November 1 1831 Choctaw Trail of Tears and The Forgotten Enslaved Africans Who Walked it With Them, Five Civilized Tribes & Slavery

The forced removal of the Five Tribes from their homelands in the southeastern United States to Indian Territory in the 1830s also included the African American slaves owned by many tribe members. The transition of these slaves to American citizenship is unique in the history of race relations in the United States. It was a journey filled with contentious negotiation among factions of the Indian nations, the federal government, capitalist developers, black and white agricultural colonizers, and the freedmen themselves. Efforts to secure the rights of the freedmen represented one aspect of the struggle that ultimately opened Indian lands to non-Indian settlement.

By the time of the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, the tribes’ members owned approximately ten thousand slaves. Unlike slavery in the southern states, the form of slavery in Indian Territory widely varied. The Creek and Seminole often intermarried with their slaves and allowed a broad range of freedoms. The Cherokee resisted intermarriage but pursued benign relationships on their small farms. The Choctaw and Chickasaw more closely approximated the system of white slaveholders on the cotton plantations. In all cases the slaves adapted to the patterns of the Indian cultures in dress, food, language, and communal landholding. Episodes of mistreatment and violence occurred, but more often, runaway slaves came to Indian Territory because they believed it to be a less race-restrictive environment.

As the Civil War began, tribal factionalism that had begun at the time of removal resurfaced in violence over the issues of slavery and sectional loyalty. Some Indians declared their allegiance to the Union, but other groups from all of the Five Tribes signed agreements with the Confederacy to provide supplies and troops. The slaves were caught in the crossfire. The war in Indian Territory began with an attack on loyal Creeks, Cherokees, and runaway slaves retreating toward Kansas in 1861. In the next four years guerrilla raiding by both Union and Confederate Indian units and desperate foraging destroyed many of the prosperous farms, businesses, and homes of the territory.

The Cherokee national government freed their slaves in June 1863, the only one of the Five Tribes to do so until after the war, although few slave holders acknowledged this law. Black Indians joined both the Union and Confederate armies, leaving their elderly, women, and children behind. Many slaveholding Indians sold their slaves and left the territory. Others remained on their lands until the violence forced them to retreat with their slaves to Arkansas or south to the Red River and into Texas. Black Indian refugees fled to Kansas, moved onto the farmlands previously occupied by their owners, or huddled for protection near Fort Gibson. Hunger, disease, exposure, fear, and violence marked their lives. When the war ended with Cherokee Brig. Gen. Stand Watie’s surrender in June 1865, the Five Tribes no longer exercised the autonomy over their own tribal affairs.

Federal government officials refused to recognize the divisions within the tribes’ leadership or the contributions of the loyal factions to the war effort, choosing instead to deal with them all as rebels and to enact a punitive peace agreement. Tribe leaders met first at Fort Smith, Arkansas, and later in Washington, D.C., to conduct treaty negotiations. Sizeable land cessions, railroad right of way, and a unified territorial government were among the government demands, but the most complex issue dealt with the fate of the freedmen. The government insisted on the abolition of slavery and the incorporation of the freedmen into their respective tribal groups with full citizenship rights. All of the Indian nations were willing to end slavery, but citizenship rights conferred access to land and tribal monies as well as political power. This issue prolonged the negotiations. When reports reached Washington that the freedmen were being mistreated and kept in bondage, Maj. Gen. John Sanborn was dispatched to investigate the charges, distribute supplies to alleviate some of the suffering, and make clear the government’s position with regard to freedmen’s rights. Indian leaders resented Sanborn’s interference and the elevated status of their former slaves.

Each treaty dealt with the freedman problem in some way. The Seminole promptly concluded their treaty in March 1866, granting full citizenship to their freedmen. After extensive negotiations, northern and southern Creek factions agreed to a similar treaty. The Choctaw and Chickasaw remained opposed to the adoption of the freedmen. Their treaty, signed in late April, held $300,000, proceeds from the sale of their western lands, in trust until the tribes passed laws recognizing the rights of their freedmen. If these laws were not forthcoming, the government would remove the freedmen from Choctaw and Chickasaw lands and use the money on their behalf. The Choctaw did not grant citizenship rights to their freedmen until 1883, and the Chickasaw never adopted theirs. The government refused to carry out its responsibility of removing the freedmen as well, leaving them in helpless limbo. In July 1866 the Cherokee were the last group to conclude their treaty. They allowed adoption of the freedmen residing in the Cherokee Nation at the time of the treaty signing and those who would return within a six-month time period. In November the Cherokee amended their constitution, granting full citizenship to their freedmen.

Life for the freedmen, their acceptance and assimilation, generally followed patterns set before the war. The children of Seminole and Creek freedmen attended segregated schools, and freedmen voted and served in political posts in the tribal governments. The Cherokee offered the best educational opportunities, operating seven freedmen schools by 1875 and opening a high school in 1890. Cherokee freedmen voted in the national elections, and Joseph Brown was elected to the National Council in 1875. Choctaw freedmen had no tribal-affiliated schools until 1887 and then only one, Tuskalusa Colored Academy. The Chickasaw refused to support any education for freedmen. Inasmuch as both the Choctaw and Chickasaw labored intensively to remove any freedmen from their lands, voting and political participation were nonexistent. Social interaction, outwardly peaceful in most of the territory, sometimes changed to racial violence when freedmen attempted to exercise their rights.

In the last two decades of Indian Territory Indians and freedmen faced complicated choices about citizenship and land ownership that ruptured any remaining ties between the two. Both Cherokee and Creek freedmen waged lengthy challenges through the United States courts for their rightful share of tribal monies gained in land sales. Both cases were decided in favor of the freedmen. In 1879 Cherokee attorney Elias C. Boudinot publicized the possibility of occupying unassigned lands in Indian Territory. This set off a rush of colonization schemes that included among them the Freedmen’s Oklahoma Association, headed by J. Milton Turner and Hannibal C. Carter. Agitation for an all-black state gained an audience. Freedmen from adjoining states had slipped into the territory for years, intermarrying with their black Indian counterparts or homesteading illegally, but now the opening of Indian lands to non-Indian settlement gained momentum and brought hundreds of migrants both black and white. Railroad construction, mining operations, and economic development brought in hundreds more. The Indian freedmen initially resented the black immigrants, called “state Negroes,” fearing that they would aggravate the already uneasy relationship with the Indians. Racial solidarity grew, however, as Indian hostility toward all African Americans increased under the influence of large numbers of white southerners moving into the territory.

The General Allotment Act of 1887 created the Dawes Commission to bring about the dissolution of tribal governments and the allotment of land to individual tribal members. The commission had no authority to override the Indian governments, however, until the passage of the Curtis Act in 1898. The enrollment process became a nightmare of bureaucratic paperwork that placed the burden of proof of tribal membership on the applicants themselves. Mixed-blood black Indians were all enrolled as freedmen with no Indian blood. When stalling tactics failed the Indian governments, they used every measure at their disposal to limit the number of freedmen admitted to the rolls. Once again the freedmen challenged the obstruction of their citizenship rights through the United States courts, and the litigation dragged on long after Oklahoma statehood. When the rolls closed in 1907, freedmen eligible for land allotments numbered 23,415. Oklahoma statehood brought new challenges for the African Americans who had been slaves of the Five Nations, but their history as citizens of their respective tribal groups represented a unique period in American race relations.



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Black Panther Party Platform, Ten Point Program, 8 Points of Attention and Rules,

October 1966 Black Panther Party
Platform and Program

“Our ten point program is in the midst of being changed right now, because we used the word ‘white’ when we should have used the word ‘capitalist.'”
-Fred Hampton, Chicago Black Panthers

What We Want
What We Believe

1. We want freedom. We want power to determine the destiny of our Black Community.

We believe that black people will not be free until we are able to determine our destiny.

2. We want full employment for our people.

We believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every man employment or a guaranteed income. We believe that if the white American businessmen will not give full employment, then the means of production should be taken from the businessmen and placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high standard of living.

3. We want an end to the robbery by the white man of our Black Community.

We believe that this racist government has robbed us and now we are demanding the overdue debt of forty acres and two mules. Forty acres and two mules was promised 100 years ago as restitution for slave labor and mass murder of black people. We will accept the payment as currency which will be distributed to our many communities. The Germans are now aiding the Jews in Israel for the genocide of the Jewish people. The Germans murdered six million Jews. The American racist has taken part in the slaughter of over twenty million black people; therefore, we feel that this is a modest demand that we make.

4. We want decent housing, fit for shelter of human beings.

We believe that if the white landlords will not give decent housing to our black community, then the housing and the land should be made into cooperatives so that our community, with government aid, can build and make decent housing for its people.

5. We want education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society. We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present-day society.

Original Black Panther Party – Haki Kweli Shakur

We believe in an educational system that will give to our people a knowledge of self. If a man does not have knowledge of himself and his position in society and the world, then he has little chance to relate to anything else.

6. We want all black men to be exempt from military service.

We believe that Black people should not be forced to fight in the military service to defend a racist government that does not protect us. We will not fight and kill other people of color in the world who, like black people, are being victimized by the white racist government of America. We will protect ourselves from the force and violence of the racist police and the racist military, by whatever means necessary.

7. We want an immediate end to police brutality and murder of black people.

We believe we can end police brutality in our black community by organizing black self-defense groups that are dedicated to defending our black community from racist police oppression and brutality. The Second Amendment to the Constitution of the United States gives a right to bear arms. We therefore believe that all black people should arm themselves for self defense.

8. We want freedom for all black men held in federal, state, county and city prisons and jails.

We believe that all black people should be released from the many jails and prisons because they have not received a fair and impartial trial.

9. We want all black people when brought to trial to be tried in court by a jury of their peer group or people from their black communities, as defined by the Constitution of the United States.

We believe that the courts should follow the United States Constitution so that black people will receive fair trials. The 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution gives a man a right to be tried by his peer group. A peer is a person from a similar economic, social, religious, geographical, environmental, historical and racial background. To do this the court will be forced to select a jury from the black community from which the black defendant came. We have been, and are being tried by all-white juries that have no understanding of the “average reasoning man” of the black community.

10. We want land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice and peace. And as our major political objective, a United Nations-supervised plebiscite to be held throughout the black colony in which only black colonial subjects will be allowed to participate for the purpose of determining the will of black people as to their national destiny.

When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to supper, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariable the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.

Rules of the Black Panther Party

Every member of the Black Panther Party throughout this country of racist America must abide by these rules as functional members of this party. Central Committee members, Central Staffs, and Local Staffs, including all captains subordinated to either national, state, and local leadership of the Black Panther Party will enforce these rules. Length of suspension or other disciplinary action necessary for violation of these rules will depend on national decisions by national, state or state area, and local committees and staffs where said rule or rules of the Black Panther Party were violated. Every member of the party must know these verbatim by heart. And apply them daily. Each member must report any violation of these rules to their leadership or they are counter-revolutionary and are also subjected to suspension by the Black Panther Party. The rules are:

1. No party member can have narcotics or weed in his possession while doing party work.

2. Any part member found shooting narcotics will be expelled from this party.

3. No party member can be drunk while doing daily party work.

4. No party member will violate rules relating to office work, general meetings of the Black Panther Party, and meetings of the Black Panther Party anywhere.

5. No party member will use, point, or fire a weapon of any kind unnecessarily or accidentally at anyone.

6. No party member can join any other army force, other than the Black Liberation Army.

7. No party member can have a weapon in his possession while drunk or loaded off narcotics or weed.

8. No party member will commit any crimes against other party members or black people at all, and cannot steal or take from the people, not even a needle or a piece of thread.

9. When arrested Black Panther members will give only name, address, and will sign nothing. Legal first aid must be understood by all Party members.

10. The Ten-Point Program and platform of the Black Panther Party must be known and understood by each Party member.

11. Party Communications must be National and Local.

12. The 10-10-10-program should be known by all members and also understood by all members.

13. All Finance officers will operate under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Finance.

14. Each person will submit a report of daily work.

15. Each Sub-Section Leaders, Section Leaders, and Lieutenants, Captains must submit Daily reports of work.

16. All Panthers must learn to operate and service weapons correctly.

17. All Leaders who expel a member must submit this information to the Editor of the Newspaper, so that it will be published in the paper and will be known by all chapters and branches.

18. Political Education Classes are mandatory for general membership.

19. Only office personnel assigned to respective offices each day should be there. All others are to sell papers and do Political work out in the community, including Captain, Section Leaders, etc.

20. Communications–all chapters must submit weekly reports in writing to the National Headquarters.

21. All Branches must implement First Aid and/or Medical Cadres.

22. All Chapters, Branches, and components of the Black Panther Party must submit a monthly Financial Report to the Ministry of Finance, and also the Central Committee.

23. Everyone in a leadership position must read no less than two hours per day to keep abreast of the changing political situation.

24. No chapter or branch shall accept grants, poverty funds, money or any other aid from any government agency without contacting the National Headquarters.

25. All chapters must adhere to the policy and the ideology laid down by the Central Committee of the Black Panther Party.

26. All Branches must submit weekly reports in writing to their respective Chapters.

8 Points of Attention

Speak politely.
Pay fairly for what you buy.
Return everything you borrow.
Pay for anything you damage.
Do not hit or swear at people.
Do not damage property or crops of the poor, oppressed masses.
Do not take liberties with women.
If we ever have to take captives do not ill-treat them.
3 Main Rules of Discipline

Obey orders in all your actions.
Do not take a single needle or piece of thread from the poor and oppressed masses.
Turn in everything captured from the attacking enemy.


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The First King of Haïti Henri Christophe was of Igbo Descent They defeated Three European Powers France, Britain, Spain

#SuperFact The first king of independent Haiti was a former slave of Igbo descent! The Haitians needed no European Ally to free their Nation the defeated Three European Nations ( Britain, France, Spain), Henri Christophe is revered as a hero among the Haitians and many within the African diaspora today.

Born on this day in 1767 as a former slave of Bambara/Igbo ethnicity in West Africa, and believed to be of Igbo descent, Christophe was a military leader in the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) that ended both slavery and French colonial rule on the Caribbean island. He later became president and king of the then young nation.

He subsequently worked numerous jobs including being a mason, bartender, sailor and billiard maker. He was said to have deep knowledge in military issues, considering he accompanied the French to fight at the Siege of Savannah at what is now the State of Georgia.

While in his twenties, Christophe managed to purchase his freedom and joined the increasing number of free blacks.

Revolutionary Nationalism – Haki Kweli Shakur

By 1791, the slaves at Saint Domingue had rebelled against their harsh conditions under the French and adopted the name “Haiti” for the new nation.

Christophe joined them in the fight and by 1802, he had become the brigadier general of Toussaint L’Ouverture, the great military leader who led the revolt.

Christophe went ahead to fight alongside L’Ouverture in the north against the French. They also fought against British and Spanish troops who, according to accounts, wanted to quash the uprising on the various slave plantations.

L’Ouverture was, by June 1802, captured by agents of Napoleon Bonaparte and was deported from the island to France.

Meanwhile, the revolution still went on, and after 13 years of military battle between the slaves and the French colony, the slaves eventually gained their independence in 1804, making the nation the first independent black republic in the West.

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The Role of The Zionist Jews in The African Slave Trade to The Americas


The role some Jews played in the Atlantic slave trade, both as traders and as slave owners, has long been acknowledged by historians. But allegations in recent decades that Jews played a disproportionate role in the enslavement of African Americans — and that this fact has been covered up — have made the topic a controversial one.

Did Jews really own slaves?

Yes. Jacob Rader Marcus, a historian and Reform rabbi, wrote in his four-volume history of Americans Jews that over 75 percent of Jewish families in Charleston, South Carolina; Richmond, Virginia; and Savannah, Georgia, owned slaves, and nearly 40 percent of Jewish households across the country did. The Jewish population in these cities was quite small, however, so the total number of slaves they owned represented just a small fraction of the total slave population; Eli Faber, a historian at New York City’s John Jay College reported that in 1790, Charleston’s Jews owned a total of 93 slaves, and that “perhaps six Jewish families” lived in Savannah in 1771.

The K.Kinte Show – Make America Pay Reparations With Guest Haki Kweli Shakur

A number of wealthy Jews were also involved in the slave trade in the Americas, some as shipowners who imported slaves and others as agents who resold them. In the United States, Isaac Da Costa of Charleston, David Franks of Philadelphia and Aaron Lopez of Newport, Rhode Island, are among the early American Jews who were prominent in the importation and sale of African slaves. In addition, some Jews were involved in the trade in various European Caribbean colonies. Alexandre Lindo, a French-born Jew who became a wealthy merchant in Jamaica in the late 18th century, was a major seller of slaves on the island.

In a 1994 article in the New York Review of Books, David Brion Davis, an emeritus professor of history at Yale University and author of an award-winning trilogy of books about slavery, noted that Jews were one of countless religious and ethnic groups around the world to participate in the slave trade:

The participants in the Atlantic slave system included Arabs, Berbers, scores of African ethnic groups, Italians, Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutch, Jews, Germans, Swedes, French, English, Danes, white Americans, Native Americans, and even thousands of New World blacks who had been emancipated or were descended from freed slaves but who then became slaveholding farmers or planters themselves.

Davis went on to note that in the American South in 1830 there were “120 Jews among the 45,000 slaveholders owning twenty or more slaves and only twenty Jews among the 12,000 slaveholders owning fifty or more slaves.”



75 percent of the slaves owned in the South were owned by Jewish slaveholders.” In 1860, there were about 15,000 Southern Jews and 4 million slaves. If 3 million (75 percent) were so owned, this would mean 200 slaves for every Jewish man, woman and child, or 1,000 slaves for every Jewish head of household. Jews owned only a fraction of 1 percent — thousands, not millions — of the enslaved population. HAROLD BRACKMAN San Diego, Feb. 4, 1994

Most Americans don’t realize either that the transatlantic slave trade was driven by the sugar trade. Sugar cane was a scarce medicinal plant in medieval Europe. But when white colonizers started cultivating sugar in the fertile tropics of the Americas, it rapidly became a staple — and a great source of wealth for Europe’s shipping and trading powers. This New World economy of sugar and slaves — of vast, labor-intensive plantations — began in earnest in Brazil during the 1500s, according to historians. The involvement of Jews in black slavery began there also.

* Brazil. The Portuguese were the first to colonize Brazil, and Sephardic Jews from Portugal were among these early settlers. “In its early years,” writes Seymour B. Liebman in “New World Jewry, 1493-1825,” “Brazil was built by Negro slaves (400,000 between 1570 and 1670) and the acumen, hard work and calculating perseverance of the Jews.”

Dr Tony Martin The Jewish involvement in The african Slave Trade

Some background is essential. The Sephardim — that is, the Jews of Spain and Portugal — had flourished for centuries in the Iberian peninsula. By 1497, they made up an estimated 20 percent of Portugal’s population of 1 million. But that year, the king of Portugal compelled the Jews to convert to Christianity. (Spain had similarly forced its Jews to convert or flee five years earlier.) While many Jews left Portugal, others indeed were baptized and became “New Christians.” Despite the church’s persecution, some continued to practice Judaism in secret; they came to be known as “Marranos.”

New Christians were drawn to Brazil, in part because it was far from the seat of the Inquisition, but also because the South American colony was a place where the Sephardim could apply their established expertise in trade and sugar cultivation. Soon a Sephardic community thrived in Brazil’s pivotal port city of Recife. When the Dutch — then unique in Europe for their religious tolerance — took control of Brazil in 1630, the Marranos there were able to practice Judaism openly again.

During this time in Brazil, Jews owned a small percentage of the sugar plantations but were the predominant retailers of slaves in the colony, according to Arnold Wiznitzer’s “Jews in Colonial Brazil.” The shipping of Africans to Brazil was monopolized by the Dutch West India Company, which sold them “at public auctions against cash payment,” Wiznitzer writes. “The buyers who appeared at the auctions were almost always Jews.” These brokers then sold slaves to plantation owners on credit. More than 23,000 Africans were shipped to Brazil between 1636 to 1645, Wiznitzer says, a period when perhaps half of the 3,000 white civilians living there were Jews.

* The British and French West Indies. In 1654, the Portuguese recaptured Brazil, chasing the Dutch and the Sephardim out — an event that would affect the destiny of Jews and Africans in the New World.

While many of Brazil’s Jews headed for the freedom of the Netherlands, some Sephardic traders were “eager to remain in the West Indies,” according to a history of colonial Jewry by Jacob Rader Marcus, longtime director of the American Jewish Archives. Some “fled to French Martinique and Guadeloupe, others to Jamaica and to English Barbados, where they furthered the sugar industry and the Negro slave economy which it created,” Marcus writes.

The Jewish refugees from Brazil, as University of Kansas economic historian Richard B. Sheridan has pointed out, “were masters of sugar technology and taught the English the art of sugar making.” The sugar colonies of Barbados and Jamaica grew to become jewels of the British empire during the 1700s. An estimated 1.1 million Africans were shipped to these islands over the entire course of the slave trade.

The Jewish traders were not the main beneficiaries of this economic boom, however. One British historian notes: “Most Jews in Barbados and Jamaica in the 18th century were small men, shopkeepers . . . . The sugar trade became increasingly concentrated in the hands of the sugar-planters’ agents in London, a restricted and confined circle. {Jews} did not participate.” The role of Jewish traders was apparently limited, during the early 1700s, to the sale of “great numbers of ‘refuse’ Negroes (sickly slaves),” according to Stephen Alexander Fortune’s “Merchants and Jews: The Struggle for British West Indian Commerce, 1650-1750.” These Africans, bought cheaply, were resold “at considerable profit” once healthy.

The role of Jewish merchants in the slave economy of Martinique and Guadeloupe was eventually restricted as well. Initially, “the Sephardi emigres from Brazil . . . engage{d} both in plantation agriculture and trade, exporting sugar and tobacco to Europe and importing slaves and cloth,” according to Jonathan Israel’s history, “European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism, 1550-1750.” The Catholic French, however, ordered the expulsion of all Jews from these islands in 1685, thus virtually ending their role in the trade.

* The Dutch Colonies. The Jewish and Dutch refugees from Brazil also landed in Suriname in the late 17th century, establishing it as a sugar colony. This small piece of South America, as Harvard University historian Eugene Genovese has noted, would be the one and only place where Jews constituted a substantial planter class. Genovese cited one scholar’s finding that 115 of Suriname’s 400 sugar estates in 1730 were owned by Jews.

The island of Curac ao, a pivotal Dutch distribution center off the coast of Venezuela, was the site of the largest Jewish settlement in the New World. The Sephardic community there numbered almost 2,000 by the mid-1700s, constituting about half of the white population. Curac ao’s Jews “prospered early through shipping and slave-trading,” writes David Lowenthal in “West Indian Societies.” Isaac S. and Suzanne A. Emmanuel, historians of Curac aoan Jewry, report that “{a}lmost every Jew bought from one to nine slaves for his personal use or for eventual resale.” Later, Curac aoan Jews became, as Stephen Fortune writes, “the predominant insurance underwriters for ships plying the Caribbean” — including slave ships.

Under the auspices of the Dutch, Sephardic Jews also had a direct hand in wholesale slaving. As Arnold Wiznitzer has pointed out, Jews in Amsterdam owned as much as 10 percent of the stock in the Dutch West India Company, the great slave-shipping enterprise that helped launch the Netherlands to international commercial prominence during the 1600s. But the French and English monopoly trading companies, which eventually dominated the shipping of Africans to New World colonies, excluded Jews from that level of the trade.

* Colonial North America. The far-flung Sephardic “trade diaspora” in the Caribbean led ultimately to the founding of Jewish communities in North America. Before the Revolutionary War, the largest settlement of Jews in the colonies — perhaps as many as 1,000 by 1760 — was in the bustling port city of Newport, R.I. Aaron Lopez, formerly a Marrano in Portugal, laid the first cornerstone of the Newport congregation’s synagogue in 1759. (The building is now a historic site, the oldest synagogue in the United States.) Lopez later became a shipper of legendary prosperity. Black slaves were among his cargoes, as his biographer, Stanley F. Chyet, has noted.

Gentiles, however, overwhelmingly controlled the slaving business in colonial America. Rhode Island’s Sephardic merchant-shippers were known mainly for their prominence in the business of selling oil from sperm whales used in candlemaking. So the real history of the participation of Jewish merchants in the slave trade is a lot more complex than Leonard Jeffries suggested with his line, “Everyone knows rich Jews helped finance the slave trade.” Jeffries is clearly misusing historical facts to serve his animus against Jews today.


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30 Articles of The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is a milestone document in the history of human rights. Drafted by representatives with different legal and cultural backgrounds from all regions of the world, the Declaration was proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948 (General Assembly resolution 217 A) as a common standard of achievements for all peoples and all nations. It sets out, for the first time, fundamental human rights to be universally protected and it has been translated into over 500 languages.


Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,

Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people,

Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law,

Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations,

Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,

Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms,

Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge,

Now, Therefore THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction.

Article 1.

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

Article 2.

Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.

Article 3.

Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.

Article 4.

No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.

Article 5.

No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

Article 6.

Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.

Article 7.

All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.

Article 8.

Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.

Article 9.

No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.

Article 10.

Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.

Article 11.

(1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.
(2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed.

Article 12.

No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.

The Struggle is For Land PT II – HAKI KWELI SHAKUR


Article 13.

(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state.
(2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.

Article 14.

(1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.
(2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

Article 15.

(1) Everyone has the right to a nationality.
(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.

Article 16.

(1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.
(2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.
(3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.

Article 17.

(1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.
(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.

Article 18.

Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.

Article 19.

Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

Article 20.

(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
(2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association.

Article 21.

(1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.
(2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.
(3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.

Article 22.

Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.

Article 23.

(1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.
(2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.
(3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.
(4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.

Article 24.

Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay.

Article 25.

(1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.
(2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.

Article 26.

(1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.
(2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.
(3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.

Article 27.

(1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits.
(2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.

Article 28.

Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized.

Article 29.

(1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.

(2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.
(3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

Article 30.

Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.


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Quotations of Imam Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin/ H Rap Brown


H Rap Brown Locked 🔒Up in The Richmond Virginia City Jail 1967



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Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin #99974-555 USP Tucson P.O. Box 24550 Tucson, AZ 85734 United States

Here are ten powerful quotes by him:

“When you understand your obligations to the creator then you can understand your obligations to society.”

“Violence is a part of America’s culture. It is as American as cherry pie.”

“Being a man is the continuing battle for one’s life. One loses a bit of manhood with every stale compromise to the authority of any power in which one does not believe.”

“Individuals do not create rebellions; conditions do.”

“The long-simmering anger at racism and economic injustice of alienated black youth in the ghettoes [always erupts] into violent and destructive urban insurrections. In every case these “riots” were triggered by police brutality or misconduct, most usually the killing or brutalizing of an unarmed black man.

“Attack those concepts such as ‘third world.’ Think about it. If we look at it in terms of numbers, then people of color are the majority in this world. We should be the ‘first world.’”

“See, justice is a joke in this country, and it stinks of its hypocrisy.”

“Black people must address itself to the causes of poverty. That’s oppression in this country.”

“An old African leader says that leadership should never be shared; it should always remain in the hands of the dispossessed people. We will lead the revolution.”

“Everybody in the black community must organize, and then we decide whether we will have alliance with other people or not, but not until we are organized.”

Original Black Panther Party – Haki Kweli Shakur

COINTELPRO strategy designed to cripple radical organizations by misusing the courts. First, arrests of targeted activists on serious charges carrying potentially long sentences. It was of little importance to the government whether or not they had a legitimate case strong enough to secure a conviction. The point was to silence and immobilize leadership while forcing groups to redirect energy and resources into raising funds, organizing legal defenses, and publicizing these cases. It was a government subversion of the American justice system resulting in drawn-out Soviet-style political show trials that became commonplace in the America of the 1970s: the Chicago Seven, the Panther Twenty-One, etc., etc. Although the overwhelming majority of these cases did not result in convictions,3 government documents show that they were considered great tactical successes. They kept the movements off the streets and in the courts.

In terms of the revolution, I believe that the revolution will be a revolution of dispossessed people in this country: that’s the Mexican American, the Puerto Rican American, the American Indian, and black people

But black people fall for that same argument, and they go around talking about law breakers. We did not make the laws in this country. We are neither morally nor legally confined to those laws. Those laws that keep them up, keep us down

This is a very unforgiving country when you show this country its warts, when you hold the mirror up. If you happen not to share their beliefs, they’ll kill you.

See, it’s no in between: you’re either free or you’re a slave.

There’s no such thing as second class citizenship. That’s like telling me you can be a little bit pregnant.

The poverty program was not designed to eliminate poverty.

The first responsibility of the Muslim is as teacher. That is his job, to teach. His first school, his first classroom is within the household. His first student is himself. He masters himself and then he begins to convey the knowledge that he has acquired to the family. The people who are closest to him.

I consider myself neither legally nor morally bound to obey the laws made by a body in which I have no representation.

Imam Jamil Abdullah Al Amin / H Rap Brown  Richmond Virginia Interview 1989

If America don’t come around, we’re gonna’ burn it down.

There has to be a social commitment, a social consciousness that joins men together. On the basis of their coming together, they do not transgress against themselves and they do not transgress against others.

You must begin to define yourself. You must begin to define your Black heritage.

We talking about revolution because that’s the era that you’re caught in.

Black people must address itself to the causes of poverty. That’s oppression in this country.

You cannot legislate an attitude.

They cannot divide us by saying that you’re middle class or you’re lower class.

The man does not beat your head because you got a Cadillac or because you got a Ford; he beats you because you’re black!

One of the lies that we tell ourselves is that we’re making progress; but Huey’s chair’s empty.

seek truth over a lie; I seek justice over injustice; I seek righteousness over the rewards of evildoers, and I love Allah more than I love the state.

Class structures are a luxury that we cannot afford.


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Sekou Toure & Guinea Referendum No to France Dependence, Yes to Guinea Complete Independence & Revolutionary Socialism

Sekou Toure, also known as the ”Grand Syli” (big elephant), was a larger than life personality. He ruled with an iron fist for 26 years, crushing all opposition. His successor may find it difficult to assert the same authority or to control demands for greater democracy.

Could you pass a US citizenship test?

At time of writing, the political succession was still unclear, although under the Constitution the successor should be decided within 45 days. One of the main contenders is Lansana Beavogui, prime minister since 1972 and Sekou Toure’s most faithful follower. But Beavogui, in his 60s, has been in bad health.

Other contenders are the late President’s half-brother, Mining Minister Ismael Toure, and his nephew Siaka Toure, transport minister and head of the secret service.

For many Africans, Sekou Toure was a symbol of black African independence and dignity – the man who in 1958 rejected General de Gaulle’s proposal for a Franco-African community.

”We prefer freedom in poverty to slavery in riches,” he told de Gaulle.

The French departed, stripping the country of most of its assets. Spurned by the West, Sekou Toure then looked to the East bloc for support in implementing his brand of revolutionary socialism.

Touré served for some time as a representative of African groups in France, where he worked to negotiate for the independence of France’s African colonies. In September 1958, Guinea participated in the referendum on the new French constitution. On acceptance of the new constitution, French overseas territories had the option of choosing to continue their existing status, to move toward full integration into metropolitan France, or to acquire the status of an autonomous republic in the new quasi-federal French Community. If, however, they rejected the new constitution, they would become independent forthwith. French President Charles de Gaulle made it clear that a country pursuing the independent course would no longer receive French economic and financial aid or retain French technical and administrative officers.

Scientific Socialism – Haki Kweli Shakur

In 1958 Touré’s Parti démocratique de Guinée, the RDA section in Guinea, pushed for a “No” in the French Union referendum sponsored by the French government. Guinea was the only one of France’s African colonies to vote for immediate independence rather than continued association with France. Guinea became the only French colony to refuse to become part of the new French Community when it became independent in 1958. The electorate of Guinea rejected the new constitution overwhelmingly, and Guinea accordingly became an independent state on 2 October 1958, with Touré, leader of Guinea’s strongest labor union, as president. In the event, the rest of Francophone Africa gained independence two years later in 1960.

During this time, Touré labour activities were also ongoing, and in January 1957, his leadership had gone continental when he and likeminded colleagues met in Cotonou, Dahomey (present-day Benin), to found the Union Générale des Travailleurs d’Afrique Noire (UGTAN). This organisation, which encompassed labour movements from across France’s West and Central African colonies, was created with a view to developing a truly African labour movement free from French control, and Touré was elected to be its first president. To add to his run of electoral victories in 1957, Touré also became Mayor of Conakry, meaning that by the year’s end, the school dropout was concurrently mayor of the capital, president of UGTAN, vice-president of the Government Council of French Guinea, deputy to the French National Assembly, member of the AOF Grand Conseil (French West Africa’s legislative body based in Dakar, Senegal), secretary-general of the PDG, and a member of the RDA leadership. Although this particular proliferation of titles was relatively short-lived, some see this period as having been instrumental in the making of a future president with little inclination for the democratic sharing of power.

Sékou Touré forcefully forged his place in world history between 25 August and 2 October, 1958. On 25 August, he told General Charles de Gaulle that the African people will never, under any circumstances, renounce their natural rights to freedom and liberty. He added that Africans are not French and that Africa cannot be reduced to French territories, before announcing famously: “We prefer poverty in liberty to riches in slavery.” Then, on 28 September, Guinea stood alone amongst its fellow African counterparts in responding with a resounding “no” to de Gaulle’s proposal that instead of full independence, France’s African territories become part of a semi-colonial French-African Community. As a result of this position, Guinea proclaimed its independence on 2 October, 1958, with Sékou Touré as its head of state.

His early actions to reject the French and then to appropriate wealth and farmland from traditional landlords angered many powerful forces, but the increasing failure of his government to provide either economic opportunities or democratic rights angered more. While he is still revered in much of Africa and in the Pan-African movement, many Guineans, and activists in Europe, have become critical of Touré’s failure to institute meaningful democracy or free media.

Opposition to single-party rule grew slowly, and by the late 1960s those who opposed his government faced the risk of detention camps and night visits by the secret police. His opponents often had two choices: say nothing or go abroad. From 1965 to 1975 Touré ended all his government’s relations with France, the former colonial power.

Touré argued that Africa had lost much during colonization, and that Africa ought to retaliate by cutting off ties to former colonial nations. However, in 1978 Guinea’s ties with the Soviet Union soured, and, as a sign of reconciliation, President of France Valéry Giscard d’Estaing visited Guinea, the first state visit by a French president. Throughout Touré’s dispute with France, he maintained good relations with several socialist countries. However, Touré’s attitude toward France was not generally well received, and some African countries ended diplomatic relations with Guinea over his actions. Despite this, Touré’s position won the support of many anti-colonialist and Pan-African groups and leaders.

Touré’s primary allies in the region were presidents Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Modibo Keita of Mali. Nkrumah when Toure and Guinea chose No to Neocolonialism and French Dependencey Nkrumah and Ghana loaned Toure 10 million British Pounds to help out their economy that was a lot for that time period, After Nkrumah was overthrown in a 1966 coup, Touré offered him asylum in Guinea and gave him the honorary title of co-president. As a leader of the Pan-Africanist movement, Toure consistently spoke out against colonial powers, and befriended African American activists such as Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael, to whom he offered asylum. The latter took the two leaders’ names, as Kwame Ture.

With Nkrumah, Toure helped in the formation of the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party, and aided the PAIGC guerrillas in their fight against Portuguese colonialism in neighboring Portuguese Guinea. The Portuguese launched an attack upon Conakry in 1970 in order to rescue Portuguese prisoners of war, overthrow Touré’s regime, and destroy PAIGC bases. They succeeded in the rescue but failed to dislodge Touré’s regime. Relations with the United States fluctuated during the course of Touré’s reign. While Touré was not impressed with the Eisenhower administration’s approach to Africa, he came to consider President John F. Kennedy a friend and an ally. He said that Kennedy was his “only true friend in the outside world”. He was impressed by Kennedy’s interest in African development and commitment to civil rights in the United States. Touré blamed Guinean labor unrest in 1962 on Soviet interference and turned to the United States as an ally.

His relations with Washington soured, however, after Kennedy’s death. When a Guinean delegation was imprisoned in Ghana, after the overthrowal of Nkrumah, Touré blamed Washington. He feared that the Central Intelligence Agency was plotting against his own regime. During its first three decades of independence, Guinea developed into a militantly socialist state, which merged the functions and membership of the Parti Démocratique de Guinée (PDG) with the various institutions of government, including the public state bureaucracy. This unified party-state had nearly complete control over the country’s economic and political life. Guinea expelled the US Peace Corps in 1966 because of their alleged involvement in a plot to overthrow President Touré. Similar charges were directed against France; diplomatic relations were severed in 1965 and Touré did not renew them until 1975. An ongoing source of contention between Guinea and its French-speaking neighbors was the estimated half-million expatriates in Senegal and Ivory Coast; some were active dissidents who, in 1966, formed the National Liberation Front of Guinea (Front de Libération Nationale de Guinée, or FLNG)

Touré died on 26 March 1984 while undergoing cardiac treatment at the Cleveland Clinic in Cleveland, Ohio; he had been rushed to the United States after being stricken in Saudi Arabia the previous day. Touré’s tomb is at the Camayanne Mausoleum, situated within the gardens of the Conakry Grand Mosque.

Sékou Touré led his country to vote against the neo-colonial arrangement known as the “French Community”. It was the only one of many former French African colonies to vote against. This was a heroic act for which Sékou Touré has never been forgotten, or in the case of the French imperialists, forgiven. Later, Sékou Touré became well-known as one of the leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement. In spite of the celebrity he enjoyed in his lifetime, there is surprisingly little of Sékou Touré’s legacy visible on the current literature. Even in hard copy, his output has been difficult to find.

Touré’s politics are ad hoc and appear personal, but are actually made up of the platitudes that capitalism holds out in front of itself to cover itself. Like a typical reformist trade unionist, Sékou Touré rejected the wickedness of capitalism but takes all of capitalism’s lip-service to morality at face value. He never escaped from the ideology of the bourgeois ruling class. Sékou Touré never mentioned any other politician, contemporary or historical. It is not lack of knowledge or mental capacity that rendered his work unscholarly, but the absence of any correspondence with other thinkers.

Hardliner hero or visionary villain?

Touré’s political philosophy revolved around a mixture of: Marxist-Leninist-inspired theory of Afro-socialism; a Maoist-inspired conception of populist ideology of single-party rule; a Pan-Africanist doctrine of African emancipation and unity inspired by the political thoughts of Ghanaian leader Kwame Nkrumah; and a philosophy of nonalignment inspired by the thoughts and actions of Tito of Yugoslavia, Sukarno of Indonesia, Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, and, again, Nkrumah.

Judging by his policy pronouncements and political actions, Touré was a hardliner when it came to defending the liberty and dignity of Africans from any foreign encroachment. He also adhered to the ideal of African unity and collective self-reliance in the face of what he perceived as Western neo-colonialism. Ultimately, though, the political behaviour of President Touré was heavily influenced by real-life conditions, including but not limited to events such as France’s attempts at isolating and defeating his regime, inadequate aid from the Soviet Union and the Cold-War Socialist Bloc, and the gradual ousting of his closest ideological allies on the continent, from Patrice Lumumba of the Congo (1961), to Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria (1965), to Nkrumah of Ghana (1966), to Modibo Kéita of Mali (1968).

Despite these challenges, Touré nevertheless managed to maintain a decent presence on the African stage by actively supporting (militarily and otherwise) national liberation movements on the continent, including in Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Angola, Mozambique, and South Africa. Moreover, under his leadership, Guinea was actively involved in the founding of regional and continental organisations such as the Organisation of African Unity (OAU, 1963), the Organisation of Senegal River States (OERS, 1968), and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS, 1975). Touré had teamed up with his Ghanaian counterpart to create the Ghana-Guinea Union in 1958; it was renamed the Union of African States in 1959 and expanded in 1961 when the newly-proclaimed Republic of Mali joined what was intended to serve as a nucleus for the United States of Africa. Although that dream never materialised, President Touré warmly welcomed former President Nkrumah following the latter’s abrupt ousting in a military coup in February 1966, and proclaimed him co-president of the Republic of Guinea.

On the domestic front, Touré’s regime made some remarkable strides in the areas of women’s rights, youth empowerment, the cultural valorisation of African heritage, and education. On the other hand, he equated Guinea’s attainment of independence with a movement known as the Révolution Démocratique Africaine (RDA) [not to be confused with Houphouët-Boigny’s RDA party] and in 1968 officially launched a questionable national cultural revolution. Under the apparent ideals of the RDA, Touré developed a theory and practice of single-party rule grounded on the utopian idea that a party-state system of government would, ultimately, foster a people-state in which the political maturity of the Guinean populace would enable them to self-govern without the need for a coercive state. This worldview excluded any form of political pluralism and, by the same token, alienated a large number of Guineans interested in multiparty democracy.

Faced with a growing underground opposition both inside Guinea and abroad, exacerbated by a lack of economic development in spite of Guinea’s abundant natural resources, Touré and the PDG leadership radicalised their system of government and proclaimed the existence of a perennial plot against the Guinean state. This was especially the case after a Portuguese and Guinean dissident invasion of the country was defeated in 1970. With this approach, which soon became the hallmark of the Touré regime, dissent was dealt with harshly, making political purges of real and imagined traitors a routine occurrence.

As many of today’s African Presidents, Sékou Touré only relinquished office with his death on 26 March, 1984, at the Cleveland Clinic Foundation in the US. At the age of 62, his tendency to amass titles and additional responsibilities still hadn’t worn off, and he died whilst serving as the second vice-president of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), president of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Al-Quds Mosque, and was preparing to become the executive chairman of the OAU. He left behind a mixed legacy.


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Dope is Death: Acupuncture Heals! (June 29, 1976) Relevant to Opioid Crisis Today Dr. Mutulu Shakur

The following is an essay prepared by The Lincoln Detox Acupuncture Program and distributed by The Black Acupuncture Advisory Association of North America, Inc. (directed by Dr. Mutulu Shakur), prior to the National Hearings on The Heroin Epidemic Washington, D.C. on June 29, 1976

A heroin epidemic is ravaging the American people. According to law enforcement officials and community drug abuse workers, the epidemic is growing rapidly. Heroin use is approaching the levels of 1969-70, which were the most desperate years in the history of drug abuse in America. Street sales of other dangerous drugs, such as cocaine, barbiturates and methadone are also at a maximum.

More Americans are destroying themselves with alcohol than ever before. There are a half a million heroin addicts, nine million alcoholics, millions of people who suffer because of the economic crimes associated with heroin sales, and millions more who are injured or killed by traffic accidents due to alcoholism, robberies, street fights and other drug-related incidents. The very survival of the American people depends on finding solutions to the epidemic of drug abuse.

Dr Mutulu Shakur Full Interview New Afrikan Political Prisoners/Prisoners of War

I The heroin epidemic depends upon the existence of two fundamental realities:

(1) Deteriorating social conditions, and
(2) Easy supply of drugs. Most solutions to the Heroin epidemic have failed to take both of these realities into account.

Desperate Social Conditions

Drug addicts are victims of the society in which they became addicted. The people most likely to turn to drugs are the people at the bottom of the ladder — who live in the worst housing, who attend the worst schools, and who get the worst jobs (if any at all). They seek some pleasure, a kick, a high, anything that will make them oblivious in a world of too much pain.

Drugs cause poor people to destroy each other. Heroin is so expensive that victims of the drug degrade their families and friends to almost any degree to get money. Most heroin addicts are basically low paid thieves for organized crime. Most of the people he or she robs are from their own poor neighborhood. Drugs are one of the main reasons women and young boys sell themselves into prostitution.

Many jobs encourage people to use heroin. In many work places…whether in a large automobile factory in Detroit or a small factory in the South Bronx…heroin is sold on the plant floor by workers and supervisory personnel. The more harsh and degrading the job is, the more workers use drugs and the more disturbed their lives become. Many unemployed workers are heavy users of narcotics or alcohol.

In periods of high unemployment, such as the 1870’s in California, the 1910’s in New York, the 1930’s and today’s depression times, narcotic and alcohol use dramatically increased.[1] The heroin epidemic is one of the major unpublicized results of poverty and joblessness.

Many professional experts have put forth theories that heroin addiction is caused by a chemical disease or character disorder that each individual addict has acquired. No proof is given for these claims. Addiction rates have been highest in poor Black and Latin communities and among GIs in Vietnam—because of the desperate social conditions a person faces in these settings. As John Maher testified in the Winter Soldier Hearings on drugs and the military, “They told me I had a character disorder, O.K. I went for it. But now that I think about it—this is just GI’s now, how can 700,000 GI’s have character disorders all of a sudden? That seems insane to me and kind of stupid.” [2]

Similar theories of psychological and genetic imbalance have been used by American intellectuals for generations to justify racist social policies. Blaming the victims of poverty and discrimination has only increased the toll of suffering of Black people in America. Blaming the victims of the heroin epidemic only increases the virulence of the plague.

Who is the Pusherman?

The pusherman is not a drug user from Harlem who makes it big for a few months before he falls back into slavery. The pusherman stays on top all the time. The pusherman does not wear “superfly” clothes; he wears a business suit. Many billions of dollars worth of heroin are imported into U.S. every year. The heroin business has the highest rate of profit of any enterprise in human history. Those foreign countries with the highest rates of addiction are Hong Kong, Thailand, Iran–which all have unusually close ties to the American business community. Heroin businesses were the first multi-national corporations and they still are the most successful ones.

Dr Mutulu Shakur Interview on Revolutionary Health Work, Drug Addicts/Addiction, Acupuncturist, Acupuncture, Healing Bringing The Dead Back to Life

It is completely absurd to believe that the billion-dollar heroin industry can be affected significantly by the actions of poor farmers in Turkey, Southeast Asia or Mexico. The laws of these countries are undoubtedly just as susceptible to influence peddling by wealthy persons as the laws are in this country. Bribery has always been the keynote of success in the heroin industry. You cannot blame the heroin epidemic on anyone who isn’t a millionaire.

Research about the heroin industry in Southeast Asia has revealed heavy and prolonged involvement of U.S. diplomatic, military and intelligence officials in narcotics trafficking. Nationalist Chinese, Laotians and South Vietnamese generals were leading heroin dealers. A Pepsi Cola bottling plant in Vientiane, Laos, which Richard Nixon helped set up while a private lawyer, was used exclusively to import chemical supplies for the manufacture of heroin. The major allies of the CIA—the Meo tribesmen and the Nationalist Chinese troops—were the leading growers and transporters of opium in Asia. Therefore, it is not surprising that the CIA’s private airline, Air America, regularly shipped opium on its flights out of Laos.[3] The U.S. government has supported the heroin business in Southeast Asia just as it has supported other powerful U.S. owned enterprises in Chile and the Middle East.

In addition to the ranks of organized crime, international speculators, war profiteers, and various government and law enforcement officials all share involvement and control of the heroin industry. The heroin industry has no “code of ethics.” Heroin will inevitably be used to destroy those people and groups in American society that the leaders of the heroin industry perceive as their enemies. Clearly, political repression and social control are important factors in determining where and when heroin is made available.

Methadone Addiction

In the last 7 years, as heroin addiction and drug related robberies became widespread in middle income white communities, the drug abuse treatment industry has grown enormously. Most of the billions of dollars of federal and local support have gone to methadone maintenance treatment programs.

Methadone is an addictive narcotic that is administered in daily high doses in an attempt to prevent heroin use. Kicking a methadone habit takes 2 to 3 months. No other drug has withdrawal symptoms that are in any way as prolonged or severe as methadone. In a recent Bronx research study involving 187 pregnant methadone maintenance clients, 22% of the babies born to methadone-addicted mothers had seizures and brainwave changes. Eight of the methadone babies died of “crib-death”– this is 17 times the normal incidence of crib death.[4]

Yet the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) continues to approve of methadone usage, even for pregnant women. According to the Drug Enforcement Administration, in New York City in early 1975, methadone overdose deaths outnumbered heroin overdose deaths by five-to-one.[5] Would the FDA be so careless if methadone were used in primarily white middle class communities?

Over 100,000 people are in methadone maintenance programs that are almost totally financed by federal grants and Medicaid payments. An equal number of people buy methadone illegally on the street. Law enforcement agencies have been advised by the Presidential Special Advisor on Drug Law Enforcement not to crack down hard on illegal methadone sales.[6] When the large pharmaceutical company, Eli Lilly, claimed that it had “lost” 12,000 methadone pills on the streets of New York, no penalties were assessed.[7] Apparently agencies of the federal government are passively encouraging illegal methadone sales.

The point of methadone maintenance is to control people. In the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration’s Methadone Treatment Manual, Dr. Peter Bourne states, “The fact that methadone is addictive is essential to allow this (relationship which can evolve into one of trust and intimacy with considerable therapeutic potential) to occur.” Many people with radical political views, feminists, and gay people have been routinely harassed in maintenance programs. A few programs even have dress codes and regulate the length of their clients’ hair. Since the methadone clients are addicted to the therapeutic situation as Bourne points out, a considerable amount of coercion–in the name of medical treatment–can occur. No safeguards exist to protect clients against these types of situations.

Judges, parole boards, and welfare departments encourage clients to enter methadone programs in general preference to drug-free programs. These actions are taken even for many clients who are not presently addicted to heroin. Virtually the only treatment offered by the Veterans’ Administration is methadone maintenance. The overwhelming net effect of this public policy is to channel heroin addicts into treatment programs that presume that each of them has a chemical and psychological disease of a more-or-less permanent nature. The reality of deteriorating social conditions as a fundamental cause of the heroin epidemic is completely ignored by methadone maintenance programs. Therefore, it is not surprising that so many methadone clients abuse barbiturates and alcohol, and that recent reports show a 41% yearly dropout rate from maintenance programs.[8]

Community groups in all parts of New York City have protested against methadone maintenance clinics. As a consequence, no new clinics have opened there in the last two years. Dole and Nyswander, the founders of methadone maintenance, recently admitted, “(there was) a nearly universal reaction against the concept of substituting one drug for another.” Federal and local drug abuse treatment agencies have ignored these popular concerns. They continue to funnel virtually all their money into methadone maintenance.

Where the Drug Treatment Money Goes

Methadone maintenance has always been an extremely profitable and steady business. The average private clinic in Manhattan reports a gross income of half a million dollars per year. Each of these clinics has a doctor as a front man, but the real owners include construction contractors, wholesale jewelers, real estate agents—businessmen who are often known in the community to have connections to organized crime.[9]

Eli Lilly & Co. has always been the major manufacturer of methadone. It also makes Seconals and Tunials – the largest selling barbiturates on the streets of America. Each one of these three drugs has killed or maimed more people than other “legally” produced drug.[10] Lilly is a large Indiana-based corporation with profits of $178 million, which increases 20% each year. The management of Lilly has had close ties with the John Birch Society and the Christian Anti-Communist Crusade.[11] For twenty years, many federal legislators have complained about Lilly’s gross overproduction of deadly barbiturates to the pharmaceutical and medical professions and to public regulatory agencies. The complaints have fallen on deaf ears. Now another of Lilly’s deadly products—Methadone –is being widely sold on the streets. Still no regulatory action has been contemplated. The cozy relationship between public officials and traffickers in deadly addictive drugs remains intact.

Aside from claiming a sizable share of the profits from methadone maintenance programs, the medical profession has shown very little interest in treating victims of the heroin epidemic. Many doctors help spread the epidemic by writing countless unnecessary prescriptions for narcotics, tranquilizers, pep pills and the like. Only rarely will physicians provide supportive healthcare for heroin victims and refer them to appropriate detoxification facilities.

There is a popular misconception that large amounts of money have been spent on drug-free drug abuse treatment programs and that these programs have “tried and failed.” Nothing could be further from the truth. Virtually no money has ever been spent on drugs abuse treatment programs that recognize the fundamental importance of deteriorating social conditions as a primary cause of addiction. Limited funding is available for those drug-free programs that emphasize individual psychotherapy, but no support is offered for job training or community improvement programs. In a similar vein, community-based programs received much less support than hospital or institution-based programs.

Drug abuse treatment agencies seem to be afraid of social change. The roots of the heroin epidemic extend throughout American society. Only widespread social change can eradicate those roots and give all of the American people a good chance for survival and growth.


Non-Western systems of health care, such as acupuncture and herbology, offer great promise in the treatment of the physical manifestations of heroin addiction and narcotic withdrawal. The record of methadone and other pharmacological agents is quite bleak and self-limited. Acupuncture stimulates the body’s natural healing processes. In two years of research at Lincoln Detox, it has proven to be an excellent means for detoxifying victims and a promising method for reducing narcotic craving.[12] The possibility of a safe alternative to methadone, a non-chemical treatment for drug abuse, should encourage everyone who is seeking constructive answers to the heroin epidemic.

Lincoln Detox is a People’s Program. We began on November 10, 1970 when a group of drug victims in the South Bronx took over space in Lincoln Hospital. At that time there were almost no drug abuse treatment programs in the South Bronx, which had the highest rate of addiction in the country. Ninety percent of our staff are ex-drug victims themselves. More than 40,000 people have been served by our program. We understand why sisters and brothers turn to drugs as an alternative to the stench and decrepitude of their lives. We understand how drugs are killing our people. The program aims at the exposure, explanation, and creation of alternatives to this deadly plague. We have challenged all traditional therapies offered drug victims. Lincoln Detox is the only program in New York where brothers and sisters addicted to methadone can be detoxed whenever they want to be. To us any therapy not aimed at the root causes of addiction perpetuates the problem rather than solves it. We have grown to be scientists of the street in relation to drug addiction.

We know that doctors and other professionals do not understand the problems of our communities and cannot develop solutions to those problems. Despite opposition from organized medicine and pharmaceutical interests, we have developed methods of acupuncture to detoxify and physically rehabilitate drug victims. Lincoln Detox has been recognized by several large national drug abuse organizations and international acupuncture societies as being the best and largest acupuncture program in the country. Even though we have never received any funds for the treatment phase of our acupuncture program, we have helped more than 1000 people become drug-free and have taught a dozen community people the basic understanding of acupuncture. Acupuncture can only relieve the physical tensions that cause drug use. The basic social and political realities must be dealt with by other means.

Chemical Warfare

We at Lincoln Detox strongly believe that we as Black and Puerto Rican people are involved in very serious chemical warfare. We are sure that this chemical warfare is premeditated. A great deal of material is presented in this paper and elsewhere to prove this assertion. The fact that heroin is the number one killer in San Francisco at the same time methadone is the number one killer in New York makes some people doubt that the overall chemical warfare is premeditated. The use of different drugs at different times and places is an important and consistent tactic in the chemical war. Our responsibility is to gather information, prepare documents, and be sure that people understand what chemical warfare is all about.

We are not saying that lower level people who are involved in methadone maintenance necessarily have negative intentions. We’re not here to make you our enemies or to label you whatever. We ask you to take our information and evaluate it seriously. Don’t allow the poverty pimps and the like to pit us against each other if both of our intentions are sincere.

In the nineteenth century Britain and France insisted on selling opium in China, while at the same time they refused to sell opium in their own lands. When Commissioner Lin attempted to prevent the killing and maiming of the Chinese people by burning several tons of opium, the Opium War resulted. In Europe it was called “The war of free trade.” The colonists gained huge profits from opium sales and, in the process, pacified the Chinese people for generations. At the same time, parallel events occurred in the United States. The Indians were moved on with alcohol for the purpose of obtaining land and weakening the spirit of the soldiers of those people. These historical analyses have never been put together as part of the effort to understand the nature of drugs in U.S. society.

Chiang Kai-shek allied himself with Chinese opium dealers, the Green Gang, in order to gain control of China in 1925. In 1927, he legalized opium to gain tax revenues. In 1934 he began an “Opium Suppression Campaign” in order to defeat certain warlords. The results were that the government sold 500 million dollars worth of opium; addiction and starvation were worst than ever, and the Green Gang continued to flourish. In the United States, similar maneuvers have occurred. Morphine was promoted to cure opium addiction. Heroin clinics were legalized to cure morphine addiction. A prolonged heroin suppression campaign has only resulted in increased addiction and increased drug revenues being channeled into the pockets of government officials. Methadone clinics were legalized to cure heroin addiction. And now, in a recent interview in US News & World Report, top government officials are proposing worldwide legalization of heroin once again.

Legalization of drugs only means that drug moneys are being channeled differently for political purposes.

It took 27 years for heroin to be declared dangerous. In that 27 years how many lives were ruined? Twenty-seven years after federal researchers at Lexington declared methadone to be an addictive and dangerous drug, methadone overdose deaths became the biggest U.S. drug problem. Methadone is still supported by billions of tax dollars. How many lives have been lost?

What kind of information went out on methadone to allow it to hit the streets? Compare that information with the same information and the style and tactics used to put Darvon N on the streets. Darvon N, which is chemically very similar to methadone, was said to be non-addicting and called “The hottest drug of the century” by one doctor. Darvon maintenance is already partially discredited; but how much money has gone into LAAM—long acting methadone? The alternating cycle of poisons continues.

The Black and Puerto Rican community has been critically affected by these “scientific” trials and errors. It is something that will stick with our heritage and our children for many many years to come. Look at the chemical warfare that has been waged upon us. The international transportation of heroin is an international crime by the Geneva Convention. We claim genocide.

There is no scientific human being that can rationalize the use of methadone based on the information available. No concerned human being would allow legal methadone or heroin to hit the streets even if it was to save dollars and stop crime. Because one crime is replaced by another crime. Petty crime is replaced by genocide.


1. Helmer, John & Thomas Zietorisz, Drug Use: The Labor Market & Class Conflict Drug Abuse Council, May 1974.

2. Winter Soldier Hearings on Drugs in the Military, sponsored by Vietnam Veterans Against the War, held at Baruch College, New York City, August 1972

3. McCoy, Alfred, Politics of Heron in Southeast Asia, Harper Row, 1973

4. Abstract and Presentation by Dr. Raje Gowda. Lincoln Hospital & Dr. Stephen Kandall, Jacobi Hospital — at National Drug abuse Conference, New Orleans. April 1975

5. Drug Enforcement Administration Statistics obtained from telephone interview and printed report

6. Myles Ambrose cited in Andy Tully, “Methadone: Maintaining a Bad Habit” Crawdaddy, April 1973 and in many other articles

7. Bazell, Bob, New Work Posts, March 6, 1976

8. Dole, Vincent & Marie Nyswander, “Methadone Maintenance Treatment: A Ten Year Perspective,” Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol. 235: 19, May 10, 1976

9. Village Voice, April 18, 1974

10. Drug Enforcement Administration Statistics

11. Nielsen, Waldemar, Big Foundations, Columbia Press, 1972

12. Further information on request write: Lincoln Detox Acupuncture Program


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Virginia The Slave Breeding State Slave Coast, The Capitalized “ WOMB “ We Demand Reparations For Sexual Terrorism ( Forced Sex For Profits/Capitalism Through Forced Slave Labor ) – Haki Kweli Shakur

Young women were often advertised for sale as “good breeding stock”. To encourage child-bearing some population owners promised women slaves their freedom after they had produced fifteen children. One slave trader from Virginia boasted that his successful breeding policies enabled him to sell 6,000 slave children a year.

It has been claimed that plantation owners were often the fathers of slave children. Harriet Jacobs, a house slave in Edenton, North Carolina, claimed that when she reached the age of fifteen, her master, Dr. James Norcom attempted to have sex with her: “My master, Dr. Norcom, began to whisper foul words in my ear. Young as I was, I could not remain ignorant of their import. I tried to treat them with indifference or contempt. The master’s age, my extreme youth, and the fear that his conduct would be reported to my grandmother, made him bear this treatment for many months. He was a crafty man, and resorted to many means to accomplish his purposes. Sometimes he had stormy, terrific ways, that made his victims tremble; sometimes he assumed a gentleness that he thought must surely subdue. Of the two, I preferred his stormy moods, although they left me trembling.” Several of the young slaves gave into his demands. Harriet points out in her autobiography: “My master was, to my knowledge, the father of eleven slaves.”

Olaudah Equiano was a slave who witnessed the rapes of slave women: “While I was thus employed by my master, I was often a witness to cruelties of every kind, which were exercised on my unhappy fellow slaves. I used frequently to have different cargoes of new Negroes in my care for sale; and it was almost a constant practice with our clerks, and other whites, to commit violent depredations on the chastity of the female slaves; and these I was, though with reluctance, obliged to submit to at all times, being unable to help them. When we have had some of these slaves on board my master’s vessels, to carry them to other islands, or to America, I have known our mates to commit these acts most shamefully, to the disgrace, not of Christians only, but of men. I have even known them to gratify their brutal passion with females not ten years old.” Henry Bibb, a slave from Shelby County, Kentucky, has argued: “A poor slave’s wife can never be true to her husband contrary to the will of her master. She can neither be pure nor virtuous, contrary to the will of her master. She dare not refuse to be reduced to a state of adultery at the will of her master.”

In fact, most American slaves were not kidnapped on another continent. Though over 12.7 million Africans were forced onto ships to the Western hemisphere, estimates only have 400,000-500,000 landing in present-day America. How then to account for the four million black slaves who were tilling fields in 1860? “The South,” the Sublettes write, “did not only produce tobacco, rice, sugar, and cotton as commodities for sale; it produced people.” Slavers called slave-breeding “natural increase,” but there was nothing natural about producing slaves; it took scientific management. Thomas Jefferson bragged to George Washington that the birth of black children was increasing Virginia’s capital stock by four percent annually.

Here is how the American slave-breeding industry worked, according to the Sublettes: Some states (most importantly Virginia) produced slaves as their main domestic crop. The price of slaves was anchored by industry in other states that consumed slaves in the production of rice and sugar, and constant territorial expansion. As long as the slave power continued to grow, breeders could literally bank on future demand and increasing prices. That made slaves not just a commodity, but the closest thing to money that white breeders had. It’s hard to quantify just how valuable people were as commodities, but the Sublettes try to convey it: By a conservative estimate, in 1860 the total value of American slaves was $4 billion, far more than the gold and silver then circulating nationally ($228.3 million, “most of it in the North,” the authors add), total currency ($435.4 million), and even the value of the South’s total farmland ($1.92 billion). Slaves were, to slavers, worth more than everything else they could imagine combined.

Just reading that turns my stomach. The Sublettes also recast the 1808 abolition of the transatlantic slave trade as trade protectionism.

Virginia slaveowners won a major victory when Thomas Jefferson’s 1808 prohibition of the African slave trade protected the domestic slave markets for slave-breeding.


A popular defense of the southern slave states by the neoconfederates is that the north was responsible for all the actual slave trading, and especially the import of slaves from their native soils, and the southern states were opposed to the importation of slaves.  This is partially true, and I ‘m not interested in defending the north’s record on race relations as it’s pretty abominable.  But it wasn’t kindness that motivated the majority of the south’s opposition to slave ships. It was a self interested objection to competition- several of the slave states were in the business of breeding human beings.

In the 30 years leading up the Civil War the upper Southern states began breeding slaves for export. Before that there had been some moral concerns about breeding human beings like cattle, even among those who owned human beings as though they were cattle. I am not sure what social and cultural reasons eroded these moral concerns. Perhaps the continued owning of other human beings based solely on their colour acted as a corroding acid on the moral viewpoint of those who professed a position of superiority based entirely on skin color. Perhaps Darwin’s theories broke down the last barrier in a slave-owner’s mind between the human beings he ‘owned’ and the cattle he owned. Or perhaps it was purely economics, a matter of supply and demand. The slave breeding states had more slaves than agriculture. The slave buying states had more good agricultural land and fewer slaves (partly because of death by overwork).

Slave Breeding ( Virginia & Sexual Terrorism ) – Haki Kweli Shakur

“The Virginia times (a weekly newspaper, published at Wheeling, Virginia) estimates, in 1836, the number of slaves exported for sale from that state alone, during the ’12 months preceding,’ at forty thousand, the aggregate value of whom is computed at twenty-four millions of dollars. Allowing for Virginia one-half of the whole exportation during the period in question and we have the … sum of eighty thousand slaves exported in a single year from the breeding states. Maryland ranks next to Virginia in point of numbers, North Carolina follows Maryland, Kentucky North Carolina, then Tennessee and Delaware. The Natchez (Mississippi) Courier says ‘that the States of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and Arkansas, imported two hundred and fifty thousand slaves from the more northern states in the year 1836.”

From another issue of the Virginia Times:

“We have heard intelligent men estimate that number of slaves exported from Virginia, within the last twelve months, at a hundred and twenty thousand, each slave averaging at least six hundred dollars, making an aggregate of seventy-two million dollars. Of the number of slaves exported, nor more than one-third have been sold, the others having been carried by their masters, who have removed.”

From a Mississippi paper of 1837:

“so large has been the return of slave labor, that purchases by Alabama of that species of property from other states, since 1833, have amounted to about ten million dollars annually.”

There was an attempt in the Virginia legislature to free the slaves several years before the Civil War.  It came surprisingly close to passing but was unfortunately blocked, largely by the efforts of a Professor Dew, who  said:

“A full equivalent being left in the place of the slave (the purchase-money), this emigration becomes an advantage to the state, and does not check the black population as much as at first view we might imagine; because it furnishes every inducement to the master to attend to the Negroes, to encourage breeding, and to cause the greatest number possible to be raised… Virginia is, in fact, a Negro-raising state for the other states.”

Mr. Goode of VA, in a speech before the VA legislature in January of 1832:

“The superior usefulness of the slaves in the South will constitute an effectual demand, which will remove them from our limits. We shall send them from our state, because it will be our interest to do so. But gentlemen are alarmed let the markets of other states be closed against the introduction of our slaves. Sir the demand for slave labor must increase.”
The South’s answer to this ‘need’ was to insist on breaking any compromise attempts and opening the territories for slaves- in fact, his very next words were about acquiring the territory of Texas as a slave state because then the economic value of this ‘product’ would rise again.

Judge Upshur in the 1829 debates of the VA convention said that

“The value of slaves as an article of property depends much on the state of the market abroad. In this view, it is the value of land _abroad_, and not here which furnishes the ratio. Nothing is more fluctuating than the value of slaves. A late law of Louisiana reduced their value twenty-five percent in two hours after its passage was known.

From the port of Baltimore alone, over a two year period, 1,033 slaves were shipped to the southern market, based on the report of the custom house officer.

It is also common for neoconfederates to insist that the trials of slavery are overstated.   However, regarding the death by overwork in the slave population:

The Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge, LA in a report published in 1829 suggest that included in the costs of managing a ‘well-regulated’ sugar estate the annual net loss of slaves above the supply by propagation is 2.5 percent. Mr. Samuel Blackwell, American owner of a sugar refinery in England often visited the plantations that supplied him. He stated often that the planters told him that during the sugar working season the slaves worked so hard that it used them up in seven or eight years. Mr. Dickinson, in company with numerous plantation owners, stated that the sugar planters in La felt it was so expensive to maintain enough slaves all year long to accomplish the labor during the sugar season that it was more profitable to use fewer hands and sacrifice the occasional pair of hands. Professor Ingraham’s Travels in the Southwest documented the labour of slaves on sugar plantations. They worked, he said, from 18-20 hours, for three months, without breaks for the Sabbath or consideration for whether it was day or night.

Slave Breeding State of Virginia & Sexual Terrorism ( New Afrikan Nation  – Haki Kweli Shakur

This “situation” was only resolved through importation of new slaves from the slave breeding states, so the breeding of slaves by the states of the upper south was beneficial to the slave holding states of the lower south.

American Slavery as it is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses
By American Anti-Slavery Society, Theodore Dwight Weld

This is online at Googlebooks. American Slavery As It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses is also available for Kindle, but not currently free:

Key to Uncle Tom’s Cabin, by Harriet Beecher Stow. She wrote this to share the sources she used as the basis for many of the events and situations in Uncle Tom’s Cabin.
Uncle Tom’s Cabin and The Key to Uncle Tom’s Cabin by Harriet Beecher Stowe (Halcyon Classics)is available for Kindle, but not free.

In a book “Caucuses of 1860: A History of the National Political Conventions of the Current Presidential Campaign…” I found an interesting example:

“Mr. Gaulden of Georgia made his Charleston slave-trade and slave-breeding speech again. He announced himself a slave-breeder. (…)
He spoke of the slave-trading and slave-breeding State of Virginia, when a delegate of Virginia called him to order for casting an imputation upon the State of Virginia. Gaulden thought he had been paying Virginia a high compliment. He said: Well, I will said the slave-breeding State of Georgia, then. I glory in being a slave-breeder myself. I will face the music myself, and I have got as many negroes as any man from the State of Virginia. And as I invited the gentlemen of this Convention at Charleston to visit my plantation, I will say again that if they will come to see me, I will show them as fine a lot of negroes, and a pure African too, as they can find anywhere. And I will show them as handsome a set of little children there as can be seen, and any quantity of them, too. And I wish that Virginia may be as good a slave-trading and slave-breeding as Georgia

Richmond Virginia Selling Wheat, Tobacco , and Slaves
Like cattle, hundreds of thousands of men, women and children were herded from the bustling slave auctions of nearby Shockoe — the center of Virginia’s lucrative slave export market — and loaded onto boats for the long passage south. At one time, more than 10,000 souls passed through this port each month on their way to the misery of Deep South plantation slavery. And it wasn’t until today that he knew its significance: As many as 10,000 men, women and children a month, up to 100,000 a year.

Most Richmonders think they know their city’s slavery history: that this was the capital of the Confederacy, a city built on the forced labor of slaves imported from Africa. Few know that Richmond once was also a major center of the nation’s domestic slave trade, the industry that replaced the infamous middle passage from Africa after the abolition of the international trade in 1807. Few realize that the slave trade in Richmond, some believe, was the city’s biggest industry. Its tentacles ran throughout the local economy from 1807 to 1865.

At the close of the 18th century, Virginia politicians lobbied alongside international abolitionists to ban the taking of slaves from Africa. But their motives clearly were not closely tied to deep Christian values or justice. It wasn’t long after the 1807 ban that Virginia took its unholy place as the nation’s clearinghouse for souls. First, this trade flowed through Virginia’s northern port of Alexandria on the Potomac River. The city was convenient to Maryland, another big supplier of bodies to the massive plantation states of the Deep South.

The economic motives behind Virginia’s push to ban African slave imports were clear: The state’s plantations were no longer profitable against the corporate-sized plantation industry farther south: “Virginia grew wheat and slaves in the 19th century,” says Christy Coleman, president of the American Civil War Center at Historic Tredegar.

Many Virginia planters had transitioned to less labor-intensive farming of crops like wheat, leaving an idle slave population — essentially now surplus farm equipment that was of immense value to their Deep South peers who could no longer count on endless labor supply from overseas.

Richmond, with its central spot and favorable access to rivers, canals and railroads snaking all through state and to the coast, overtook Alexandria as the state’s leading slave market. Estimates of 10,000 people monthly moving through Richmond are high. Other historical sources place the number during the 1840s between 1,000 and 8,000. They were sold at the dozens of slave auctions that made up Shockoe’s business district from14th to 21st streets and Dock to Broad streets.

The Civil War ended the trade, but even up to the fall of the city in April 1865 — occupied first by a black Union infantry outfit symbolically sent into the city following a path up from Rocketts Landing — the trade continued unabated. Records of the time show individual slaves, healthy field hands, selling for upwards of $2,000. Women described in newspaper advertisements as being healthy and of childbearing age were priced above all but skilled tradesmen.

At the height of the nation’s domestic slave trade in the 1830s until the eve of the Civil War, Richmond was the center of that trade. Some modern historical sources from the 1830s to1865, more than 3.5 million slaves who were bred as part of a statewide industry were sold through Richmond and shipped out of its port and into perpetual misery.

For lack of broad public support, those efforts have gone only as far as saving the occasional structure, overseeing some minor excavation work and establishing a living history walk — Richmond’s “Slave Trail.” But, says Herring, that’s hardly proper acknowledgment for a city that “is the Ellis Island for America’s African-Americans.”

Indeed, the trail even runs backward from the way it should. Today, it leads from the docks into the city as it would have for newly arrived Africans who survived capture and transport across the Atlantic Ocean.

The majority of blacks who passed through Rocketts came at it from the other direction, beginning their lives on Virginia farms. Many were the product of purposeful breeding efforts by masters whose only intent was to take them from their families and sell them South.

Records? Oh, there’s plenty,” she says, pointing to records from some Virginia plantations now archived with the state. “And there are slave narratives. The documents are there and have been there for a very long time.”

At the trade’s epicenter, Lumpkin’s Jail, only one ledger survives showing just a few short pages of names and accounting data. The rest of the jail’s records, according to tradition, were destroyed by a flood of Shockoe Creek, which now runs underground. Modern historians are as divided as slavery supporters and abolitionists were 150 years ago on whether slave breeding was widespread or institutionalized.

But a perceived lack of such records kept by individual property owners doesn’t mask the facts that can be observed in macrocosm, Ruggles says.

“The Southern owners may have found ways to justify slavery, but they weren’t really boasting about it,” says Ruggles, who suggests census data from Virginia at the time might help illuminate the numbers somewhat, as it could be compared to the numbers of people later brought to market elsewhere. “There’s no question that Virginia was an exporter of slaves at some point. As far as statistics on that, I think some people are doing some research right now to get some actual numbers.”

Until then, the true tally remains illusive.

The official James River Park System estimate places the number as high as 10,000 slaves a month moving through Richmond. Reports contemporary to the time when slave exports from Virginia were at their height put the yearly total closer to 20,000 for the entire state. That would drop the total number possibly passing through Richmond from 3 million over 30 years to closer to 600,000, assuming that all slaves sold out of Virginia departed from Richmond.

American Slavery As It Is” was published in 1839 by abolitionist Theodore Dwight Weld. In the book, published as evidence against slavery, Weld uses the speeches and writings of well-placed Virginians of the era as proof of the horrors of breeding, including an 1832 speech by former Virginia Governor Thomas Mann Randolph to the General Assembly.

“It is a practice and an increasing practice in parts of Virginia to rear slaves for market,” Weld quotes Randolph as saying, showing the governor to be sympathetic to the plight of blacks. “How can an honorable mind, a patriot and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient dominion converted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for market, like oxen for the shambles.”

Weld also preserved the writings of the editor of the Virginia Times in Wheeling (West Virginia was then still a part of Virginia) in 1836: “We have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves exported from Virginia within the last twelve months at 120,000 — each slave averaging at least $600, making an aggregate at $72,000,000.”

In Richmond, one historical account documents local Richmond auctioneers Dickinson and Hill logging total sales in the year before the Civil War of $2 million, or a least $45 million in today’s dollars.

At the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Charles C. Pinckney explained that Virginia “will gain by stopping importation [from Africa]. Her slaves will rise in value and she has more than she wants.”


Geronimo Pratt JiJaga Source Magazine 1997 Interview Excerpts


Remembering Geronimo JiJaga By Bakari Kitwana

Political activists around the country are still absorbing the news of Geronimo ji Jaga’s death. For those of us who came of age in the 80s and 90s, the struggles of the late 1960s and early 1970s were in many ways a gateway for our examination of the history of Black political resistance in the US. Geronimo ji Jaga (formerly Geronimo Pratt) and his personal struggle, as well as his contributions to the fight for social justice were impossible to ignore. His commitment, humility, clear thinking as well as his sense of both the longevity and continuity of the Black Freedom Movement in the US all stood out to those who knew him.

I interviewed him for The Source magazine in early September 1997 about three months after he was released from prison, having served 27 years of a life sentence for a murder he didn’t commit. Three things stood out from the interview, all of which have been missed by recent commentary celebrating his life and impact.

First that famed attorney Johnnie Cochran was not only his lawyer when ji Jaga gained his freedom, but also represented him in his original trial. They were from the same hometown and, according to ji Jaga, Cochran’s conscious over the years was dogged by the injustice of the US criminal system that resulted in the 1970 sentence. Second, according to ji Jaga, he never formally joined the Black Panther Party. As he remembered it, he worked with several Black activist organizations and was captured by the police while working with the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. And finally, his analysis of the UCLA 1969 shoot-out between Black Panthers and US Organization members that led to the death of his best friend Bunchy Carter and John Huggins is not a simple tale of Black in-fighting. Now is a good time to revisit all three.

Geronimo JiJaga 1997 New Afrikan Identity

Misinformation is so much part of our current political moment, particularly as the 24-hour news cycle converges with the ascendance of Fox News. In this climate, the conservative analysis of race has been normalized in mainstream discourse. This understanding of racial politics, along with the election of Barack Obama and a first term marked by little for Blacks to celebrate, makes it a particularly challenging time to be politically Black in the United States. Ask Jeremiah Wright, Shirley Sherrod, and Van Jones—all three serious advocates for the rights and humanity of everyday people whose critiques of politics and race made them far too easily demonized as anti-American. If we have entered the era where the range of Black political thought beyond the mainstream liberal-conservative purview is delegitimized, Geronimo ji Jaga’s life and death is a reminder of our need to resist it.


How did you get involved with the Black Panther Party?

Technically I never joined the Black Panther Party. After Martin Luther King’s death, an elder of mine who was related to Bunchy Carter’s elder and Johnnie Cochran’s elder requested that those of us in the South that had military training render some sort of discipline to brothers in urban areas who were running amuck getting shot right and left, running down the street shooting guns with bullets half filled which they were buying at the local hardware store. When I arrived at UCLA, Bunchy was just getting out of prison and needed college to help with his parole. We stayed together in the dorm room on campus. But we were mainly working to build the infrastructure of the Party.

You ended up as the Deputy Minister of Defense. How did that come about?

They did not have a Ministry of Defense when I came on the scene. There was one office in Oakland and a half an office in San Francisco. I helped build the San Francisco branch and all of the chapters throughout the South—New Orleans, Dallas, Atlanta, Memphis, Winston-Salem, North Carolina and other places. We did it under the banner of the Panthers because that’s what was feasible at the time. Because of shoot-outs and all that stuff, the work I did with the Panthers, overshadowed the stuff that I did with the Republic of New Afrika, the Mau Mau, the Black Liberation Army, the Brown Berets, the Black Berets, even the Fruit of Islam—but I saw my work with the Panthers as temporary. When Bunchy was killed, the Panthers wanted me to fill his position [as leader of the Southern California chapter]. I didn’t want to do it because I was already overloaded with other stuff. But it was just so hard to find someone who could handle LA given the problems with the police. So I ended up doing it, reluctantly. And this is how I ended up on the central committee of the Black Panther Party. I never took an oath and never joined the Party.

What was your role as Deputy Minister of Defense?

The Ministry of Defense was largely based on infrastructure: cell systems in the cities; creating an underground for situations when you need to get individuals out of the city or country. When you get shot by the police, you can’t be taken to no hospital. You gotta have medical underground as well. That’s where the preachers, bible school teachers and a lot of others behind the scenes got involved. When Huey got out of prison in 1970, this stuff blew his mind.

What were the strengths and weaknesses of the Party?

The main strength was the discipline which allowed for a brother or sister to feed children early in the morning, go to school and P.E. classes during the day, go to work and selling papers in the afternoon, and patrol the police at night. The weak points were our naiveté, our youth, and the lack of experience. But even at that I really salute the resistance of the generation! I have a problem saying it was just the Panthers `cause that’s not right. When you do that you x-out so much. There was more collective work going on than the popular written history of the period suggests. And when you talk about SNCC you are talking about a whole broader light than the Panther struggle. So you have to talk about that separate—that’s a bigger thing. They gave rise to the intelligence of a whole bunch of Panthers.

What was Bunchy Carter like?

He was a giant, a shining prince. He had been the head of the Slausons gang. He was transforming the gangbangers in Los Angeles into that revolutionary arm. He was my mentor. Such a warm and lovable, brainy brother. At the same time he was such a fierce brother. He was very dynamic—he was an ex-boxer, and he was even on The Little Rascals probably back in the fifties. His main claim to fame was what he did with the gangs in the city. And that was a monumental thing. All that was before Bunchy became a Panther.

Because of the death of Bunchy Carter as a result of the Panthers’ clash with Maulana Karenga’s US organization, even today rumors persists that Dr. Karenga was an informant. . .

Not true. Definitely not true.

What was the Panther clash with US all about?

We considered Karenga’s US organization to be a cultural-nationalist organization. We were considered revolutionary nationalist. So, we have a common denominator. We both are nationalist. We never had antagonistic contradictions, just ideological contradictions. The pig manipulated those contradictions to the extent that warfare jumped off. Truth is the first casualty in war. It began to be said that Karenga was rat, but that wasn’t true. The death of Bunchy and John Huggins on UCLA campus was caused by an agent creating a disturbance which caused a Panther to pull out a gun and which subsequently caused US members to pull out their guns to defend themselves. In the ensuing gun battle Bunchy Carter and John Huggins lay dead.

What’s your worst memory of the 27 years you spent in prison?

I accepted the fact that when I joined the movement I was gonna be killed. When we were sent off to these urban areas we were actually told, “Look, you’re either gonna get killed, put in prison, or if you’re lucky we can get you out the country before they do that. Those are the three options. To survive is only a dream.” So when I was captured, I began to disconnect. So it’s hard to say good or bad moments because this is a whole different reality that had a life of its own.

Many people would say that during those twenty-seven years that you lost something. How would you describe it?

I considered myself chopped off the game plan when I was arrested. But it was incumbent upon me to free myself and continue to struggle again. You can’t look back twenty-seven years and say it was a lost. I’m still living. I run about five miles every morning, and I can still bench press 300 pounds ten times. I can give you ten reps (laughter). Also I hope I’m a little more intelligent and I’m not crazy. It’s a hell of a gain that I survived.

What music most influenced you during that time?

In 1975 I heard some music on a prison radio. I hadn’t seen a television in six years until about 1976, and it was at the end of the tier. I couldn’t see it unless I stood up sideways against the bars. When I really got to see a television again was in 1977. So, I was basically without music and television for the first eight years when I was in the hole. When I was able to get on the main line and listen to music and see T.V., of course the things I wanted to hear were the things I heard when I was on the street. But by then those songs had to be at least nine years old. So, I would listen to oldies. And the new music it was hard to get into, but I slowly began to get into that. But when hip-hop began to come around, it caught on like wildfire. It reminds me how the Panthers and other groups started to catch on like wildfire. It reminded me of Gil Scott-Heron. He would spit that knowledge so clearly and that was the first thing that came to mind when I heard Grandmaster Flash, KRS-One, Paris, Public Enemy and Sista Soldier—the militancy.
What type of books were you reading?

We maintained study groups throughout when I was on main line. Much of the focus was on Cheik Anta Diop—He was considered by us to be the last Pharaoh. We also read the works compiled by Ivan Van Sertima. Of course, there were others.

In terms of a spiritual center, what helped you to get through?

Well the ancestors guided me back to the oldest religion known to man—Maat. We also studied those meditations that were developed by all of our ancestors—the Natives, the Hispanics, the Irish—not just the ones that were strictly African.

The youngest of seven children, Ji Jaga was born Elmer Pratt, in Morgan City, a port city in southwestern Louisiana, two hours south of New Orleans, on September 13 1947. 120 years earlier marked the death of Jean Lafitte, the so-called “gentleman’s pirate” of French ancestry who settled in Haiti in the early 1800s until he was run out with most other Europeans during the Haitian revolution. Lafitte’s claim to fame was smuggling enslaved Africans from the Caribbean to Louisiana during the Spanish embargo of the late 17th & early 18th centuries, often taking refuge in the same bayous that were Pratt’s childhood home. Pratt was dubbed Geronimo by Bunchy Carter and assumed the name ji Jaga in 1968.

The Jaga were a West African clan of Angolan warriors who Geronimo says he descends from. Many of the Jaga came to Brazil with the Portuguese as free men and women and some were later found among maroon societies in Brazil. How Jaga descendants could have ended up in Louisiana is open to historical interpretation, as most Angolans who ended up in Louisiana and Mississippi and neighboring states entered the US via South Carolina. Some Jaga were possibly among the maroon communities in the Louisiana swamplands as well. According to the Pratt, the Jaga refused to accept slavery—hence his strong identification with the name.

What were some of your earliest early childhood memories?

Well, joyous times mostly. Morgan City was a very rural setting and very nationalistic, self-reliant, and self-determining. It was a very close-knit community. Until I was a ripe old age, I thought that I belonged to a nation that was run by Blacks. And across the street was another nation, a white nation. Segregation across the tracks. We had our own national anthem, “Lift Every Voice and Sing,” our own police, and everything. We didn’t call on the man across the street for nothing and it was very good that I grew up that way. The worst memories were those of when the Klan would ride. During one of those rides, I lost a close friend at an early age named Clayborne Brown who was hit in the head by the Klan and drowned. They found his body three days later in the Chaparral River. And, we all went to the River and saw them pull him in. Clayborne was real dark-skinned and when they pulled him out of the river, his body was like translucent blue. Then a few years later, one Halloween night, the Klan jumped on my brother. So there are bad memories like that.

Does your mother still live there?

She’s gone off into senility, but she’s still living—94 years old this year. [She died in 2003 at 98 years-old] And every time I’ve left home, when I come back the first person I go to see is my mama. So, that’s what I did when I got out of prison. Mama has always stood by me. And, I understood why. She was a very brainy person. Our foreparents, her mother was the first to bring education into that part of the swampland and set up the first school. When I was growing up, Mama used to rock us in her chair on the front porch. We grew up in a shack and we were all born in that house, about what you would call a block from the Chaparral River. She would recite Shakespeare and Longfellow to us. All kind of stuff like that at an early age we were hearing from Mama—this Gumbo Creole woman (laughs). And she was very beautiful. Kept us in church, instilled all kinds of interests in us, morals and respect for the elders, respect for the young.

What about your father?

My father was very hard working. He wouldn’t work for no white man so he was what you could call a junk man. On the way home from school in Daddy’s old pick-up truck we would have to go to the dump and get all the metal that we could find as well as rope, rags, anything. When we got home, we unloaded the truck and separated the brass, copper, the aluminum, so we could sell it separate. That’s how he raised an entire family of seven and he did a damn good job. But he worked himself to death. He died from a stroke in 1956.

With an upbringing so nationalistic, what made you join the US military?

I considered myself a hell of an athlete. We had just started a Black football league. A few years earlier, Grambling came through and checked one of the guys out. So initially my ambition was to go to Grambling or Southern University and play ball. Because of the way the community was organized, the elders called the shots over a lot of the youngsters. They had a network that went all the way back to Marcus Garvey and the days when the United Negro Improvement Association (U.N.I.A.) was organizing throughout the South in the 1920s. My uncle was a member of the legionnaires, the military arm of the U.N.I.A. Of the seventeen people in my graduating class, six of us were selected by the elders to go into the armed forces, the United States Air Force. The older generation was getting older and was concerned about who would protect the community.

Many of the brothers that went to Vietnam have never gotten past it. You seemed to have made a progressive transition. How have you done that?

I’ve never suffered the illusion that I was aligned to anything other than my elders. And my going to Vietnam was out on a sense of duty to them. When I learned how to deal with explosives, I’m listening at that training in terms of defending my community. Most of the brothers that I ran into in the service really bought into being Americans and “pow” when they were hit with the reality of all the racism and disrespect, they just couldn’t handle it.

What was it like to be a Black soldier in the US military in 1965?

This was my first experience with integration. But I was never was a victim of any racial attack or anything. During the whole first time I was in Vietnam—throughout 1966—I never heard the “N” word. And all of my officers were white. When I went back in 1968 that’s when you would see more manifestations of racial hatred, especially racial skirmishes between the soldiers. But first off there were so many battles and we were getting ambushed so much. Partners were dying. We were getting over run. I mean it was just madness. If you were shooting in the same direction, cool.

You were very successful in the military. Why did you get out?

On April 4, 1968 Martin Luther King, Jr. was killed. I was due to terminate my service a month later. I wasn’t gonna do it. I was gonna re-up ‘cause I had made Sergeant at a very early age, in two tours of combat, so I could have been sitting pretty for the rest of my life in the military. I was loyal and patriotic to the African nation I grew up in who sent me into the service. And after Martin Luther King was killed, my elders ordered me to come on out of the service. King was the eldest Messiah. Malcolm was our generation’s Messiah. And now that their King was dead, it was like there’s no hope. So they actually unleashed us to do what we did. This is why when Newsweek took their survey in 1969, it was over 92% of the Black people in this country supported the Black Panther Party as their legitimate political arm. It blew the United States’ mind.


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