The PGRNA/ Provisional Government of The Republic of New Afrika Flag Colors, Alignment & Meaning

image here is the New Afrikan independence movement flag. The Pan-Afrikan flag created by Marcus Garvey is red (top), black (middle), and green (bottom). The New Afrikan flag order is different. If We were free and independent, the Black (representing the people) would be at the top and green on the bottom. Since We are an oppressed nation, our flag is upside down reflecting We are in crisis. The green is on top and the black on the bottom. It will reverse when We achieve self-determination. The red (the blood) is in smaller proportion to the black and the green on the New Afrikan flag representing the desire and hope that We shed as little blood as necessary. I hope my explanation is clear. Ase!

The flag was inverted — this is an international signal of distress, a call for help. RNA/Republic of New Afrika National FLAG ( Green Red Black )

The New Afrikan Independence Movement (NAIM) needs assistance from all freedom-loving people.

Our National Flag will be correctly re-set once we have won land, sovereignty, and political independence.

The symbolism of the flag as used by the Republic of New Afrika is obvious. The Black is on the bottom. We in the Western Hemisphere must obtain land, represented by the green, which is at the top. It is so placed because, until Black People in this hemisphere obtain land they will remain on the bottom; and because the acquisition of land is the highest and noblest aspiration for Black People in this continent, since without lane there can be no freedom, justice, independence, or equality. The red, or the blood, stands at the center of all things. We lost our land through blood; we cannot gain it except through blood. We must redeem our lives through blood. Without the shedding of blood there can be no redemption of this race. Yet the red stripe is slightly smaller than either the black or the green.

It is smaller because the bloodshed and sorrow will not last always. They are not the most important part of the picture. The red simply stands in our flag as a reminder of the truth of history, that men and women must gain and keep their liberty, even at the risk of bloodshed. Black is for The People and Green is For The Land! With the formation of the Republic of New Afrika, it has become in addition, the symbol of the devotion of Afrikan people in America, to the establishment of an independent Afrikan Nation on the North American Continent. Thus, the colors were not chosen at any limited convention of black persons; but have been, in centuries past and are now, the emblem of true black hope and pride, as embodied of Pan-Afrikanism and Black Nationalism. 

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Republic of New Afrika What is it? Organic Talk Live with guest Haki Kweli Shakur

Provisional Government Republic of New Afrika

Firing Line Republic of New Afrika

Republic of New Afrika


Richmond Virginia 1865 Contraband Camp, After Juneteenth 1865 it wasn’t as glorious as portrayed in History

Contraband camps developed around many Union-held forts and encampments. In 1863, after the Emancipation Proclamation

Mathew Brady’s photograph of a “Camp of contrabands” near Richmond, Va., illustrates the bleak living quarters shared by many former slaves. Just across the James River from downtown Richmond, Va., is Old Town Manchester, a contraband camp established in 1865. Now an organized neighborhood with a commercial district, this camp was a series of military tents set up near the Richmond-Danville Railroad.

Hundreds of thousands of slaves freed during the American civil war died from disease and hunger after being liberated, according to a new book.

The analysis, by historian Jim Downs of Connecticut College, casts a shadow over one of the most celebrated narratives of American history, which sees the freeing of the slaves as a triumphant righting of the wrongs of a southern plantation system that kept millions of black Americans in chains.

But, as Downs shows in his book, Sick From Freedom, the reality of emancipation during the chaos of war and its bloody aftermath often fell brutally short of that positive image. Instead, freed slaves were often neglected by union soldiers or faced rampant disease, including horrific outbreaks of smallpox and cholera. Many of them simply starved to death.

After combing through obscure records, newspapers and journals Downs believes that about a quarter of the four million freed slaves either died or suffered from illness between 1862 and 1870. He writes in the book that it can be considered “the largest biological crisis of the 19th century” and yet it is one that has been little investigated by contemporary historians.

Downs believes much of that is because at the time of the civil war, which raged between 1861 and 1865 and pitted the unionist north against the confederate south, many people did not want to investigate the tragedy befalling the freed slaves. Many northerners were little more sympathetic than their southern opponents when it came to the health of the freed slaves and anti-slavery abolitionists feared the disaster would prove their critics right.

“In the 19th century people did not want to talk about it. Some did not care and abolitionists, when they saw so many freed people dying, feared that it proved true what some people said: that slaves were not able to exist on their own,” Downs told the Observer.

Downs’s book is full of terrible vignettes about the individual experiences of slave families who embraced their freedom from the brutal plantations on which they had been born or sold to. Many ended up in encampments called “contraband camps” that were often near union army bases. However, conditions were unsanitary and food supplies limited. Shockingly, some contraband camps were actually former slave pens, meaning newly freed people ended up being kept virtual prisoners back in the same cells that had previously held them. In many such camps disease and hunger led to countless deaths. Often the only way to leave the camp was to agree to go back to work on the very same plantations from which the slaves had recently escaped.

Treatment by union soldiers could also be brutal. Downs reconstructed the experiences of one freed slave, Joseph Miller, who had come with his wife and four children to a makeshift freed slave refugee camp within the union stronghold of Camp Nelson in Kentucky. In return for food and shelter for his family Miller joined the army. Yet union soldiers in 1864 still cleared the ex-slaves out of Camp Nelson, effectively abandoning them to scavenge in a war-ravaged and disease-ridden landscape. One of Miller’s young sons quickly sickened and died. Three weeks later, his wife and another son died. Ten days after that, his daughter perished too. Finally, his last surviving child also fell terminally ill. By early 1865 Miller himself was dead. For Downs such tales are heartbreaking. “So many of these people are dying of starvation and that is such a slow death,” he said.

Downs has collected numerous shocking accounts of the lives of freed slaves. He came across accounts of deplorable conditions in hospitals and refugee camps, where doctors often had racist theories about how black Americans reacted to disease. Things were so bad that one military official in Tennessee in 1865 wrote that former slaves were: “dying by scores – that sometimes 30 per day die and are carried out by wagonloads without coffins, and thrown promiscuously, like brutes, into a trench”.

So bad were the health problems suffered by freed slaves, and so high the death rates, that some observers of the time even wondered if they would all die out. One white religious leader in 1863 expected black Americans to vanish. “Like his brother the Indian of the forest, he must melt away and disappear forever from the midst of us,” the man wrote.

Such racial attitudes among northerners seem shocking, but Downs says they were common. Yet Downs believes that his book takes nothing away from the moral value of the emancipation.

Instead, he believes that acknowledging the terrible social cost born by the newly emancipated accentuates their heroism.

“This challenges the romantic narrative of emancipation. It was more complex and more nuanced than that. Freedom comes at a cost,” Downs said.


Freedman’s Camp

Midlo-Richmond Coal Basin Explosion 55 Mostly Enslaved Afrikans Died – Haki Shakur

Bermuda Hundred Landing Virginia – Haki Shakur

The First Africans in Virginia – Haki Shakur

Sign Petition & Support Parole For Chuck Africa Political Prisoner

Click Link & Sign

Charles Sims Africa #AM 4975 has been in prison since age 18. He is now 59 years old and a recovering cancer patient. He has been eligible for parole since 2008 but continually denied because of his political views.

Charles has 8 codefendants. Two has died in prison, four has been released from prison onto parole. Chuck’s sister Debbie Sims Africa is one of the four codefendants released onto parole.

Since coming home from prison, Debbie is thriving. Our community of support has supported Debbie to excel and we are committed to do the same for Chuck so that he can excel as well.

Re-Build: New Afrikan People’s Assembly Black August 18 2019 – Kwame Beans Shakur

by Kwame ‘Beans’ Shakur, Co-Founder and Chairman of the New Afrikan Liberation Collective (NALC)

Booker T. Washington Park Community Center in Terra Haute, IN, was originally founded in 1970 as the Hyte Center for community liberation, operating as a soup kitchen, gymnasium, classroom and library.

On Aug. 18, 2019, NALC will be hosting the “Re-Build: New Afrikan People’s Assembly” at the Booker T. Washington Community Center in Terre Haute, Indiana. This People’s Assembly is an effort to not only educate and organize the local New Afrikan-Black community around our vision to regain control over our lives, land and institutions within our own community, but a national conference for citizens of the Republic of New Afrika (The New Afrikan Nation), members of the Provisional Government (PG-RNA), and our leading formations who are in unison to create a collective struggle. It’s about turning theory into practice!

A lot of people criticize and carry out ideological struggles against Black Lives Matter and the NAACP for their national bourgeois, reformist qualities. They reason they are able to reach and organize the masses, achieve economic support from celebrities with millions in donations because they organize on a grassroots level and from city to city, state to state, their chapters are organized; their presidents and leadership are working together.

Let’s take a look at the ruling enemy class and the United States colonial government. The working class people of the world and our revolutionary forces would have long ago toppled U.S. imperialism if their elected officials and government agencies were in the state of disarray that we are. Imagine if their local and state pigs and FBI worked independently in each city, or if the Democratic and Republican Party didn’t function on a national level or campaign to “sell” their policy to each of their respective bases.

The establishment would truly be a paper tiger, each formation weak, isolated and vulnerable to attack. That’s not the way nations and parties operate, especially those neo-colonized peoples who are struggling to organize the people toward liberation and self-determination.

When you look up the definition of “revisionist” in Webster’s New World dictionary, it describes: 1. A Marxist advocating socialism by means of gradual reforms rather than through revolution. 2. A person who advocates a radically different theory or interpretation, as of particular historical events, from that which is generally accepted – adjective: of revisionist or their policy or practice.

For many years, every August the center was home to the Afrikan Festival, bringing a sense of pride and culture to our community.

The overall movement and what it means to be a revolutionary in North Amerikkka seems to be in a state of revisionism. Everybody likes to quote Lenin when he made the statement, “Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement,” but without practice and applying that theory into action, it means nothing. If a group of medical scientists discovered a revolutionary cure for AIDS or cancer, yet all they did for 40 years was write books and give lectures on the theory of curing the disease instead of creating the vaccine to heal the people, their work would have no tangible significance.

And although they seem to have the ability to rid these people of the deadly disease altogether, the people are going to see no other option but to settle for a less permanent treatment to pacify their illness. That’s where we are right now as a national and an independent movement – we seem to be ignoring the fundamental principles of revolutionary socialist theory: going amongst the masses and our community to educate and organize them around class contradictions in order to raise their consciousness and develop revolutionary mentalities.

As revolutionary nationalists, we must engage in revolutionary activity, develop programs with and for the people that meet their daily needs, while also creating autonomy within the community.

It does no good to have these discussions behind closed doors, to only hold events and distribute packets or periodicals amongst cadre and the conscious community. We already know these things. We have to organize these town hall meetings and people’s assemblies and introduce the unconscious masses to our policy.

Not much on the agenda since the city bought the Booker T. Washington Park Community Center. The People’s Assembly will work to re-instate programming here, a crucial step toward organizing our community toward collective self-determination.

We see the Democratic Party gearing up for the 2020 elections; their nominees are already holding their own town hall meetings. For us not to be doing the same thing is for us to not overstand or combat neo-colonialism in this kkkountry. Every one of their campaign strategies is going to be to point out how terrible and racist Trump is, so it’s important that everyone vote in order to prevent a re-election.

And with everything the Trump regime and the Republican Party have done to turn every colonized nation, oppressed class and gender against him, what do we think is going to happen? We aren’t giving them a cure for their disease – a majority of the “Black” community doesn’t even know that we exist.

So instead of taking all that agitation and focusing on building community, mobilizing all that energy and resources around our own needs, the neo-colonial sock puppets and political sharecroppers are going to campaign in our community and convince our people to vote for their favorite Democratic nominee.

Why does a small minority class own and control all the means and modes of production in society? Why do WE, and other lower working class people, not own and control the land, property and business relations within our community?

When a people first come in contact with colonialism, they are keenly aware of the violent process that is taking place around them to strip its people of their identity, nationality, culture, language and independence. Therefore, they naturally resist and fight to hold onto these.

At this stage, the colonizer and colonial government still has to use colonial violence in the form of physical force and military aggression in order to maintain control and implement its foreign education, economic, political and socio-cultural system into the homes and minds of the oppressed peoples. After hundreds of years of this debasing and dehumanization, the physical force is no longer necessary. The people have become a self-refueling neo-colony, subordinate to the colonist and the interest of the ruling class.

Enter neo-colonialism: The colonized peoples, in our case the “Black” community, no longer realize that they are being colonized as an oppressed Afrikan nation within this oppressor prison house of nations (U.S. empire). The unconscious masses have no knowledge of self; they no longer resist or question the illegitimacy of our situation. The status quo is all they know, so they do not question capitalist, colonial rule and its class structure.

Why does a small minority class own and control all the means and modes of production in society? Why do WE, and other lower working class people, not own and control the land, property and business relations within our community? In a neo-colonial era, the masses no longer struggle for independence and self-government to control their own educational, economic and political affairs.

Instead, they are content with solely sending their children to public schools to be trained on what to think vs. being educated on how to think. And instead of organizing amongst ourselves to change our social reality, we aspire to become, or vote for, leaders in the Democratic and Republican Party outside of our community to change things and make it better. This is an illness.

The objective of the revolutionary is to create revolution and cure this illness. The unconscious masses in their colonial mentality have been programmed to fear and disassociate themselves from the terms “revolutionary” and “revolution.”

The People were able to get behind these vanguards and national leaders because they made themselves known and available to the masses. The People’s Assembly is a clarion call for us to set an example and take our struggle to the next level for our nation’s leadership.

Revolution simply means to create change and transform the minds of the colonized woman and man, thus creating a New People to challenge the old ideas and ways of colonial society in order to develop a new, independent one. However, this cannot and will not happen unless we test our revolutionary theory by going amongst and struggling with the People!

Their consciousness is not going to grow and develop on its own. The people knew who Marcus Garvey (Universal Negro Improvement Association) was during that time period, the people knew who Bro. Malcolm was; the people knew who Huey P. Newton and the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense were. In the late ‘60s and the early ‘70s they knew what the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika was – the People were able to get behind these vanguards and national leaders because they made themselves known and available to the masses.

This People’s Assembly is not just an Indiana thing; this is not just an NALC thing. This is a New Afrikan Independence Movement National Conference. This is an initiative on behalf of the Front for the Liberation of the New Afrikan Nation (FROLINAN) and those cadre individuals and formations who support our effort to re-build.

This is a clarion call for us to set an example and take our struggle to the next level for our nation’s leadership, making this trip about more than speaking on a panel and educating the local community on our policy – it’s about the connection and face to face dialogue before and after the assembly with other cadre. A nation needs to develop solidarity and a collective mastery of the restoration of nationhood to its people.

Therefore, the promotion and propaganda leading up to the People’s Assembly should be a coordinated effort from people all across the nation. The same way we all wrote articles in SF Bay View and pushed for the Millions 4 Prisoners Human Rights March in 2017; the same way we all coordinated and participated in the 2018 National Prison Strike – we should expect to see the same flood of articles for Re-Build: New Afrikan People’s Assembly.

We would hope to experience that same level of networking and energy our comrades on the outside put into Nation Day each year, and that same level of commitment from the elders as well as support from the PG-RNA.

The Booker T. Washington Community Center was first founded as the Hyte Center in 1970. Mr. Franklin Brown was a founding member and chairman of the board. My grandfather, Robert “Bob” Joyner Sr., also a founding member, was vice chairman. It served as a community liberation center, clinic, soup kitchen, gymnasium and weight room, classrooms and library.

As a kid and young teen, I attended after school programs and summer school classes there. Each and every August we had the Afrikan Festival, and it brought a sense of pride and culture to our community as New Afrikans of all ages and backgrounds would attend and set up their booths. The city owns the center now, and it is not being utilized to its fullest potential.

Just last year, Chairman Brown passed on to be with the ancestors, and up until that time he had been working with a local pastor from the Booker T. Washington neighborhood on proposals to get programs going again at the center. We are now working with this pastor as well, and the People’s Assembly is the first step toward organizing my own community toward self-determination in regards to land and community control.

We will dedicate a portion of the People’s Assembly to Mr. Brown, my grandfather and their comrades by having family members and surviving elders who were around during that time reflect on the work and sacrifices they made for our community – including armed confrontations with the Ku Klux Klan, as well as what the Hyte Center meant and means to us as a community, and why it’s important that we struggle to regain access to it and control over our own institutions. Let’s Re-build! ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE!

Chairman Kwame “Beans” Shakur

Send our brother some love and light: Michael Joyner, 149677, WVCF, P.O. Box 1111, Carlisle IN 46391



Abdul Olgubala Shakur Letters of Support Needed Strategic Release & Parole



P.O. BOX 5102




Send all letters to this address:
Free Abdul Olugbala Shakur Network.
P.O.Box 972085
El Paso,TX 79997

It is our belief that Abdul Olugbala Shakur represents the role model for Strategic Release, not only due to his tireless commitment to improving the daily lives of those in society, but through the broad body of work he has developed and contributed to creating.

For more than 25 years, Mr. Harvey has consistently served the Afrikan-Amerikan community and has been at the forefront in combatting gang violence criminality in the Black community. His release would have a major impact positively, not only in the Black community, but in society as a whole. We’ve provided a brief list of some of his contributions in support of our request.

Brotha Abdul has no long criminal history. This is his first time in prison, and he has never been incarcerated or arrested prior to his controlling offense.

He has served 33 ½ years in prison – the last 32 years spent in solitary confinement due to his political activities and ideology and alleged membership in a prison group. But in spite of all this, Mr. Harvey has discovered his true humanity, and this is reflected in his daily contributions to the Black community and the Human Rights Movement for over 25 years.

Eligibility for Strategic Release must be demonstrated both by a proven record of positive work product on behalf of the people and society, but also by a desire for and by the community to see the subject released, which will depend on community-based parole boards. Those released as a condition of release are pledging the remainder of their lives to community and social service.

Strategic Release is the pinnacle of social restitution where the PEOPLE themselves are directly benefitting from the restorative justice. Current modes of so-called “restitution” give funds – mostly culled from the funds sent by loved ones and families of prisoners – to the state, not the victims (where there are any), and it is doled out as the state sees fit to whom and what they see fit.

Strategic Release will have a direct impact on reducing the crime in the underclass communities of Amerikka, thus starving the Prison-Industrial Slave Complex of the most vital resource it needs to function: OUR PEOPLE. When something starves, it ultimately dies.

This is why the state will fight tooth and nail to stop the concept of Strategic Release from taking root in the consciousness of the people and being transformed into a material force, and this is why we must start now pushing it on blogs, social media and every platform we can possibly access, engaging in dialogue and gaining feedback from as broad a cross-section of the population – especially the New Afrikan Community that is most affected both by victimization and offending – as humanly possible.

I believe we can tap into the anti-mass incarceration forces of society to rally around this concept and begin organizing to bring it to life.

We are suggesting that those with significant sentences or offenses will have to have at least 20 years served before they are eligible for Strategic Release. Strategic Release will also serve as a model for other prisoners to develop themselves, transform their consciousness and commit themselves to serving their communities and society.

Brotha Abdul’s body of work

Brotha Abdul was the original author of the historic “Agreement to End Hostilities”adopted within the CDCr and many affected communities, and he continues to work tirelessly to end racial rivalries and group conflicts.

Brotha Abdul is the author of one most effective blueprints to end Black-on-Black gang violence in U.S. society: “Operation Hip-Hop Rescue.” Following the systematic failures in governmental response during Hurricane Katrina, Brotha Abdul authored one of the most comprehensive emergency response plans to ensure that such a tragedy never visits our communities again.

Following the release of the book “The Bell Curve,” a pseudo-scientific work that sought to criminalize the Black community in general and the Black male in particular, Abdul spearheaded the campaign to debunk this attempted criminalization of his community and people. Out of this campaign came a series of pamphlets which were collected into the perennial work, “New Afrikan Criminology 101,” a textbook used not only in the classroom of Professor Dorothy B. Fardan at Bowie State University but by activists and scholars in prison and society alike as a tool to combat the racist criminalization of the Black community.

Brotha Abdul is the founder and creator of the Black August Memorial Commemoration Committee (BAMCC), which is a movement that is spreading all across the country. He appointed Akili Mwalimu Shakur to chair the BAMCC, and he gives all credit to Brother Akili, Abdul Jabbar Caliph, Sista Kilaika Baruti and others for the success of this movement.

Brotha Abdul is also the founder and creator of the George Jackson University (GJU), which is a movement designed to eradicate:

  • Functional illiteracy among Black prisoners
  • Criminal “gangster” mentality among Black prisoners
  • Cultural ignorance among Black prisoners and

It also prepares Black prisoners for release back into the Black community.

Dr. Donald R. Evans, Dr. Ali Rashad Perkins and many others have played a crucial role in the development of this concept. Unfortunately, because Brotha Abdul chose to name the project after George Jackson,the project for the last 12 years has been under attack, even though multiple court decisions ruled in favor of the GJU. There is ongoing and pending litigation in multiple courts on this very issue, and on Feb. 19, 2015, a Superior Court judge granted an evidentiary hearing on the George Jackson University (GJU) issue.

Brotha Abdul has developed a number of very important proposals that have had an influence in the Black community, such as “The New Afrikan Community Security Protocol Mandate.” This proposal is a basic blueprint designed to stabilize the Black community; activists across the country are using this blueprint.

Then in 1996 he produced a comprehensive blueprint for eradicating hunger in the Black Diaspora. In 2012, he revised that plan, which is now known by “The Pan-Afrikan Global Commission Against Hunger.”

Another one of his proposals is “The New Afrikan Prisoner Outreach Resource Center.” This proposal is designed to prepare Black prisoners for release and put an end to Black recidivism.

Brotha Abdul is also the creator of the “Free Speech Society” (FSS) along with Mutope Duguma, Zaharibu Dorrough, Joka Heshima Jinsai and Kijana Tashiri Askari. The FSS is a movement designed to protect and defend the First Amendment rights of imprisoned and society-based activists as well. This project is currently being coordinated by Steve Martinot ( For more information on the FSS, visit

Brotha Abdul is the co-founder and co-creator of the “Insurrectionists Art Collective” with co-founder and co-creator Joka Heshima Jinsai (Denham), a platform for activists and art lovers to support the resolution of some of the most pressing social ills facing us as a society today, such as breast cancer prevention, treatment and research, child abuse and exploitation treatment and services, Alzheimer’s Disease research and services, domestic violence prevention and intervention services, homelessness prevention and services, child hunger prevention and services, including food security initiatives. The IAC also supports the Abdul Olugbala Shakur Literary Scholarship Fund and the Joka Heshima Jinsai Artistic Scholarship Fund, which provide literary and artistic scholarships for our youth.

Brotha Abdul has served as an active member and supporter of the National Afrikan-Amerikan Family Reunion Association (NAAFRA) with founder and CEO Dr. Donald R. Evans, a movement designed to rebuild the Black community and family while promoting entrepreneurship, Black business ownership and commerce within the Black community in order to create economic systems where residents spend their money with and within their own community, thus cultivating self-sufficiency and prosperity (

Brotha Abdul has contributed to the expansion of New Afrikan Revolutionary Nationalism (NARN), the New Afrikan Independence Movement (NAIM) and the Republic of New Afrika (RNA) across the U.S.

Brotha Abdul has written for a number of publications, such as the San Francisco Bay View newspaper in particular (, a newspaper that has provided a medium for prisoners to speak and reach the people. Abdul has served as one of its most powerful embedded activist reporters. Many of his articles have gone viral, e.g.

The piece, “What is solitary confinement?” is being used by prison rights activists all across the country to educate the public on this modern horror.

We have provided a strong case for Strategic Release. There is no doubt that Brotha Abdul’s release would have a major impact on society, not just the Black community.

Political Prisoner Russell Maroon Shoatz Health Update From Shoatz Family

Update from the Shoatz family:

On our most recent visit following our dad’s hospital stay, we had the privilege and fortunate opportunity to meet, speak with, and embrace Chuck Africa. Ironically, it was Chuck Africa who put the word out to inform the family of Maroon’s medical dilemma and transport from SCI Dallas to an unspecified hospital.

The family is pleased to bring you Maroon’s latest message after his recent surgery:

“Had my first visit since my operation, with Theresa, Sharon, and Russell. Since I’m still in the prison infirmary, it had to be approved by the doctor, and I was in a wheelchair; though I CAN and DO walk a little every day. Medically, all I choose to say is that it has been like NOTHING I have ever experienced! More pain than I have ever had to deal with; though A LOT of PRAYER has made it EASIER. During my two-week stay in the outside hospital, the ENTIRE hospital staff treated me in a professional manner, as did the prison security details that accompanied me. (Written while laying on a reclining hospital bed after the dressing was changed on the navel-to-sternum gash from my surgery. Thankfully, it’s healing well, and there is less and less pain with the daily changes.)”

Straight Ahead!

Maroon and the Shoatz family will continue to keep people updated about his health. If you are planning to visit Maroon, he is still in the prison infirmary. All visits should be confirmed with Maroon via phone (267) 456-7882.

Write Maroon at:

Smart Communications
Russell Shoats AF3855
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg FL. 33733

Want to leave a voice message for Maroon?

etta cetera, friend of Maroon, is collecting voice messages to play to Maroon over the phone. Don’t tell him – It’s a surprise. If you would like to leave him a voice message please text recorded voice memos to 443-603-6964 (this is not the iphone recorded text message – it is a voice memo that is sent as an MP3.) You can also send an MP3 recorded message to from your computer or phone.

Please say your name, where you are calling from and a brief message.
Try to keep it around 30 seconds or less. This does not have to be a “get well” message – it could be a general ‘LOVE who you are and miss you’ message! Get well’s are fine tho too.

Political Prisoner Veronza Bowers Denied Parole Again May 2019

Veronza Bowers Denied Parole

by Mary Ratcliff

Veronza Bowers is an internationally known man of peace, famous for his mastery of the Shakuhachi bamboo flute that he plays to relieve the suffering of sick and dying prisoners. Now 73, this former Black Panther who has proclaimed his innocence during 46 years of incarceration, has just learned that once again he has been denied parole.

According to Wikipedia, his sentence dictated that “he was eligible for mandatory parole after 30 years.” When that day arrived, he was dressed to leave to join his family at the prison gate when they were bitterly disappointed.

“In February 2005,” reports Wikipedia, “10 months after he’d served 30 years in prison, his parole was postponed in order to give the victim’s relatives a chance to express their opposition at a new parole hearing. Bowers was denied parole in December 2005.”

At that parole hearing, Veronza’s unit manager testified: “I have been with the Bureau of Prisons for 25 years in March and this is my first time ever speaking on behalf of an inmate. … Incident reports are very easy to get and he has set the standard for not getting any incident reports. I can address the fact that as a Bureau of Prisons employee, we all wish we had an institution full of inmates who can go 21 years without an incident report.”

In a message received May 30, Veronza writes: “The way I look at news is that it is neither bad nor good; it just IS what it is. And once received, then we can move forward.

“I do appreciate very much that people are very concerned about me. Please let folks know that I am fine. I talked with my Freedom Team today and they are busy preparing our next step.

“In short, we are not giving up. And I am confident that truth and justice are on my side and that I will be taking my long overdue long walk to FREEDOM in the not too distant future.

Please let folks know that I am fine. I am confident that truth and justice are on my side and that I will be taking my long overdue long walk to FREEDOM in the not too distant future.

“It is the Bay View, my legal team, all of you supporters who continue to show your love and concern and, of course, my entire family and all my friends who provide the WIND under my wings that allows me to hold my head high and soar to the heights where only eagles dare fly – on wings unbroken!”

Send our brother some love and light: Veronza Bowers Jr., 35316-136, Butner FMC, P.O. Box 1600, Butner NC 27509.


New Afrikan Political Prisoners of War Addresses

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Beyond Face Value: Slavery Iconography in Confederate Currency, Afrikans Showed Laboring on Plantations

Beyond Face Value: Slavery Iconography in Confederate Currency

by Jules d’Hemecourt

In the midst of the American Civil War, and in defiance of the Union blockade choking off its port cities, the Confederate War Department boldly ordered Navy Captain John Wilkinson to England, where he was to purchase a blockade runner, “load her with arms, munitions of war, and other supplies” and “bring her into a Confederate port with all dispatch”(Wilkinson, 1877). Knowing well the government’s urgent priorities, Wilkinson brought on board “a large quantity of lithographic material” that “had been brought . . . for the Treasury Department; and twenty-six lithographers engaged for the Confederate government.” To achieve independence, after all, the Confederate States of America needed not only to defend itself but also to issue viable stamps and currency defining its cause and demonstrating its stability and efficiency. As Captain Wilkinson proudly remembered years after he safely maneuvered his steamer across the ocean, through the blockade, and into the Confederacy, “The Scotch lithographers found abundant employment in Richmond, as the government ‘paper mills’ were running busily during the whole war”(Wilkinson, 1877).

But Wilkinson’s–and the government’s–early optimism about maintaining an official publishing program, comparable to that which Southern citizens were accustomed under federal supervision, did not last long. Chronic shortages in both artistic manpower (imported talent notwithstanding) and essential supplies eventually strangled Confederate publishing. Although “official” engraving and lithography–for stamps and paper currency–remained a high priority, all but extinguishing a budding commercial printing industry, the Treasury and Post Office departments eventually suffered too, as did their products. Artists and printmakers were relentlessly conscripted into military service, draining the talent pool. Ink and rag paper became increasingly scarce, dooming an industry that had initially celebrated Confederate independence with a rush of popular prints and handsome paper money.

Desperate for supplies, one paper mill in Georgia took to recycling “old ledgers, old cash books, old journals, old bank books, of any kind either all written over, partly written over, or not written over at all.” Little of even the previously-used variety could be secured reliably, exacerbating the desperation of all issuers, including government presses that were “urgent for paper”(Neely, Holzer and Boritt, 1987),(Parrish and Willingham).

Midlo-Richmond Coal Basin, 55 Die Mostly Enslaved Afrikans in Mining Coal Explosion in 1855, Slave Insurance & Labor – Haki Kweli Shakur


The vaunted “Scotch lithographers” who penetrated the blockade failed to ease the crisis, for they proved deficient when compared with the skillful engravers who designed paper currency for the Union. As Captain Wilkinson later ruefully conceded: “The style of their work was not altogether faultless, for it was said that the counterfeit notes, made in the North, and extensively circulated through the South, could be easily detected by the superior execution of the engraving upon them!” The government somehow managed to produce some $50 million in currency a month (Dodge, 1886), but as one disappointed Confederate patriot complained of the results, “neither in material nor execution would they have reflected credit on a village printing-office”(Wilkinson, 1877).

But such critics were far too harsh. That the Confederate government and some individual Confederate states and merchants were able, amidst such daunting circumstances, to produce any currency of reasonably acceptable quality and quantity may rank as one of the true publishing miracles of mid-nineteenth-century America. What is more, the imposition upon such work of iconic pictorial reminders of the economic foundations of the Confederacy–specifically the cotton industry and the slave labor system that supported it–tells much about the white South’s unapologetic reliance on slavery to sustain itself.

Scholars have long undervalued the image-making influence of Confederate currency, principally because so few examples have been publicly available. The few monographs on the subject are incomplete, and their authors tend to concentrate more on the distinction between authentic and counterfeit notes than on analyses their design and message. Those currency notes that have been widely reproduced in textbooks and history magazines usually feature stock portraits of Confederate President Jefferson Davis.

The collection featured in this exhibit reveals that much of Confederate currency was designed not only to celebrate its white heroes, but to validate system that held its black laborers in perpetual slavery. Bond after bond, bill after bill, suggests a preoccupation with reminding note-holders, investors, debtors, and ordinary citizens alike, that slavery, one of the most important elements of the Southern economy, would continue to exist in perpetuity, protected by law and sanctioned by tradition, and all but divinely ordained in iconography.

Perhaps no individual piece of currency more accurately reflected this stubborn focus than the $5 note published by the American Bank Note Company of New York during the early days of secession, before the Confederacy was cut off from experienced printers in the North (during the war illegal business, including the printing of money and the sales of arms and equipment, was conducted between Northern entrepreneurs and the Confederacy, though the federal government promised harsh punishment for such acts of treason). The note portrays a black slave cheerfully picking cotton, opposite whom, under the supervision of a white manager, other slaves mill raw cotton. Surmounting these vignettes, the classical figures of Industry and Agriculture sit together on a cotton bale, as if blessing the scenes of forced labor shown below. The clever juxtaposition of classical icons and idyllic scenes of modern involuntary servitude serves notice that the government bases its economy on slavery, and that history and heritage validate the system. The message is driven home subtly with the image of Industry’s foot resting on several large books, no doubt symbolizing Law, thus making the further argument that the system portrayed on the $5 bill is not only moral but legal.

A similar composition of implied moral, legal, and historical authority can be seen in the Confederate States of America $100 note

T-41 Confederate States of America, Richmond, Virginia, $100, December 6, 1862

engraved by Keatinge & Ball, the Confederacy’s leading printer of paper money (Keatinge, an employee of the American Bank Note Company, was lured South to start his own firm by a generous offer from the Confederate government). Typical of many Confederate bills, the $100 note honors a white hero of the South, in this case the late Senator and secession advocate John C. Calhoun. But the largest vignette, at top, is devoted to a field scene in which slaves serenely hoe cotton. The symbolic national figure of Columbia (a classically illustrated female originally used to portray the United States), gazing upward from the right foreground, seems to offer tacit blessing to the concept of forced labor, suggesting that it is integral to national purpose (Slabaugh, 1961).

Even B. Duncan’s $10 bill

T-30 Confederate States of America, Richmond, Virginia $10, September 2, 1861
, ostensibly designed to honor Secretary of State Robert M. T. Hunter and to re-create the legendary scene of General Francis Marion providing sweet potatoes for Sir Banistree Tarleton during the Revolutionary War (top), openly acknowledges that notwithstanding Marion’s generosity, slaves picked and served the potatoes. A helmeted Athena, daughter of Zeus, the Greek goddess of war who fights for just causes, rests on a pillar of state at right, suggesting that the social and economic order was well worth defending (Hall, 1984).
Such conjoined motifs reappear throughout Confederate currency: goddesses of agriculture hovering admiringly over scenes of cotton-picking and field-working; goddesses of war and peace, law and fortitude, commerce and industry, faith and hope, providing a sense of traditional, almost heavenly, acceptance of the Southern system. The imposition of such classical figures suggested that the slave system was not only economically crucial but also in perfect compliance with revered tradition. Mixing symbols of the past with idealized scenes of the present allowed producers of Confederate currency to offer proud and uninhibited affirmation that national economic vitality depended on slave labor; that slavery guaranteed confidence in the legitimacy of Southern independence; that prosperity without slavery was unimaginable; and that independence without prosperity was impossible.

Even secular gods could be employed in the iconographical campaign to link independence and prosperity to perpetuating the slave system. When Baldwin, Ball & Cousland–another group of Northern printmakers hired by Confederates–produced a $10 note for the Central Bank of Alabama

Alabama, Central Bank, $10, October 1, 1857
, it unabashedly presented detailed scenes of slaves picking and baling cotton beneath the reassuring bulk of the original Confederate capital of Montgomery, suggesting official protection of the slave system. Most telling of all is the inclusion of the iconic Gilbert Stuart portrait of George Washington, whose presence serves as a reminder that the greatest of all American presidents to date had been a Southern slaveholder, and, by implication, a supporter of the Confederacy and the perpetuation of the slave labor system. No symbol was more potent to Americans than that of George Washington, and throughout the war, Confederate and Union printmakers alike would claim his image as their own.
A Canal Bank $100 note

Louisiana, Canal Bank, $100, ______18__ ,UNC
printed by Rawlon, Wright, Hatch and Edson of New Orleans presented the same message: a likeness of Washington dominates the bill; above the portrait is an image of slaves loading huge shipments of cotton onto a steamboat beneath a deceptively protective bower of palmettos. At right, the figure of Columbia looks on as well, grasping a somewhat incongruous stars-and-stripes shield, and moreover clutching a capped liberty pole–ironically enough, a symbol of the manumission of slaves! The power of Washington imagery in this case was more profound than the traditional draped classical figures of antiquity.
Although the quality of Confederate printmaking declined as ink, paper, and artist shortages worsened, portrayals of slavery on official currency persisted, however haplessly. A typical $10 note issued in Richmond

T-29 Confederate States of America, Richmond, Virginia $10, September 2, 1861 late in the war depicts in near caricature a grotesquely oversized slave picking cotton. A $5 bill from Alabama

State of Alabama, $5, January 1, 1864, UNC
crudely depicts an overseer, whip in hand, watching slaves in the fields; Liberty, her symbolic capped pole again in full view, endorses the scene. Slaves pick, hoe, plant, load, and carry the crop in a large number of portrayals in wartime currency. They harvest the national future; shown standing together, almost interchangeably, with oxen, they are the brawn responsible for bringing Southern product to a global market, thus establishing the Confederacy within the family of nations.
The message is clear, if dehumanizing. As a $2 note from the Bank of Greensborough

Georgia, Bank of Greensborough, $2, December 7, 1858, UNC

(engraved in New York) seems to suggest, the “contented” slave, happily hauling the crucial economic product of the South, was essential to the entire Confederate economy that the currency is intended to represent. Southern womanhood, and Southern children, also pictured occasionally on currency, were almost always shown alongside scenes of black laborers in the fields, perhaps to encourage nervous investors to believe that plantations could run efficiently even with white landowners serving in the Confederate armed forces, and only females, the elderly, and the very young left behind with their slaves.

Previous studies of Confederate iconography have failed to acknowledge fully the significant number and symbolism of slavery images in Confederate currency. Scholarly focus on display prints for the family parlor has somewhat distorted our understanding of Confederate imagery and the messages and meanings that such pictorial creations were designed to evoke. Engravings and lithographs made during the war for display in the homes of a wide popular audience focused principally on Confederate heroes, especially Jefferson Davis and Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson, as well as on early battlefield triumphs and rallies celebrating the adoption of secession ordinances. Such prints reflect the patriotic and political impulse animating the Confederacy. Many times larger than bank notes or bonds, these images have understandably attracted most of the attention of historians, and of the authors, editors, and publishers who immortalize such images by reproducing them in modern books, magazines, and journals.

While these domestic prints defined patriotism, Confederate currency–whether commissioned in the South and made in the North, or produced entirely in Southern cities–exemplified the economic side of Confederate iconography. In the small portraits and scenes that decorated these notes, slavery was actively and aggressively promoted as the principal bulwark of Confederate prosperity, even more so than the very crops that the slaves harvested.

Using scenes mingling romanticized celebrations of slavery with portrayals of cotton bales and steamboats, sanctified by mythical figures, issuers of paper money in the Confederacy openly sought validation for slavery and reinforcement of the crucial message that slavery was the essential element for the future existence of the country. The imagery of this collection of Confederate currency amply demonstrates how long, and how defiantly, the Confederacy clung to that conviction, and how inventively and passionately it encouraged its illustration in these miniature examples of the printmakers’ art that have too long been overlooked.

Much more than remnants of a shattered economy, these artifacts open a rare window onto the Confederacy’s view of itself, and they deserve our attention as artistic and political, not just financial, currency.



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Janine and Janet Africa Release From Prison after 40 Years

A Quick thank you from: Janine and Janet Africa.

The lawyers were sent to do a job and they did it! It is duly noted! but, we cannot minimize the will of The people, which JOHN AFRICA have said is “A POWERFUL FORCE”. ALL POWER TO THE PEOPLE who pushed aside their personal concerns and safety to fight for Move’s Freedom. We would name them all but it would take hours, so we only name a few, but in our Hearts we never forget any of you, EVER!


We been away for 40 plus years, please tag yourself in this post all of our family and friends we love you all!!