr. Bageman/ when runaway was a women of Mr. hunter was also at Gates {unclear] fish for the same meeting in gates with James Parnell who told him of the negroes rising in Portsmouth, was told by Sarah Boon a free woman there was good guns a good change of David collier when they went to meeting. Sarah Boon a free Black woman heard him say he wanted to get a gun from a poor white people along there he was willing [unclear] to except a gun that old Duke Meary D. gotten had was a good one of his old mistress [unclear] someone attempting to purchase a gun that works. Discuss Negroes rising in Virginia, who were being taken to goals.

The examination of Judi a negroe woman—belonging to Mr. Les Ray [space] buy duly cautioned the Jays that—him about and weeks ago Mr. Fetts Dave Murfrey came to her house one night after the white people had gone to bed and began to laugh and talk and said there is Hell fire news. What is it? We black are going to rise against them white we would do this and form a nation to come with powder of that would furnaces. Kill them white men and the ugly white women and we will take the handsome wh9ite woman for wives. We will make slaves of the negroe woman—told her that our [unclear] Who being with Reverend Reed was to furnish powder and if the powder he gave should be before the—come to give them money to buy more—to make the attack at the meeting which is to be held Friday, Saturday, Sunday or on the Sunday of it when there would be the most people to hide themselves in the woods and attack the people after they were collected to take as many as they could then kill them with the Buttes of their Muskets threatened the Witness that if he should be killed if she told—after Dave had been in the Court order that Tony the property of George Outlaw Junior receive three lashes—He laid on his bare back under the gallows and that he be committed to the Goal of the county. Contact his mother or family other person for him enter into an obligation with the Clerk to the State in the loan of 250 to be void only on condition that the said Tony—be transported or carried immediately out of the State of North Carolina and not again to be transferred to—or go at large within the State.

State of North Carolina

August Firm 1805

Bertie County

Ordered that Solomon Cherry sheriff be allowed Sixty Seven pounds Ten Shillings for the hire of men to guard the goal in the time of the Insurrection in June 1802.
George Grau State of North Carolina August to Firm 1802

Source:
http://slaverebellion.org/index.php?page=slave-conspiracy-in-north-carolina-bertie-county

Timeline of Slave Resistance Virginia & North Carolina 1790s to 1830s May to September

Reacting to disturbances in the West Indies, especially the bloody Saint Domingue (Haiti) revolt in 1791, North Carolina restricted the influx of Caribbean slaves in 1794. A year later the law was revised, and in 1798 Governor Samuel Ashe banned the importation of all West Indian slaves to permit the state to settle its own domestic difficulties. A Granville County slave named Quillo had organized a massive revolt to take place in April 1794. His failed plan included holding elections for an African American government and uniting with insurrectionists in neighboring Person County to kill all in their path. In 1798 three slaves, arrested in Bertie County for planning a revolt of 150 slaves, received 39 lashes after being found guilty of a high misdemeanor.

The alarm of a “slave conspiracy” in 1802 actually involved a series of actions taken by whites in response to threats of a slave revolt. Arrests, trials, and the execution of two slaves in Nottoway County, Va., in January 1802 proved to be the beginning of two successive waves of conspiracy scares. The first wave was confined to southeastern Virginia, except for brief excitements in Halifax and Northampton Counties, N.C., during February. The second wave began with new suspicions in Halifax County, Va., in April and spread rapidly to nearly all of eastern Virginia and North Carolina. Discovery of an alleged plot to burn Norfolk prompted slave arrests, trials, and executions from Currituck County eastward and southward in late May and June. Annapolis, Md., was also affected.

White panic was especially evident in Bertie County, where 11 slaves were executed. Others were put to death in Hertford, Halifax, Edgecombe, Currituck, Camden, and Perquimans Counties. Altogether, about 19 slaves were executed in North Carolina and 10 in Virginia, in addition to numerous others reportedly killed by vigilantes and militia. Many more suffered whippings, the cropping of ears, and deportation. Neither trials nor investigations in both states produced credible evidence of actual plotting, but public tranquility did not return until midsummer. Some tightening of slave codes resulted, but there were no further widespread alarms in this area for nearly three decades.

Two rumors of slave rebellions, both originating in Virginia, swept through North Carolina prior to the Civil War. The first followed the brutal murder of 59 white men, women, and children in Southampton County, Va., under the direction of a self-anointed slave preacher named Nat Turner on 21 Aug. 1831. Turner’s revolt elicited waves of North Carolina militia seeking to protect the state from similar unrest. One group, the Governor’s Guards, reportedly killed 40 slaves while helping to suppress a rebellion in Cross Keys, Va. In this climate of heightened fear, white North Carolinians discovered a suspected uprising in Duplin County, where after hours of torture on 5 Sept. 1831 a slave confessed to devising the plot. On 4 October the insurrectionists were to begin marching south to Wilmington, killing white families along the way; on the coast they would be joined by a force of about 2,000 blacks and blaze a path of destruction on their return north to Fayetteville. The alleged leaders-slaves named Dave and Jim-were killed by a mob on 9 Sept. 1831. Their deaths did not stop the spread of terror to Wilmington, where on 17 September, several slaves confessed to planning an additional revolt.

Several years later John Brown, a white abolitionist of questionable mental stability, led an ill-fated raid on the arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Va. (now West Virginia) to procure weapons for a slave revolt to end slavery. In the attempt, Brown and his men were captured on 16 Oct. 1859 by U.S. Marines under the command of Col. Robert E. Lee. While initial reports in North Carolina exaggerated Brown’s numerical strength, the seeming disinterest of black North Carolinians prevented the panic that followed the Nat Turner Rebellion. Nevertheless, in the wake of the raid numerous state newspapers clamored for a better slave patrol system. Black social outlets, including churches, were restricted as white North Carolinians perceived Brown’s plan as part of a larger northern conspiracy to undermine southern society. Although his mission failed, Brown inspired a backlash among whites against all things “non-southern,” which intensified the sectionalism in North Carolina leading to secession and theCivil War.

New Afrikan Anthony Burns Returned to The South June 2nd 1854 After Escape , Jailed in The Infamous Lumpkins Slave Jail in Richmond Virginia , It Cost Federal Government $ 100,000 For His Return, Leonard Grimes Brought Burns Freedom

New Afrikan Anthony Burns of Alexandria Virginia jailed in Richmond Virginia ( The Making of a criminal x fugitive x criminalization) June 2 1854 – Fugitive Slave returned to the South Fugitive slave Anthony Burns was returned to the South from Boston. It cost the federal government $100,000 to return Burns..

Anthony Burns (31 May 1834–27 July 1862), principal in a fugitive slave case, was born a slave in Stafford County Virginia He joined the Baptist Church and may have preached, which would have been a violation of Virginia law. As an adult Burns was about six feet tall with a dark complexion and scars on his cheek and right hand.

Escape from Slavery

Suttle hired his slaves out to various men in Stafford County, and Burns worked for a time for William Brent, of Falmouth. In 1852 Suttle directed Brent to hire Burns out in Richmond, where Burns apparently persuaded Brent to let him hire his own time. Burns used some of the money he accumulated in this way to arrange for his escape from slavery with the assistance of friends and mariners from the North whom he met in Richmond. In February or March 1854 he secretly traveled to Boston. Once there, Burns wrote a letter to one of his brothers in Virginia. Although he had the letter mailed from Canada in an attempt to conceal his location, its contents disclosed that he was in Boston and, as was the custom, the postmaster delivered the letter to the slave’s owner. Suttle and Brent immediately went to Boston, where on 24 May 1854 they had Burns arrested and instituted proceedings to recover possession of him under the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. One of the most famous and dramatic fugitive slave rendition cases of the 1850s resulted.

He intervened on Burns’s behalf, even though Burns initially rejected this offer of legal counsel because he believed that his return to Virginia in accordance with the Fugitive Slave Act was inevitable and that at this juncture it would be better for him if things went smoothly for Suttle. Arguments by abolitionists of both races soon convinced Burns to accept Dana’s assistance.

Haki Kweli Shakur Speaks on Anthony Burns Being Jailed at Lumpkins Slave Jail Richmond VA’s Shockoe Bottom

 

Fugitive Slave Act Enforced

For the next nine days an extended courtroom drama paralyzed Boston, and an antislavery crowd attempted to rescue Burns from jail. During the violence that ensued, a newly deputized marshal was killed. Hundreds of police, militiamen, and federal troops guarded the courthouse while Dana tried to persuade the commissioner that Burns was not Suttle’s slave. The commissioner rejected Dana’s arguments and ordered Burns returned to Virginia. It required more than 1,500 troops to conduct him safely through the angry crowd from the courthouse to the revenue cutter that transported him back to Virginia. The government had proved that it could enforce the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, even in Boston, but at a cost estimated at between $40,000 and $50,000 and at the expense of inflaming public opinion in both North and South.

Burns spent four months chained in one of the Richmond slave jails, an ordeal that left him permanently crippled and in ill health. Suttle then sold Burns to a North Carolina slave trader for $910. Burns lived briefly in Rocky Mount, but in the spring of 1855 a group of African Americans in Boston, acting through their Baptist minister, Leonard Grimes (a black man who had been born free in Virginia), bought his freedom for $1,300….

Yuri Kochiyama Revolutionary, Activist, First Nationalized Citizen of The Republic of New Afrika , Malcolm X Comrad

  1. Born in 1921 in San Pedro, California to two immigrants, Kochiyama described her twenty-year-old self as “a small-town gal living comfortably, and totally apolitical.” In 1942 after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, Kochiyama was incarcerated at Camp Jerome in Arkansas – one of the incarceration camps that held 120,000 Japanese/Japanese American citizens during WWII. Kochiyama cites this as “the beginning of [her] political awakening.”

Post-WWII, with her husband Bill and children, Kochiyama moved to a low-income housing project in Harlem, New York. There, the Kochiyama family spent time at the Harlem Freedom School (part of a grassroots organization advocating for safer streets and integrated education, which Kochiyama took part in) learning about Black history and listening to Black speakers, writers, and activists. Living in Harlem allowed Kochiyama to befriend Malcom X in 1963. Kochiyama was present at his death, cradling his head after he was assassinated in 1965. About Malcolm X, Kochiyama said, “He certainly changed my life. I was heading in one direction, integration, and he was going in another, total liberation, and he opened my eyes.” Kochiyama shifted toward Black liberation, joining the Republic of New Africa, a militant Black nationalist organization in Harlem.  Yuri Kochiyama (May 19, 1921 – June 1, 2014)

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Kochiyama’s work extended to other issues of social justice. In 1969, Kochiyama joined the Young Lords Party – a community and political action group for Puerto Rican independence. Kochiyama participated in the Statue of Liberty Storming in 1977, to demand Puerto Rican independence. Kochiyama also worked to free US political prisoners – most notably Mumia Abu-Jamal, a former Black Panther and radio journalist convicted of murdering a Philadelphia police officer in 1981 and sentenced to death. Kochiyama and Gloria Lum, a Chinese American activist, co-founded Asians for Mumia – a collective of Asian/Asian Americans fighting for Abu-Jamal’s release.

. Kochiyama’s work in the Asian American struggle for social justice was extensive – from her involvement in anti-imperialist and anti-Vietnam War protests, to labor organizing, to supporting the development of Ethnic Studies programs, to advocating for compensation for Japanese American incarceration. Kochiyama also fought against the racial profiling of Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians post- 9/11. At a Bay Area peace vigil and rally in September 2001, Kochiyama delivered a speech calling upon Japanese Americans to “remember Pearl Harbor” as Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians increasingly became the “newest targets of racism, hysteria, and jingoism.” Kochiyama connected Japanese American history of incarceration to racism against Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians, while incorporating transnational issues of US imperialism and war.

Kochiyama’s lifetime illustrates her dedication to solidarity and understanding, as she says, the “togetherness of all peoples.” Kochiyama pushes us to “fight against racism and polarization, learn from each others’ struggle” and “also understand national liberation struggles – that ethnic groups need their own space… But there are enough issues that we all could work on.”

When asked the legacy she hoped to leave behind, Kochiyama simply said, “Build bridges, not walls.”

Works Cited

Statement from Yuri Kochiyama’s long-time friend/comrade Herman Ferguson

The extraordinary Yuri Kochiyama is the first naturalized citizen of the Republic of New Afrika. This slight, modest, almost retiring Japanese woman has been a stalwart warrior in the worldwide struggle for human rights. She is an unflinching ally, comrade and friend of all who fight for freedom and justice. Diane Fujino tells her story in Heartbeat of Struggle. Yuri, her husband Bill and their six children lived in Harlem, and she immersed herself in the problems of her Harlem neighbors. But she saw those problems in a worldwide context. She saw the whole struggle as involving the Asian, African and Native American resistance against the European powers in their imperial bid to control and exploit the weaker Third World countries. Her small apartment on 126th Street in Harlem was a virtual Grand Central Terminal. The door was open to all members of the Movement. Revolutionary brothers and sisters kept her telephone number on their person. Yuri turned away no one who needed help or sanctuary. She was in the Audubon Ballroom on that horrible day in February 1965, and was the first on the stage to render aid to Brother Malcolm. She held his head in her hands until the brothers came with a gurney to take him across the street to the hospital. Every political prisoner and prisoner of war caged in America’s gulags knows her name. She maintains a steady correspondence with as many as she can. There have been many personal tragedies in this courageous woman’s life. Still she remains a fierce fighter for justice.

We wrote the above in the Notes of our book “An Unlikely Warrior”. Today we share with our comrades and allies in the struggle for social justice and the battle for the release of our political prisoners the great sadness for the passing of our sister, Yuri Kochiyama. Though we knew the inevitability of her transition, we cannot help but mourn our loss, and we offer our sympathy and condolences to her family and all who shared in her love and efforts. The name YURI KOCHIYAMA has now joined the list of warriors and comrades who fought the enemy through long campaigns that knew no rest or respite. She joined the fray in theaters of war that stretched from the dismal swamps of the everglades through the class struggle that drew her attention in places like Peru, Venezuela, and wherever the class struggle of workers raised up against the ruling class. It was inevitable that Yuri became a naturalized citizen of the Republic of New Africa whose naturalized citizens could only be Black folks from the diaspora or people like Yuri who identified close enough to the problems of Black people in the united states to become an emphatic part of their life style. We will not say Rest in Peace dear Yuri, for we know Yuri will not rest until social justice is a reality and all of our political prisoners are released and returned to their families and community. Her aura and spirit will embrace and empower our work to win the struggle to which she devoted her life. We say to Yuri, “take with you our endless and revolutionary love, and our vow to walk in your extraordinary footsteps. We will continue to take it to the enemy until victory is ours.” Herman & Iyaluua Ferguson

 

 

 

 

http://www.learntoquestion.com/seevak/groups/2004/sites/kochiyama/multicultural.html
http://encyclopedia.densho.org/Yuri_Kochiyama/
http://reappropriate.co/2014/06/rest-in-power-yuri-kochiyama-a-civil-rights-hero-who-inspired-a-generation/
http://la.indymedia.org/news/2003/10/89393_comment.php

http://marklewistaylor.net/blog/she-has-become-an-ancestor-yuri-kochiyamas-legacy-i-remember/
http://www.discovernikkei.org/en/journal/2011/8/24/a-heart-without-boundaries/
http://time.com/3880035/yuri-kochiyama-at-malcolm-xs-side-when-he-died-is-dead-at-93/
http://www.latimes.com/local/obituaries/la-me-yuri-kochiyama-20140604-story.html
http://www.backbonewomenonline.com/2012/01/yuri-kochiyama-true-revolutionary.html

Biafra 50 Never Forget The Igbo Women , Children , Men , Freedom Figters ,

#Biafra 50 Years Today Never forget the 3.6 million igbo women, children, men, Freedom Fighters of Biafra that was bombed with the help of the British!!!!
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On the 30th of May 1967, the Republic of Biafra was declared by the governor of the Eastern Region, an illustrious son of Biafra, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. This decision to be on their own was prompted by, among other silent reasons, the systematic massacre of Easterners by Hausa-Fulani in the slightest provocations, most often, not induced by the Easterners.
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Igbos must go was reverberating the whole of Hausa-Fulani land as at that time and pogrom after pogrom was an attestation of the obvious readiness to commit genocide against the Easterners, especially the Igbos.
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Seeing all those injustices, marginalization, pogroms and massacres meted against his people, Ojukwu held series of meetings with Gowon, including the widely known Aburi Accord, to rescue the situation but all to no avail leading to the inevitable declaration of the Republic of Biafra on the 30th of May, 1967.
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What followed the action of the Eastern Governor, Dim Odumegwu Ojukwu, was an instinctive reaction of war from the federal government of Nigeria led by Gowon and being helped by Britain, Nigeria bombed mostly women and children in Biafra, close to 3million in number. The war lasted for 30 months and the second in command in Biafra, Phillip Effiong from Akwa-Ibom part of Biafra, surrendered to Nigeria.

Explosive secret about Biafra hidden from the world for nearly 50 years by Britain and Nigeria

 

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How the Whiteman posited that the complexity involved in the refining of crude oil was beyond the understanding of any Blackman but Biafrans locally refined crude oil during the war.Therefore, let all Biafrans, including those who are still fiddling Nigerian politics, ponder and understand that Biafrans can do better staying on their own and that their land mass and political space can accommodate all of them. #biafraheroesday #biafrans #RepublicofBiafra #FreeBiafra #HerosHeroine #Igboland #CivilWar #Revolution #IgboKwenu #biafraland #BiafranLivesMatter