Biafra and Nigeria Oil History of Conflict ( British and US Imperialism )

Oil was a major issue in the
Nigerian civil war forty years

Nigeria is a country that was created artificially by British colonialism. It has a complex ethnic mixture of groups, with a division between the North, inhabited by Muslim Fulani-Hausas with a rigid feudal system, and the South where a number of different ethnic groups co-existed loosely, the largest of these groups being the Christian Igbos and Yorubas. The trick of British colonialism was the divide and rule system. They knew the nature of Nigeria; that it is a country that doesn’t have the same climate, not the same religion, not the same mentality, not the same food, not the same dress, not the same dialect, and not the same culture. They used their military might to force Nigeria to be one by the amalgamation of the southern and northern protectorates of Nigeria. They gave the Fulani emirs political prominence at the expense of the Southern population and left a time bomb with the fuse burning.

BIAFRA: Stop The Killing of Igbos in Biafra From New Afrikans in The U.S. – Haki Kweli Shakur

Prior to independence, and afterwards, many threats of a Northern secession were made by the Northern politicians because they did not want to be part of Nigeria. But in realty these Northern political kangaroos called leaders did not want to lose the benefit of Southern oil and industries. Nigeria was supposed to get its independence before the Gold Coast (now Ghana) did in 1957 but, because Northerners were not prepared to be part of the new country, Nigeria lost many years in debate and compromise until the North agreed to be part of it. It was only in 1960 that independence came.

But the new Nigerian constitutional framework did not resolve everything, it being clear that Nigeria was sitting on a time bomb that would explode and cause real dangerous harm to all Nigerians.

The constitution did not change the relative cultural backwardness of the North compared to the South. What the Northern leaders wanted was a guarantee that they would retain their dominant political position after independence. If not, they would pull out and form an “Arewa Republic” for the interest of the Fulani-Hausa. British imperialists taught that the North were fools to be used, and stole the resources from the South. But, the North got their way in political domination in Nigeria.

Military rule

In 1966, a group of young officers assassinated the Northern leader Bello, the federal Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa and the Western leader Akintola who had become discredited in the eyes of the population. The coup leader, Major Kaduna Chukwuma Nzeogwu (now dead) broadcast the following reasons for the coup on radio:

“Our enemies are the political profiteers, swindlers, men in high and low places that seek bribes and demand ten percent, those that seek to keep the country permanently divided so that they can remain in office as Ministers and VIP’s of waste, the tribalists, the nepotists, those that make the country look big for nothing before international circles”.

In the North, jubilant masses ransacked the governor’s palace and cheered the coup leader, despite his Igbo origin.

The coup did not succeed. In Lagos, General Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi Ironsi had restored peace and order in the name of the old government with British backing. He placed himself as the first army general at the head of the federation and declared Nigeria under military rule.

Despite opposition from Northern politicians, General Ironsi announced his “Unification Decree” which although it changed little but names – regions became provinces, the federation became a Republic – caused a series of the most violent massacres of Southerners yet seen in the North. “Armed thugs moved across the space between the city walls of Kano and the Sabon Garis where the Easterners lived, broke into the ghetto and started burning, raping, looting and killing as many men, women and children from the East as the could lay their hands on”. It is without doubt that these massacres were deliberately planned by Northern politicians using their own armed gangs to whip up local feelings against the Igbos and other Southerners.

General Ironsi then went on a tour to Ibadan, Western region, to promote the “ One Nigeria” ideal. While he was on this tour another coup was staged, by Northern army officers. General Ironsi and two of his commanding officers were stripped, beaten, tortured and then shot. With taking over command, the coup leader, led by a young British trained officer, General Gowon, issued instructions for Igbos in the army – many off them formed the majority of the technical corps – to be rounded up and imprisoned. And Gowon declared himself the supreme commander of the Nigerian armed forces. During September and October 1966, three months after Gowon’s takeover a large scale massacre of Southerners was reported again from the Northern region.

The British High Commission in Lagos after meeting with the coup leaders came out in their full support – including their demand for recognition of the dominance of the North in any political process. All the regions except the South Eastern region – where the former governor, colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, remained in command with his troops and refused to recognize the new dictatorship. This Ojukwu, son of a millionaire who had been knighted by the British, had been educated in Oxford Universty and Sandhurst college, saw the atrocities of Gowon and decided to lead the South-East to secession and war.

Gowon taught that British imperialism liked him and that was why they would support him to fight a war against Ojukwu. But he failed to understand that Britain and America were only interested in stealing Nigerian oil.

The Biafra War

On 30 May 1967, Colonel Ojukwu proclaimed the independent Republic of Biafra. Biafra fought a war against Britain, the United States of America, the Nigerian federal army and the River State militia. The actual fighting lasted for 24 months and took the form of an initial conquest of towns and a whole region to the west of Biafra by the Biafran Army and then the slow re-conquest of this region and Biafra itself, town by town, with the Nigerian Federal Army with its imperialist backers pushing the Biafran troops further back.

What the Nigeria and Biafra civil war did achieve was hatred, tribalism, nepotism, marginalization, ethnic inquisition, killings of 2 million innocent Nigerians who did not know anything about politics nor the oil in their region by Gowon and his capitalists backers, i.e. Britain and US. It also resulted in the reinforcement of the Gowon regime as the military dictatorship was to remain in power for a further six years before being kicked out of power by another brutal military dictator Major General Murtala Mohammed in 1976.

Rivalries for Oil

The BBC journalist Frederick Forsyth, who reported from Biafra during the war, later highlighted a major factor precipitating the war:

“It has been postulated that if the Biafrans had had their way as a republic of semi-desert and was allowed to separate from Nigeria, there would have cries of ‘Good Riddance’ in their ears. One foreign businessman said that ‘it’s an oil war’ and felt obliged to say no more.”

Biafra was not a semi-desert, beneath it lies an ocean oil. Approximately one tenth of this field lies in neighbouring Cameroon, three tenths in Nigeria. The remaining six tenths lies under Biafra.

Gowon and his ruling bandits and Ojukwu’s Eastern interest group had attempted to make an agreement over the terms of their relationship with the British and US oil companies in New York in June 1967. Ojukwu claimed the right to the royalties paid in Lagos by Shell/BP. Up until June 1967, £7 million due to Nigeria in oil royalties had not yet been paid. It was discussed that Biafra should receive 57.7 percent of the royalties and the rest be put aside until there was a political settlement. Gowon vehemently refused to pay and threatened to extend the anti-Biafra blockade to the Bonny Island oil terminal. Without respecting the agreement, Gowon’s troops launched their attack and captured the terminal at Port Bonny.

As soon as the Nigerian army took the oil terminal, the British and US oil companies arrived behind them building new oil installations as fast as they could while war was still raging a few kilometres away.

The Gowon regime represented by proxy the interests of Britain, the US and Muslim countries including Egypt whose pilots flew the Ilyushin jets provided by the USSR. The important imperialist interests at work were those of the oil companies owned by the British, Americans and French and backed by their respective governments in the way they lined up for and against Biafra.

Shell/BP was the biggest exploiter of Nigerian oil. This Anglo-Dutch consortium held the major concessions for oil in both the Biafran and Niger delta region where oil had more recently begun to be pumped. When Biafra was blockaded all oil ceased to flow – because the oil from outside of Biafra, from the Niger Delta’ was conveyed to Port Harcourt, now in Biafra, via a large pipeline. The US companies were also exploiting Nigerian oil but their interests were mainly in the Niger Delta region.

As to France, since all oil concessions in the Biafran region were not yet taken by super imperialists, they had been planning to expand their own concession already operating in Biafra in the name of the state-owned company ELF. Because of that they were in direct rivalry with Shell/BP and hope to gain something at their expense.

The President of France, General Charles De Gaulle kept his options open. Though he never formally recognized Biafra, he did support Biafra’s “right to self-determination” and gave aid through France’s colonized states like Ivory Coast, Cameroon and Gabon. Biafra also got support from South Africa, and Israel.

In 1970, after the genocide, a series of peace talks were held and a settlement was reached and Gowon made his famous speech that there were no victors, no vanquished in this war. Of course, this was true. Both sides had suffered severe losses and part of the country had been devastated. But there was one victor not only in Biafraland but, also in the whole world. Imperialism had established a number of new oil terminals and ensured the stability of its oil profits thanks to Gowon.

The “unity” of Nigeria in reality disappeared because of the mistrust built up during the war and the atrocities perpetrated against Biafrans by Gowon and his imperialist backers.

Every war fought in the world is at the advantage of capitalism. The Nigerian-Biafran war, Rwandan genocide, Liberia war, Sierra Leone war, Democratic Republic of Congo war, Ivory Coast war, Uganda war, Eritrea-Ethiopia war, Darfur conflict, Angola war, Iraqi war, Palestinian-Israeli war, Afghanistan war, India-Pakistan war, Somali war, Zimbabwe conflict, Senegal-Cassamace war, Guinea Bissau war, Chechnya-Russia war. All wars to the advantage of capitalism. Beware and be warned.

Do not say that you did not know or hear about socialism and what we do. The choice is yours. Enough is enough – we must work together and join hands and cast capitalism and imperialism to burn in the abyss of everlasting fire.





PROCLAMATION CONCERNING NAT TURNER BY GOVERNOR FLOYD, SEPTEMBER 17, 1831, Real Documents , Nat Turner May Be Hiding in The Dismal Swamp With Maroons


On August 23, 1831, Governor John Floyd received a note from the Southampton County postmaster stating “that an insurrection of the slaves in that county had taken place, that several families had been massacred and that it would take a considerable military force to put them down.” At least fifty-five white people, many of them women and children, died before a massive force of militiamen and armed volunteers converged on the region and put down the insurrection. Angry white vigilantes killed dozens of slaves and drove hundreds of free persons of color into exile in the reign of terror that followed.

Early newspaper reports identified the Southampton insurgents as a leaderless mob of runaway slaves that rose out of the Dismal Swamp to wreak havoc on unsuspecting white families. Military leaders and others on the scene soon confirmed that the rebels were not runaways but slaves from local plantations. Reports of as many as 450 participants gave way to revised estimates of perhaps 60 armed men and boys, many of them coerced into joining. The confessions of prisoners and the interrogation of eyewitnesses pointed to a small group of ringleaders, one of which was an enslaved preacher by the name of Nat Turner. Attention focused on Turner; it was his “imagined spirit of prophecy” and his extraordinary powers of persuasion, local authorities reported, that had turned obedient slaves into bloodthirsty killers. Turner’s ability to elude capture for more than two months only enhanced his mythic stature.

While Turner remained at large, rumors of a wider slave conspiracy flourished. An abolitionist writer named Samuel Warner suggested that Turner had hidden himself in the Dismal Swamp with an army of runaways at his disposal. State officials took pains to ensure that Turner lived to stand trial by offering a $500 reward for his capture and delivery to jail. On October 30, 1831, Turner surrendered to a local farmer who found him hiding in a cave. Local planter and lawyer Thomas R. Gray interviewed Turner in his jail cell, recorded his “Confessions,” and published them as a pamphlet shortly after Turner was tried, convicted, and executed. Turner insisted that God had given him a sign to act, that he had shared his plans with only a few trusted followers, and that he knew nothing of any wider conspiracy extending beyond the Southampton County area. Certified as authentic by six local magistrates and said to be authorized by Turner himself, the “Confessions” became the definitive but controversial source for nearly all subsequent accounts of the event.



Turner’s revolt prompted a prolonged debate in the Virginia General Assembly. While many statesmen adhered to the Jeffersonian idea that the ending of slavery was desirable, no coherent plan for eventual abolition emerged. In fact, Virginia’s sponsorship of colonization to Africa, a popular solution to the problem, in reality became simply a way to remove free blacks, who were thought to be a bad influence on slaves. Instead of advocating freedom for slaves, some prominent Virginians developed a positive argument for slavery’s good based on their readings of the Bible and classical history. As a result of Turner’s actions, Virginia’s legislators enacted more laws to limit the activities of African Americans, both free and enslaved. The freedom of slaves to communicate and congregate was directly attacked. No one could assemble a group of African Americans to teach reading or writing, nor could anyone be paid to teach a slave. Preaching by slaves and free blacks was forbidden.

Political Prisoner Herman Bell Assaulted

political prisoner Herman Bell was viciously assaulted by guards at Great Meadow Correctional Facility (Comstock) on September 5, 2017. While being “escorted” by a guard back to his housing unit, a guard struck Herman, age 69, in the face causing his glasses to drop to the floor. This same guard then repeatedly punched Herman about the face, head and body. Responding to a commotion, 5-6 other guards arrived and joined in the assault. One of them was able to knee Herman in the chest causing two cracked ribs. Another guard took out a bottle of mace and sprayed it all over Herman’s face, eyes and mouth.

Herman was then taken to the prison infirmary. X-rays have confirmed fractured ribs. Herman’s left eye is damaged from the mace and blows. He has bruises to his body and is suffering headaches, a sign of a possible concussion.

Herman Bell has now been charged with “assault on staff”. Defying common sense, they allege that Herman, for no apparent reason, slapped the guard escorting him. He did this, they claim, in a location out of the view of all inmates but in the presence of other guards. He is now in the Special Housing Unit (box) at Five Points Correctional Facility where he was transferred after the incident.

Herman Bell has not had a disciplinary violation in over 20 years. He was scheduled to begin a three day family visit with his wife a few days after the incident, their first such visit in over 2 1/2 years. In addition he is to appear before the parole board, for the 8th time, in February 2018.

Herman has, however, been the target of guard harassment due to his political background. Visitors report that guards processing them and in the visiting room comment that they are visiting a “cop killer” or “terrorist”. Some guards have been seen passing around the book “Badge of the Assassin” written by Herman’s prosecutor.

At this time, we are encouraging everyone to take the time to write to Herman or send him a get-well card, so that the authorities know we are paying attention and are concerned for Herman. Stay tuned for updates as we develop this campaign.

Herman Bell’s new address is:

Herman Bell #79C0262
Five Points Cor. Fac.
P.O. Box 119
Romulus, N.Y. 14541?

Indigenous Afrikan Beliefs of Nature ( Respect The Land & Nature )


“Nature is like the autobiography of God. He is encountered through it. God created the universe full of rocks, trees, mountains, valleys, rivers, lakes and oceans to show his very majestic presence in the world.” (Bakanja Mkenda)

Africa, the cradle of mankind, is home to many cultures across its varied geographic regions that practice a wealth of spiritual and religious belief systems. The indigenous belief systems have altered, and many traditions have been lost or replaced by the secular and religious traditions of immigrants and colonisers. Islam has had a strong influence in northern Africa since the 7th Century as has Christianity in especially Sub- Saharan Africa since the 17th Century. Indigenous African religious practises were based on oral traditions and on knowledge and customs which are passed on during a wide variety of ceremonies and rituals during rites of passage and a range of community events. Some of the content of these ceremonies and rituals are secret, which combined with an oral rather than written tradition made them especially vulnerable to change over time. Many of the sacred environments which are believed to be the abodes of nature spirits or which are sacred places of learning about traditional healing, divination and rites to connect with the ancestors have been polluted or destroyed by mining, deforestation, dams and commercial cash crops. As a result of all these influences and impacts, indigenous African belief systems and knowledge are being forgotten. People are giving up many of their traditional ways in favour of western education, capitalist enterprise, new religious practices and prioritizing the individual over their community.

Isn’t it ironic then that the global environmental crisis, which is particularly harshly expressed in parts of Africa, is resulting in a growing interest in traditional African knowledge systems and of how communities lived in a sustainable relationship with their environment? An introduction below into the traditional spiritual values attached to land and water give some insight into a practical African conservation ethic.



Nature as a gift from God to be used in harmony with the web of life.

The prominent scholar of African Traditional Religion, John S. Mbiti, stated “Africans are notoriously religious,” implying that religion permeates and is integrated in daily African life with no clear-cut separation between what is secular and what is sacred. For Africans, religion focusses on the preservation of human wellbeing and the promotion of whatever enhances life on Earth. At a practical level, a healthy natural environment is acknowledged as essential for a healthy and harmonious life. The connection is also deeply spiritual. In traditional African societies nature was regarded as a gift by a supreme Creator God for the benefit of humanity who believed that mankind was created at the centre of the universe. Nature, however, is not a gift to abuse and a host of nature spirits associated with specific animal and tree species and sacred forests, rivers, lakes, and mountains remind local communities of their need to respect the environment and to use it sustainably. Through responsible behaviour people, were required to co-exist peacefully with other people, other living creatures and natural objects and by so doing to ensure a harmonious and sacred web of life. Many rituals, taboos and customs function to remind communities of the need for respect.

Using traditional Chagga society in Tanzania as an illustration, when the weather was good people felt they were in harmony with nature, their ancestors and God. If there was drought, famine or floods then the Chagga believed their good relationship with nature, ancestors, God and others had been disturbed. (Bakanja Mkenda )

Traditional Africans focus on life on earth as a member of a community and spiritually they do not draw clear distinctions between the living and the dead. The dead in the form of ancestors remain part of their community and can intercede on behalf of the living to ensure the wellbeing of their family members and clan. Land ownership is a core value amongst Africans and is also linked to the extended family’s link with their ancestors. God gave the land to each community through their ancestors and they in turn have the responsibility to look after it for future generations. The placenta of a new born was buried in the soil to connect the new born with God, the ancestors and their responsibility toward the land (Bakanja Mkenda).

Water as a source of life and spirituality is another core African value. Traditionally water was recognised as both an essential life force and a source of strong spiritual power. Water spirits were believed to live in and protect water sources as well as being the guardians of fertility, morality, and life itself. They can, however, be chased away by disrespectful actions or by social disharmony. Disrespect shown to them was believed to result in drowning, droughts and floods, and if it was so severe that they left, this could result in the degradation of the water bodies or their drying up.

Although the widespread practise of the traditional rituals to ensure a harmonious relationship between the water spirits living in local rivers and wetlands have become diluted, there are still traditional healers and communities in Southern Africa who observe these rituals. Water spirits manifest themselves in a number of ways, giant water snakes being one of the most powerful. Two well-known examples of the presence of water snakes are the water serpent Nyaminyami who lives in the Zambezi River and was reputed by the Valley Tonga to be angered by the construction of the Kariba Dam. Many locals believed that disasters that beset the project were caused by Nyaminyami’s distress at being separated from its mate below the dam wall. The Lesotho Highlands Water project encountered similar resistance from the locals, who attributed the seismic tremors to the local water snake’s distress.

The sacred role of water spirits goes beyond ensuring a respectful relationship with water. It is believed that the spirits of the water `call’ individuals who have been chosen to become traditional diviners and healers (amagqirha, izangoma) and pass on some of their power and knowledge. Skills in healing, sacred knowledge, psychic abilities, and medicinal plants are some of the gifts imparted to those chosen by the water spirits. These healers are the custodians of traditional knowledge. Healers and diviners who follow the calling become important mediators between the spirit world and their communities. This however requires access to and the preservation of sacred rivers, wetlands and the sea as to conduct rituals to aid communication with the spirit world. It follows that water is regarded among many African religious functionaries as a living force, with the power to transform people from one state to another, at a spiritual or physical level. It has the power to purify and protect one from evil, or to heal and bring one from illness to health and is a vital element in the performance of many religious and healing rituals. (Penny S. Bernard)

Sacred Sites and Conservation

Africa’s ecology has had eons to adapt to the impacts of mankind. However, the more recent impacts resulting from demand for resources from the industrialization of the world, materialistic capitalism, population density and now Climate Change are devastating. Across Africa, sacred areas long protected by traditional customs which restricted use and, or access have enjoyed protection and are now recognised as ecologically important areas in addition to being culturally significant. Sacred groves in the Ashanti region of central Africa were originally protected by customary law for a variety of purposes such as royal burial grounds or as the abode of traditional gods. Some habitats are venerated because they house an animal considered sacred, or a clan totem. One example is the belief in a common ancestry with the leopard, the symbol of the Akan people. The forest in which these leopards are found is sacred and killing them is forbidden. While the original intention may not have been purely for conservation, the benefits for conservation are clear.

Environmental conservation is not a recent phenomenon in indigenous African communities. Past generations knew about the sustainable use of natural resources. Because religion permeates virtually all aspects of African life, practises to protect special areas, species and to ensure sustainable use of land and water found expression in religious rituals and practises. This is in keeping with the belief that all things were created by the Supreme Being for a harmonious continuity, and as such there must be a relationship of mutual obligations between all created things. The traditional healers of the past collected bark or roots in a way that did not damage the plants, or if the entire plant was needed, they would not to harvest all the plants, but leave some for the future. Sadly traditions have been eroded and the demand for resources has increased. Middlemen, who are not trained in the conservation methods of the past or who are more concerned about short term profits, often disregard the conservation taboos and sustainable harvesting practises of the past.

A re-visitation of the principles of traditional African religious practices would provide modern conservation programs in Africa and globally with an insight into the activities of communities that managed to live alongside the rivers and forests and use them sustainably. Contemporary Africa would do well to borrow a leaf from traditional African spiritual beliefs to further environmental conservation for the wellbeing of humanity and out of respect for God’s gift of creation. (Bakanja Mkenda )
This article is a synthesis of the material in the resources below.
Kim Kruyshaar July 2014

References and for additional reading:

African Religions and Philosophy (1969) by John S. Mbiti
African Traditional Religion:
Environmental conservation anchored in African cultural heritage by Bakanja Mkenda
Ecological Implications of Water Spirit Beliefs in Southern Africa: The Need to Protect Knowledge, Nature, and Resource Rights. Penny S. Bernard.
Implementing Agenda 21 Religion and Conservation in Ghana by Mike Anane

Kwame Shakur indicts legalized slavery

Kwame Shakur indicts legalized slavery
September 2, 2017
by Kwame ‘Beans’ Shakur

This is a speech written for a prisoner organized rally against censorship on Aug. 11 outside the Indiana Department of Corrections headquarters in downtown Indianapolis

Revolutionary greetings!

The New Afrikan Liberation Collective and the Black Guerrilla Army have organized this Prison Lives Matter campaign as a call to action on behalf of all political prisoners and prisoners of war being held captive across the country inside America’s concentration camps.

Prison Lives Matter will serve as a unified front for the prison movement: the revolutionary prison class individuals and their organizations who are struggling to abolish legal slavery in America.

When the unconscious masses hear the terms “political prisoner” or “POW,” they have been conditioned to automatically picture U.S. imperialist soldiers who have been captured overseas. These fascist pigs are seen as national heroes, although they are invading the land of underdeveloped Third World nations and committing mass genocide, bombing innocent men, women and children and stealing their natural resources for the political economic gain of U.S. capitalism.

We must destroy this American colonial mentality and develop a revolutionary mentality and consciousness within the people.

The United States’ empire is a prison house of nations; the United States of America is an oppressor nation with groups or oppressed colonies of people who have been stripped of their nationality and turned into an inferior “race,” class groups who are subordinate to the upper ruling class. The predetermined social and economic conditions of the capitalist class structure create a massive disproportion of wealth and property – which creates the fundamental class contradiction of privilege and poverty.

New Afrikans and poor “white” people are a part of the proletariat class. The proletariat is the class of lowest status in a capitalist society; the working class who sell their labor in order to survive; the neo-slave who is stuck in a never-ending cycle of economic exploitation, living paycheck to paycheck while the upper ruling class profits from our oppression.

Prison Lives Matter will serve as a unified front for the prison movement: the revolutionary prison class individuals and their organizations who are struggling to abolish legal slavery in America.

Class struggles, i.e. lack of quality health care, poor housing, under and unemployment, are the politics behind our economic “crimes,” which should be seen for what they really are: the result of class contradictions and the disproportion of wealth in society.

The proletarian class must adopt a revolutionary mentality and realize that we are at war with the U.S. empire – not a “race” war, but a class war!

Let me use the revolutionary teachings of Comrade Yaki to explain our definition of “political prisoner” and “prisoner of war”:

“All New Afrikans in Amerikkka are members of an oppressed nation, which in itself is ‘political,’ and lends automatic political meaning to the conditions suffered by us all, whether in prison or out. But the recognition of the political significance that our colonial status has does not define revolutionary nationalist consciousness or practice … Thus, we say that in making our analysis of the nation, and in focusing particularly on those of us inside the kamps, we see three sectors: the captured colonials, the political prisoner and the prisoner of war.”

The captured colonials are the mass, general prison populations which Afrikans comprise. The simple status of a 20th century slave gives political character and significance to us all. But it doesn’t determine whether that political character and significance will be good or bad for the nation and the struggle.

While the “criminal” acts of all Afrikans are the result of our general economic, political and social relationships to the oppressive, imperialist state, there is no automatic, unquestionable revolutionary nationalist capacity or consciousness.

If we say that “crime” is a reflection of the present state of property relations, then we must also say that for us, these relations are those between a dominated nation and its oppressor and exploiter. The method of economic organization which governs our lives is an imperialist, a neo-colonialist method.

Although this colonial system is structured so as to force many of us to take what we need in order to survive, and although there are conscious political decisions made by the oppressor once we find ourselves in the grips of his “criminal justice system,” it must also be seen that a conscious political decision must also be made on the part of the colonial subject before his acts can have a subjective, functional political meaning within the context of the national liberation struggle.

Put another way, if the “criminal” acts of Afrikans are the result of a grossly disproportionate distribution of wealth and privilege that stems from our status as a dominated, neo-colonized nation, then the only way to prevent crime among us is to make a conscious decision to liberate the nation and establish among ourselves a more equitable distribution of wealth and privilege.

For us, the political prisoner is one who has made, and who acts on, a conscious political decision to change the present state of property relations. Although the political prisoner and the prisoner of war levels of thought and practice sometimes overlap, we use the element of organized revolutionary violence to distinguish between them – organized revolutionary violence of a distinct military type.

Political prisoners are those arrested, framed and otherwise imprisoned because of relatively peaceful political activity against the oppressive conditions of the people. Political prisoners are also captured colonials inside the walls who have adopted a “revolutionary mentality” and become politically active.

For us, the political prisoner is one who has made, and who acts on, a conscious political decision to change the present state of property relations.

Activity on part of political prisoners behind the walls results in denial of release, punitive transfers, harassment and brutality, long periods of isolation, close censorship of mail and visits, behavior modification attempts, and even assassination at the hands of prison administrators, who sometimes employ reactionary prisoners to do their jobs for them.

We regard as prisoners of war those Afrikans who have been imprisoned as a result of their having taken up arms or otherwise engaged in acts of organized revolutionary violence in its military form, against the U.S. imperialist state: the act of expropriation, acts of sabotage, intelligence and counter intelligence activities, and support activities when directly linked to acts of military organized violence and/or groups which are part of the “armed front.” Also, those activities of an overt or covert nature which are linked to the action of armed people’s defense units – those New Afrikans involved in such activities and imprisoned because of this are considered as prisoners of war.

We also regard as prisoners of war those captured colonials and political prisoners who consciously commit acts of military organized revolutionary violence while behind the walls, as well as those who join or form organizations which are or will become part of the organized “armed front” and/or part of the armed people’s defense units or “mass front.”

We use those words from the late comrade to illustrate to the people and the comrades in the outside movement that there is no separate struggle between the prison movement and the overall international struggle and movement against capitalism, U.S. imperialism and national liberation.

When Yaki says that “the only way to prevent crime among us is to make a conscious decision to liberate the nation and establish among ourselves a more equitable distribution of wealth and privilege,” this is the overall objective of all New Afrikan “Black” revolutionary nationalists inside the liberation movement, as well as poor “white” Euro-Americans who are already fighting to destroy capitalism and “racism” and establish a socialist-communist society where the working class people and independent nations control the means of production and distribution of goods.

This is why the Republic of New Afrika and the New Afrikan Liberation Collective, as well as the Black Guerilla Army believe in the Malcolm X doctrine, that we should become a sovereign independent nation, separate from the capitalist class structure and culture of America.

We have made a conscious decision to liberate the New Afrikan “Black” nation and start the decolonization process by first educating ourselves and the masses, our communities, and breaking the chains of mental slavery. We have to educate the people and destroy the prestige and the illusion that the police, the prisons, the court system, the U.S. government and their so-called laws are legitimate and authoritative over the people.

We have been programmed and trained since birth to view these fascist institutions as superior. We have been tricked and rocked to sleep by believing that something had changed or that we are free and equal. We were pacified and content with being spoon fed crumbs that fell off the massa’s plate.

Our fight was for land, independence and socialism; however, the revolution failed and the people settled and sold out for voting rights that still don’t exist and reformism.

When we are being misled, putting all our focus on voting for the Democratic presidential nominee versus the Republican, as if the Democratic Party is the only hope and savior for our people, then we are distracted from our struggle to gain independence. National liberation and total liberation require a people with self-determination, a people who determine their own destiny.

So let’s be clear. We do not view these institutions or American “law” as legitimate; therefore, we are not interested in criminal justice “reform.” We are not content or interested with a two dollar increase in minimum wage. We are not seeking to simply “reform” the prison conditions. We are struggling for a socialist revolution to overthrow the current system.

You cannot reform genocide, capitalism, colonialism or slavery. It has to be destroyed!

We have to take control of our communities and create socialist institutions that allow us to control our own educational, economic, political and social development. The problem is that we as a people don’t own anything. We depend on the oppressor and other communities for our very needs.

A group of people or nation that doesn’t control their own means of production, who depends on another group of people, i.e. the upper ruling and middle class, for employment, housing, food, clothing etc., becomes subordinate to the capitalist class structure and is not in control over their own lives.

You cannot reform genocide, capitalism, colonialism or slavery. It has to be destroyed!

Colonialism is control by one power over a dependent area or people – the key word being “dependent.” You cannot colonize and exploit a nation of people with self-determination who have put the power into the hands of the people and decided to fight back and change the order of things.

So, once the captured colonial has made a conscious decision to transform his or her self into a political prisoner, resist the conditions or existence of modern day slavery in these camps and struggle to wake the masses by turning these prisons into revolutionary universities, he or she becomes a threat to the institution because he or she no longer has a colonial slave mentality. Therefore, we can no longer be controlled by the oppressor administration.

You have to ask yourself, “Why are there so many jails and prisons in America? Why are more people locked up in America than any other country in the world?”

All these prisons and courthouses didn’t exist during the 1600s and 1700s, or first half of the 1800s. There was no need for them. We were already enslaved on the plantation and all other poor working-class people were considered non-citizens and not allowed to own property. The United States empire was funded and built on slavery and oppression, so once we were so called “freed,” or emancipated, in 1865, their empire would have crumbled without the capital from slavery, or if Afrikan people were allowed to become a truly free and independent nation, economically self-sufficient.

You have to ask yourself, “Why are there so many jails and prisons in America? Why are more people locked up in America than any other country in the world?”

The 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution to abolish slavery clearly states that the only exception is prisons and jails. Their Constitution reads, “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.”

These jails and prisons replaced the plantation. This is modern day slavery. We are slaves to the state.

No one is committing what they call “crimes” for a hobby or pastime. These are acts of survival; no one who owns their home, has a refrigerator full of food, who is able to take care of their family and make ends meet is out stealing, robbing or selling dope.

These jails and prisons replaced the plantation. This is modern day slavery. We are slaves to the state.

There are more jails, prisons and more people locked up and enslaved in America because of the massive disproportion of wealth, because we live in a capitalist society that is designed to keep the poor poor while the rich get richer. The police and these slave camps exist to keep New Afrikans and all other poor people in check and protect the capitalists and their property.

Myself and my comrades have been kidnapped and are being held captive against our will. There is nothing legit or legal about this entire process. We are under attack as we struggle to expose the prison industrial slave complex. We are being thrown in 23-24-hour solitary confinement and long-term segregation. We are strategically being silenced and censored by the state in an attempt to cover up their crimes of daily genocide and colonial violence.

The state is stopping any newspaper or publication that speaks out against modern day slavery and the economic exploitation of our families; they are now stopping any books that educate people to these issues; they are attempting to cut us off from the outside world by restricting incoming mail and limiting phone calls to one 20- or 30-minute call a week.

The police and these slave camps exist to keep New Afrikans and all other poor people in check and protect the capitalists and their property.

Again, this is a call to action for our families and supporters to take a stand. If U.S. troops, or any other human being besides those labeled “criminals,” were being subjected to these inhumane conditions, there would be national and international support and outrage.

If your loved ones had been kidnapped and held captive in cages by anyone other than the prestigious state, you would be doing everything in your power to free them and overthrow their captors.

There is no difference. We must organize and mobilize against the powers that be in order to abolish legal slavery in America!


One Love, One Struggle!

Kwame “Beans” Shakur, co-founder and chairman of the New Afrikan Liberation Collective and ambassador to the Black Guerilla Army

Send our brother some love and light: Michael Joyner (Kwame Shakur), 149677, Pendleton CF, 4490 W. Reformatory Rd., Pendleton IN 46064.


The Founder of the Order of True Reformers: The Story of William Washington Browne and its Objectives by Anita Wills

The Order of True Reformers was a Fraternal Organization of African Americans organized in southern states after the Civil War. The intention was to set up business and social avenues in which Negroes could participate. By taking up the task of insuring the lives of these members, several of these societies became prosperous business enterprises. These orders began to sell Negroes insurance when well established companies refused. 1William Washington Browne, a Methodist Minister of Richmond, Virginia organized the association in 1881.

Richmond Virginia’s Jackson Ward Black Wall St

William Washington Browne, a slave freed after the Civil War, created an economic empire founded and run by the black community known as The Grand Fountain, United Order of True Reformers. Instead of fighting for social equality, Browne devoted most of his time, strength, and energy to advancing the black community while simultaneously desiring to remain completely separate from white Richmonders.


Against the back drop of many misconceptions (i.e., blacks were inferior), Self Help Organizations sprang up after the Civil War to address the needs of the newly freed slaves. One of the most successful was The Grand Fountain of The Order of True Reformers, founded by William Washington Browne, an Ex-slave from Georgia. Browne set up a beneficial society which blacks could join out of which insurance companies, businesses and banks were formed. W.E.B. Du Bois characterized Browne’s Fraternal Organization as “Probably the most remarkable Negro organization in the country.” Young African Americans Entrepreneurs would do well to study Brown’s successes and failures – yet little is known of him or his organization.

Browns’ early childhood was spent as a slave on a Georgia plantation. He was born October 20, 1849 and was given the name Ben Brown. His parents were field slaves who were sold from Virginia. He became a house servant, and a companion of his owner’s son. After his first owner died Brown was taken to Rome Georgia and hired out. His new owner changed his name to William Washington Brown. He was sold out, first to a shopkeeper, then to an attorney. Brown was to be sold again, this time to Tennessee where he became a Jockey. He was now far away from his family and anything that seemed like home.

When the Union Army occupied Memphis during the Civil War, Browne was placed on a plantation in Mississippi for safekeeping. That did not deter the young man who escaped and made his way to the Union forces. When he learned that the Union were surrendering escaped slaves he ran away and worked for a Jewish family. From there he went to Cairo, Illinois and worked in a saloon (and acquired a life long horror of drinking). In 1864, when not yet fifteen, he joined an infantry regiment in the Union Army as a paid substitute and served until 1866.

He returned to Wisconsin to work as a farmhand and resume his schooling. In September 1869, not quite twenty years old, he went back to Georgia to see his mother. After the sermons of a Georgia preacher occasioned his conversion, he briefly studied for the ministry at Atlanta at a school which later grew into Gammon Theological Seminary. On the basis of his limited education in Wisconsin, he made his living as a school teacher in Georgia, then in Alabama. In 1873 he married Mary A. Graham and in 1876 was ordained a Minister in the Colored Methodist Church. This is a man who never gave up no matter what his circumstances.

Sign and Share this Petition to Raise a William Washington Browne Monument/Statue


While in Alabama Browne became active in the temperance movement. He worried that many Alabama blacks were disenfranchised because they had been convicted for drunkenness and also wasted money that poor people could not afford. “All the masses of our Race own is [a grave of] three by six feet of earth.” Looking for an effective temperance organization, he hoped that he and other blacks could join the Good Templars. When the Grand Lodge of Alabama rejected the notion of permitting the organization of black lodges, he accepted the alternative offered by Good Templars, the True Reformers. Eventually Browne would leave Alabama and settle in Richmond, Virginia where he formed the Order of True Reformers.

The Browne who built a powerful Grand Fountain (GFUOTR) in Virginia was a product of the Post-Reconstruction South. Black powerlessness against growing white racism increased his innate caution. He tried to appease the whites who controlled government and business because he knew he needed sympathetic white judges, legislators, and bankers. A few years after his death, The Order’s weekly Newspaper, The Reformer, editorialized: “While we shall never stoop to kiss the hand that smite us, yet we do not believe we can accomplish as much by extreme radicalism as by conservatism.” Accepting white supremacy and racial segregation as facts of life beyond immediate amelioration, Browne preached a gospel of money, morality, education and family, racial solidarity and self-help. While whites were quarreling over the Negro problem, Browne urged his fellow blacks, “Let Us Work It Out Ourselves.”

Below are listed some of the achievements of The Grand Fountain of the United Order of True Reformers:


With one hundred members, the relict of an old organization, bearing nearly the same name, and one hundred fifty dollars, he (William Washington Browne) launched the Grand Fountain, asking at the same time the prayers and confidence of the race. He was looked upon by many as an impostor, and by others as demented, because he proposed to reform the whole [insurance] society management of the Negro race.

The Savings Bank of the GFUOTR was incorporated in Virginia on March 2, 1888 and in 1892 the real estate department was established. By 1900 they owned 15 halls, 3 farms, 2 dwellings, 1 hotel and leased 14 halls. Total value of property was $223,500. In January 1893 they began publishing a bimonthly newspaper. Eventually it became a weekly and by 1900 had a circulation of over 8,000. In 1893 they began fund raising for Old Folks Homes. In 1897 they purchased a farm near Richmond for $14,400 for the first home.

In 1899 the Order received a charter for the Reformers’ Mercantile and Industrial Association, the purpose of which was to manufacture, buy and sell, at wholesale or retail, or both, groceries, goods, wares, implements, supplies, and articles of merchandise of any and every description etc. and included the insurance feature in Organizing the Order known as the True Reformers.

The object of the organization is:

“To unite fraternally all colored persons of sound bodily health and good moral character, and who are socially and otherwise acceptable to each other.

And to give all moral and material aid in its power to its members and those dependent upon them.

To educate its members socially, morally and intellectually.

To establish a fund for the relief of sick and distressed members, or for such other purposes as the Association may determine.

To establish a benefit fund, from which on satisfactory evidence of the death of a member, who has compiled a sum with all its lawful requirements, a sum not exceeding five thousand dollars shall be paid to the family, heirs, blood relatives, affianced husband, affianced wife, or to persons dependent upon aid member as the member may direct.

To secure for its members such other advantage as are, from time to time, designated by the Constitution and Laws of the Association.”

In 1885 there was organized and put in operation a department for the children known as the ROSEBUD DEPARTMENT. The object of this department was:

“To discipline the young, to train them to practice thrift and economy, and to give lessons early in the business methods of life, to establish a fund for the relief of sick members and a mortuary fund from which, on satisfactory proof of death, of a benefited member a sum not exceeding thirty-seven dollars shall be paid to parents or guardians.”

This was the beginning of the Negro businessmen in insurance and banking. Other associations affiliated with the Order were St. Lukes, the Good Samaritans, the Galilean Fishermen, and the United Brothers of Friendship. Mrs. Maggie L. Walker, the head of St. Lukes, established a bank for that order and thus became the first woman in the United States to be the president of such an institution. Raleigh, North Carolina and other parts of the south had similar organizations patterning themselves after Browne’s success. In 1910 the bank set up by The True Reformers collapsed and with it the popularity of William Washington Brown.

However, William Washington Browne will go down in the annuals of African-American History as a leader, visionary and “True Reformer.”

Black August: Political Prisoners in The Struggle

🐉 #BlackAugust check these sites out

learn about PP POWs As we come down to the last day of Black August, Write and Support Your Freedom Fighters! In commemoration of the Black August tradition that emerged in the 1970s to honor George Jackson and other comrades in the revolutionary movement inside the prisons of California, we extend our solidarity to dozens of political prisoners of the Black Liberation Movement who have been locked up in the prisons of the United States for decades.

We are happy to say that after having decades of their lives stolen from them, Maliki Shakur Latine, Albert Woodfox, Sekou Odinga, Gary Tyler, Sekou Kambui y Marshall Eddie Conway have been freed. But there are also deaths that will never be forgiven. Phil Africa, Hugo ‘Yogi’ Pinell, Mondo we Langa and Abdul Majid struggled inside the walls until the end of their days here on earth against a murderous system, which underscores the urgency of the speedy liberation of all the rest of the political prisoners.

The tradition of Black August began in 1979 to honor George Jackson, Jonathan Jackson, James McClain, William Christmas and Khatari Gaulden, who continued building a movement inside the prisons until he was killed in 1978. Several ex prisoners founded the Black August Organizing Committee, and began to wear black bracelets, do exercise, and engage in fasts to commemorate the days the prisoners were killed, with emphasis on resistance, unity, self-sacrifice and spiritual renovation. They also organized demonstrations outside San Quentin prison to call attention to the reign of State terror experienced inside.For more than three decades, a special focus has been support for political prisoners who have received sentences of vengeance for their participation in organizations like the Black Panthers (BPP), the Republic of New Africa (RNA), MOVE, the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), and the Black Liberation Army (BLA).

Black August has spread to other parts of the country and the world, with initiatives from Cuba by the comrades in exile Nehanda Abiodun and Assata Shakur, who escaped from a dungeon in the state of New Jersey with the help of her comrade guerrillas in the BLA on November 2, 1979. Also important has been the work of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, MXGM, together with other organizations, poets and artists. For years, many hip hop groups have participated in Black August commemorations to raise funds and spread the word about the cases of the political prisoners.

Who are New Afrikan Political Prisoners – Haki Kweli Shakur


This book, Agosto Negro: Presas y presos politicos en pie de lucha, has been presented in Mexico in more than 20 community, university or occupied spaces, along with Spanish subtitled documentaries on Mumia Abu-Jamal, Assata Shakur, Dhoruba Bin Wahad, Sekou Odinga, Mutulu Shakur, Jalil Muntaqim, Albert Nuh Washington, David Gilbert, Ashanti Alston, George Jackson, ‘the Angola 3,’ ‘the San Francisco 8,’ the Black Panthers, the MOVE Organization, Malcolm X, Oscar Grant, the Attica Rebellion, Black August Hip Hop and COINTELPRO. The book has been reproduced in the South of Chile by Cimarrón Ediciones, both the entire book and single chapters, with creative, handcrafted covers; and has made its way to Brazil, Argentina, Costa Rica and Puerto Rico. This May, Agosto Negro was presented at the Cinéteca in Barcelona by Pensaré Cartoneras, Adherentes de la Sexta and Leonard Peltier Solidarity Committee. The Malcolm X Coordinating Committee in Brooklyn and MOVE in Philadelphia have helped get books to some prisoners, ex prisoners and families of prisoners who appear in Agosto Negro.

You can download the Spanish-language book here to read, copy and share. To get a book in print, write to SubVersiones at or to the author, Carolina, at . To keep up with developments in the cases of the prisoners, consult the sources listed at the end of the book, including the Jericho Movement, Anarchist Black Cross and Freedom Archives.

#blackaugustresistance #newafrikanpoliticalprisoners
#freeemall #thejerichovement #newyork #oakland #philly #atlanta #DMV #chicago #houston #LA #richmondva

Black August Birthday of Chairman Fred Hampton On the Relevance of Fred Hampton and the Black Panther Party

On the Relevance of Fred Hampton and the Black Panther Party

From, 25 January 1998

We are always getting requests for info on the bpp; here’s a suggested standard response. a general article, a bibliography, We also have a longer biographical article by safiya bukhari (safiya, if you hear this, it’s time for an update!) for those who are interested. We welcome any suggestions for additions, corrections, criticisms, etc. Right On!

Free The Land!
All Power to The People!
Free All Political Prisoners & Prisoners of War!

We have a bad habit of taking one day out of the year to commemorate the lives of outstanding individuals such as Fred Hampton. Very seldom do We set aside time to reflect upon the achievements of important institutions such as the Black Panther Party (BPP). We should now begin to break bad habits. This is especially necessary when We need to use the examples set by heroic individuals and ground-breaking institutions to help inspire and guide our youth, and to represent, for the entire community, certain standards of service and commitment.

Each of us have children and young adults in our families who know (or knew) little or nothing about people like James Forman, Fannie Lou Hamer, Monroe Trotter…

Each of us knows young adults who’ve never seen pictures of Ida B. Wells, W.E.B. DuBois, Rosa Parks…

Each of us have been asked questions regarding the deeds of individuals and organizations, the failures and accomplishments of previous stages of struggle, which further confirm the need to use the past as a weapon of struggle… (1)

The life of Fred Hampton should be used by us — each day of the year to help show our youth that they can make positive contributions to the social, political, and economic development of our communities, no matter how young they are.

Fred Hampton was politically active as a fourteen-year-old high school student. Today, there are hundreds of fourteen-year olds who will be inspired to follow Fred’s example — if they are made aware of it, and shown the esteem with which the community holds his life and work.

Many of us who came of age in the 1950s and 1960s tend not to realize that the meaning of those years is largely lost to and for sizeable segments of New Afrikan youth and the masses. To the extent that many of our youth do consider these years, they look upon them as “ancient history” — seemingly unconnected and irrelevant to their present circumstances, needs and aspirations. And, those who have a greater sense of the connections and relevance of the past to the present, are hard put to find (or rather, to be found by), the sources that will provide an interpretation of the past that’s consistent with the nationalist revolutionary tradition, and with the practical efforts to build revolutionary institutions and organizations; to re-build the national revolutionary movement; to realize the independence and socialist development of the Nation. (2)

One simple way of introducing Fred and the Black Panther Party to Afrikan youth is to use the example of the Breakfast for Children program that was established by the Party. Children across the u.s. are now served breakfast and lunch in public schools only because Fred and the BPP did it first! And, they did it for reasons not all of which are shared by the u.s. public school system — and this, too, must be pointed out.

The concept and reality of a “Rainbow Coalition” didn’t originate with Jesse Jackson. Fred Hampton and the Black Panther Party built a “Rainbow Coalition” in Chicago in the 1960s — a coalition composed of Afrikan, Latino, and white organizations (The BPP, the Young Lords, the Young Patriots, SDS). Could We use such a coalition in Chicago and throughout the u.s. today? Yes — and the example set by Fred can help us build it.

New Afrikan people — but especially our youth — have no meaningful sense of the continuity of the Nation’s social and revolutionary development. Those of us with the responsibility to inspire and direct such development have been negligent. We have failed to build, preserve, and pass on a movement that provides a militant, patriotic (New Afrikan) framework from which our children would acquire the proper understanding of prior contributions and stages of struggle… (3)

Fred Hampton and the Black Panther Party also set an example for our efforts to re-direct the energies of “street gangs”. Alliances had been formed between the BPP and such street organizations as the Blackstone Rangers, the Disciples, the Vice Lords, and others. This alliance was very threatening to Chicago officials and to the u.s. government, and they combined their forces to undermine the alliance and to attack the Party and each of the youth organizations. (4)

The New Afrikan Independence Movement must demonstrate that the problems and future of our youth [are among] its priorities. We must work to claim the curiosity, imagination, and attention of our youth. We must begin to provide national revolutionary outlets for their energy, creativity, and intelligence, with programs that are inspired by their most immediate needs and interests… (5)

We don’t have to look hard in order to find many other individuals who have qualities that should be emulated by us. The programs of the Black Panther Party (e.g., health clinics, clothing for poor people, sickle cell anemia testing) can be used not only to inspire similar programs today, but they can be used to inspire a similar sensitivity to the needs of the people, and a similar spirit of commitment to a revolutionary nationalist theoretical framework and strategic objective.


The Spear and Shield Collective


Vita Wa Watu Book Eleven Fred Hampton



1. “Notes on the Transition of the ‘Black Liberation’ Phrase, Concept and Movement,” Vita Wa Watu, Bk. Eight, January, 1986, p. 13.

2. Ibid., p. 15.

3. Ibid., p. 16.

4. See: “Counter-Intelligence Against the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party,” Dan Stern, Vita Wa Watu, Bk. Eleven, pp. 24-30.

5. Op. cit., p. 16. reprinted from CROSSROAD, Vol 4 #3 Spear & Shield Publications 1340 West Irving Park Rd., Suite 108 Chicago, IL 60613

Black Panther Party – Bibliography


A Panther Is a Black Cat
Black Panthers for Beginners, Writers & Readers
Live From Death Row, Mumia Abu-Jamal
Death Blossoms, Mumia Abu-Jamal
Still Black, Still Strong, Abu-Jamal, Bin-Wahad & Shakur
Sunviews, Sundiata Acoli
A Brief History of The New Afrikan Prison Struggle, Sundiata Acoli
Picking Up The Gun, Earl Anthony
Spitting In the Wind, Earl Anthony
COINTELPRO: The FBI’s War On Political Freedom, Nelson Blackstock
Racism & The Class Struggle, James Boggs
A Taste of Power, Elaine Brown
Die, Nigger, Die!, H. Rap Brown
Agents of Repression: The FBI’s War Against American Indian Movement & The Black Panther Party, Ward Churchill & Jim Vander Wall
Soul On Ice, Eldridge Cleaver
Conversations With Eldridge Cleaver
Post-Prison Writings, Eldridge Cleaver
If They Come In the Morning, Angela Davis
Autobiography, Angela Davis
In Search of Common Ground, Erik Erickson & Huey P. Newton
The Black Panthers Speak, Philip Foner (editor)
The Making of Black Revolutionaries, James Forman
Agony In New Haven, Donald Freed
The Glass House Tapes
War At Home, Brian Glick
This Side of Glory, David Hilliard
Long Way From Home
Soledad Brother, George Jackson
Blood In My Eye, George Jackson
The Briar Patch, Murray Kempton
Juror #4, Edwin Kennebeck
The “Trial” of Bobby Seale
The Black Panthers, Gene Marine
Rage, Gilbert Moore
War Against The Panthers, Huey P. Newton
To Die For the People, Huey P. Newton
Revolutionary Suicide, Huey P. Newton
Bitter Grain, Michael Newton
My Life With the Black Panther Party, Akua Njeri
Angela Davis, Marc Olden
Racial Matters, Kenneth O’Reilly
Black Americans: The FBI Files
Shadow of the Panther, Hugh Pearson
Up On Madison, Down on 75th, J.F. Rice
Seize The Time, Bobby Seale
Assata: An Autobiography, Assata Shakur
Interview With Assata Shakur, Spear & Shield Publications
FBI Secrets, M. Wesley Swearingen
Inadmissible Evidence, Evelyn Williams

“Sundiata’s Freedom Is Your Freedom”, Sundiata Acoli Freedom Campaign
“The Black Panther Party & Political Prisoners”, Herman Bell. CROSSROAD, Vol 3 #1 (ca. 1989)
“Coming of Age”, Safiya Bukhari. Notes From a New Afrikan P.O.W. Journal, Bk 7: Spear & Shield Publications
“On the Question of Political Prisoners”, Safiya Bukhari. CROSSROAD, Vol. 5 #4 (Jan-mar, 1995)
“Who Killed Huey P. Newton?”, Ajamu Chaminuka. CROSSROAD, Vol. 3 #1 (ca. 1989)
“Three Speeches by Fred Hampton”. Vita Wa Watu: A New Afrikan Theoretical Journal, Book Eleven (August 1987)
“COUNTERINTELLIGENCE Against The Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party”, Dan Stern. Vita Wa Watu: A New Afrikan Theoretical Journal, Book Eleven
“Why I Mourned The Death of Huey P. Newton”, Kiilu Nyasha. CROSSROAD, Vol. 3 #1
“On the Relevance of Fred Hampton & Mark Clark”, Spear & Shield Collective. CROSSROAD, Vol. 4 #3 (Winter 1992)
“Carry On the Tradition: In The Spirit of Fred Hampton & Mark Clark”, Committee of PP/POW’s. Notes From a New Afrikan P.O.W. Journal, Bk 7: Spear & Shield Publications

“All Power To The People”
“Assata Shakur & Guillermo Morales On PP’s & POW’s in the U.S.A.”
“The FBI’s War Against Black America”
“Geronimo Pratt”
“NALF Video Project on New Afrikan Prisoners of War”
“CBS Tries the New York Three”
“The Murder of Fred Hampton”
“Framing The Black Panthers”
HBO Special on Mumia Abu-Jamal
Eyes on the Prize (BPP segment)

Gabriel’s Rebellion August 30th 1800 Death or Liberty ( Revolution Without Women Ain’t Happening ) Gabriel’s Wife Nanny

Gabriel’s Rebellion August 30th 1800 Death or Liberty ( Revolution Without Women Ain’t Happening ) Gabriel’s Wife Nanny: The plan was to strike on the night of Aug. 30, 1800. They Plan to March into Richmond Virginia With a West Afrikan Styles Flag made of Silk with the words ” DEATH OR LIBERTY ”

Gabriel married a young slave named Nanny. Little is known about her, including the identity of her owner. She does not appear in the few extant Brookfield records; most likely she lived on a nearby farm or tobacco plantation. The wife of Gabriel Prosser recalls her life with him. Hear the details of the 1800 slave rebellion, how Nanny fought beside Gabriel for freedom, how she witnessed his execution, and how she and Gabriel’s son carried on without him But well into the twentieth century, area blacks believed that Nanny bore him children, who much later went under the surname of Randolph!

Gabriel grew up with freedom in the air, and news of the revolution in Haiti. “Can I not do for Virginia what Toussaint has done for his people?” Gabriel asks his wife, Nanny. With her encouragement, he decides to raise an army, and after months of clandestine meetings in taverns and shops around Richmond, Gabriel recruits black men from the countryside and the city, intending to arm soldiers with pitchforks and scythes and raid “Mr. Jefferson’s capitol.” But the plot is betrayed; the leaders, including Gabriel, are hanged; and a dream of freedom is deferred. In this beautifully written novel, Amateau makes Gabriel a fully realized character fighting not just for an abstract ideal of liberty but also for the freedom of Nanny and their future family.


General Nat Turner Spends The Night At BuckHorn Quarters August 23 1831 After Defeat

#BlackAugust The former location of a plantation called Buckhorn Quarters, and was near where Nat Turner spent the night after his slave force was defeated near Jerusalem by the militia. Turner managed to escape and hide out in Southampton County for about seventy days until he was finally captured and hanged.

Beside the Buckhorn Quarters plaque was an additional and intriguing marker. It notes the Southampton County roots of the famous Supreme Court plaintiff Dred Scott. Scott’s famous case in 1857 ruled that congress could not legislate slavery and that African Americans could not be citizens. The Dred Scott Decision threw yet another log on the sectional fire and brought the country closer to civil war.

There is so much important history in this still largely rural southeastern Virginia county. I would highly recommend a day’s visit, or more, if you find yourself in area.

Black August The Nat Turner & BLA Edition Haki Shakur & K.Kinte  ( The K.Kinte Show )


Ref Source:

#Virginia #VA #Southhamptoncounty
#charlottesvilleva #rva
#NY #LA #DMV #ATL #natturnereclipse2017