ANCIENT NDI IGBO AND ANCIENT CIKAM EGYPT – IGBO OLDER

IGBO AND ANCIENT EGYPT.

Ndi Igbo, Ndigbo mean (The Ancient People) The British called us IBO or (Heebos) I.B.O mean . I Before Other (I Come Before Other).

Aha, an Igbo man, established ancient Egypt. To provide evidence in support of my claim here, I will cite Dr. Ben Jochannan, a world renowned Egyptologist, he stated that ALKEBULAN and not Kemet or ON or any other name was the oldest name of ancient Egypt.

ALKEBULAN is Igbo word and any person from Igbo land can easily recognize this word as Igbo. In modern Igbo, ALKEBULAN would be written as AKAEBULAN OR AKAEBULAM OR AKAEGBUNAM depending on the dialect and the part of Igbo land the speaker comes from.
Ani & Aha, both ancient Egyptian words are still written the same way in Igbo language and are still used in everyday Igbo communication.

Ani is the female Alusi (deity) of the earth, morality, fertility and creativity in Odinani. She is the most important Alusi in the Igbo pantheon. In Odinani, Ani rules over the underworld, and holds the deceased ancestors in her womb. Her name literally translates to ‘Ground’ in the Igbo language, denoting her powers over the earth and her status as the ground itself. Ani is considered the highest Alusi in the Igbo pantheon. Ala’s husband is Amadiora, the sky deity.

As the goddess of morality, Ani is involved in judging human actions and is in charge of Igbo law and customs known as ‘Omenala’.

Taboos and crimes among Igbo communities that are against the standard of Ani are called nsọ Ani. All ground is considered ‘Holy land’ as it is Ani herself. With human fertility, Ani is credited for the productivity of the land. Ani’s messenger and living agent on earth is the python (Igbo: éké), which is especially revered in many Igbo communities. In art, Ani is often represented as a regal figure seated on a throne, surrounded by her family. In the past, such figures took the form of life-size mud sculptures in special festive shrines dedicated to the deity and known as Mbari.

Power
It is said that if a person commits a taboo in a community, that they have also desecrated or insulted Ani as the abomination (called ajo njo or Aru Ala, Alu Ani) was committed on her earth. Ani is also responsible for many aspects of Igbo society, and guardianship of women and children in general. She is often depicted with a small child in her arms and her symbol is the crescent moon. It is believed that the souls of the dead reside in her sacred womb. All in the community have to respect Ani as everybody lives on Ani, the earth. It was sometimes believed that Ani could swallow you up into the underground.

Ani is still worshipped by the Igbo of Nigeria and is annually paid homage to during the Yam festival.

Hint: Papyrus of Ani

How can you believe in the bible when the same stories are written in Papyrus of Ani 4000 years before the bible? Everything in the Christian program is FALSE, STOLEN, CORRUPTED, AND COUNTERFEIT!

The “Book of Going Forth by Day”. This book is more commonly known as the Book of the Dead. It usually contained declarations and spells to help the deceased in their afterlife. The “Book of the Dead” for scribe Ani from Thebes is the manuscript called the Papyrus of Ani.

The doctrine of Maat is represented in the declarations to Rekhti-merti-f-ent-Maat and the 42 Negative Confessions listed in the Papyrus of Ani.

THE 42 COMMANDMENTS OF ANCIENT EGYPT
Thou shalt not kill, nor bid anyone kill.
Thou shalt not commit adultery or rape.
Thou shalt not avenge thyself nor burn with rage.
Thou shalt not cause terror.
Thou shalt not assault anyone nor cause anyone pain.
Thou shalt not cause misery.
Thou shalt not do any harm to man or to animals.
Thou shalt not cause the shedding of tears.
Thou shalt not wrong the people nor bear them any evil intent.
Thou shalt not steal nor take that which does not belong to you.
Thou shalt not take more than thy fair share of food.
Thou shalt not damage the crops, the fields, or the trees.
Thou shalt not deprive anyone of what is rightfully theirs.
Thou shalt not bear false witness, nor support false allegations.
Thou shalt not lie, nor speak falsely to the hurt of another.
Thou shalt not use fiery words nor stir up any strife.
Thou shalt not speak or act deceitfully to the hurt of another.
Thou shalt not speak scornfully against others.
Thou shalt not eavesdrop.
Thou shalt not ignore the truth or words of righteousness.
Thou shalt not judge anyone hastily or harshly.
Thou shalt not disrespect sacred places.
Thou shalt cause no wrong to be done to any workers or prisoners.
Thou shalt not be angry without good reason.
Thou shalt not hinder the flow of running water.
Thou shalt not waste the running water.
Thou shalt not pollute the water or the land.
Thou shalt not take God’s name in vain.
Thou shalt not despise nor anger God.
Thou shalt not steal from God.
Thou shalt not give excessive offerings nor less than what is due.
Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s goods.
Thou shalt not steal from nor disrespect the dead.
Thou shalt remember and observe the appointed holy days.
Thou shalt not hold back the offerings due God.
Thou shalt not interfere with sacred rites.
Thou shalt not slaughter with evil intent any sacred animals.
Thou shalt not act with guile or insolence.
Thou shalt not be unduly proud nor act with arrogance.
Thou shalt not magnify your condition beyond what is appropriate.
Thou shalt do no less than your daily obligations require.
Thou shalt obey the law and commit no treason.

Written at least 2,000 years before the Ten Commandments of Moses, the 42 Principles of Ma’at are one of Africa’s, and the world’s, oldest sources of moral and spiritual instruction. Ma’at, the Ancient Egyptian divine Principle of Truth, Justice, and Righteousness, is the foundation of natural and social order and unity. Ancient Africans developed a humane system of thought and conduct which has been recorded in volumes of African wisdom literature, such as, these declarations from the Book of Coming Forth By Day (the so-called Book of the Dead), The Teachings of Ptah-Hotep, the writings of Ani, Amenemope, Merikare, and others.

The Christian Bible 10 Commandment was copied from Papyrus of Ani 42 commandment doctrine of Ma’at Chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead, often called the 42 Declarations of Purity or the Negative Confession.

Over 1,000 ancient Egyptian words are found in Igbo language and are still in use today. Ancient Igbo people are the ancestors of ancient Egyptians.

A small list of Ancient Egyptian words which survive in the Igbo language are as follows:

EGYPTIAN | IGBO (Onitsha and Uburu dialects used)
KAKA(God) | Ka (greater, superior)
Ani (ground land below) | Ani (ground land below)
Ala (Land of) | Ala (Land of, ground, boundary)
Miri (water) | Miri (water)
Ka (higher) | Ka (greater, higher, stronger, above)
Bi (to become) | Bia (to become)
Feh (to go away) | Feh (to fly away)
Budo (dwelling place) | Obodo/ubudo (country, dwelling place)
Dudu (black image of Osiris) | Mmadu (person)
Un (living person) | Ulo/Uno (living area, house)
Beka (pray/confess) | Biko/Beko (to plead, please)
Dor (settlement) | Dor-Nor (sit down, settle)
Ra -Shu (light after darkness) | La -Shu (sleep)
Wu (rise) | Wunie (rise/Jump up)
Ma (to know) | Ma, Ma-li (to know)
Nen (the primeval water mother) | Nem (mother)
Amu (children) | Umu (children)
Pa (open) | Meghee/Payee (open)
Isi (leader) | Isi (leader, head (body part), female name as in igbo: “Isioma”)
Oni (AE City) | Oni-tsha (Igbo City)
Ikhenaten (name of a Pharaoh) | Ikh-em (Igbo name for a male representing high power)
Au-nu (Crocodile) | Anu/Anu-Ma-nu (animal, beast)
Ak (man) | Ok-a (man)
Ehn/Hen (yes, nod head) | Eh/Hen (yes, nod head)
Paa/Faa (fly) | Feeh/Faa (fly)
Utcha (dawn) | Uchi-chi/Utchi-chi(night)
MM (among) | Imme (inside, among)
W (they) | Uwe (they, them)
Beka (pray/confess) | Biko/Beko (to plead, please)

A Fundamental Necessity of The Revolution By Samora Machel

Samora Machel September 29th 1933 – October 19 1986

A Fundamental Necessity of the Revolution

by Samora Machel (March 4, 1973)

Excerpts from the Opening Speech of the First Conference of Mozambican Women by Samora Moises Machel, president of FRELIMO, on March 4, 1973.
Translated from Portuguese.
The main objective of the Conference lies in the study of questions dealing with women’s emancipation, and in the search for the types of action which will bring about her liberation. But a question arises: Why the concern for woman’s liberation? And still another question arises: What is the reason for the holding of this Conference?

Samora Machel There are among us – the organization is well aware of this fact – people who believe that we must consecrate all our efforts to the struggle against colonialism, and that the task of women’s liberation, in this case, is purely secondary since it is a useless and strength-consuming task. And further, they add that the present situation in which we live, with its lack of schools, few educated women, tradition-bound women, does not provide us with the basis for any significant action; for this reason, we must await independence, the construction of an economic, social and educational base before undertaking the battle.

Some others, interpreting the Statutes tendentiously, state that it is necessary to respect certain traditional local particularisms, since attacking them at this stage makes us risk loss of support by the masses. These people ask: What is the relevance of a women’s liberation movement when the majority of the women are totally indifferent to the question? Their conclusion is that it is an artificial liberation, imposed on the women by FRELIMO. This is a very serious question. It requires study and clear ideas.

The liberation of women is not an act of charity. It is not the result of a humanitarian or compassionate position. It is a fundamental necessity for the Revolution, a guarantee of its continuity, and a condition for its success.

The Revolution’s main objective is to destroy the system of the exploitation of man by man, the construction of a new society which will free human potentialities and reconcile work and nature. It is within this context that the question of women’s liberation arises.

In general, the women are the most oppressed, the most exploited beings in our society. She is exploited even by him who is exploited himself, beaten by him who is tortured by the palmatorio, humiliated by him who is trod underfoot by the boss or the settler. How may our Revolution succeed without liberating women? Is it possible to liquidate a system of exploitation and still leave a part of society exploited? Can we get rid of only one part of exploitation and oppression? Can we clear away half the weeds without the risk that the surviving half will grow even stronger? Can we then make the Revolution without the mobilization of women? If women compose over half of the exploited and oppressed population, can we leave them on the fringes of the struggle?

In order for the Revolution to succeed, we must mobilize all of the exploited and oppressed, and consequently the women also. In order for the Revolution to triumph, it must liquidate the totality of the exploitative and oppressive system, it must liberate all the exploited and oppressed people, and thus it must liquidate women’s exploitation and oppression. It is obliged to liberate women.

Considering that the fundamental necessity of Revolution is its continuance by future generations, how may we assure their revolutionary training if the mother, as the first educator, is marginal in the revolutionary process? How can we make of the home of the exploited and oppressed a centre of revolution and militancy, a transmitter of our views, a stimulus of commitment for the family, if the woman is apathetic to this process, indifferent to the society which is being created, and deaf to the people’s appeal?

To say that women do not feel the necessity to defend their liberation is an argument that holds no water when looked at carefully.

Women do feel the impact of domination and the necessity of changing their situation. What happens is that the domination of society upon them, by choking their initiative, frequently prevents them from expressing their aspirations, and from conceiving of the appropriate methods for their struggle.

It is at this stage that FRELIMO intervenes, as a vanguard aware of the men and women of Mozambique, of the oppressed people. FRELIMO formulates the line to be followed and indicates the methods of struggle. We must understand this phenomenon in order to avoid useless and dishonest discussions.

The question, therefore, is which is the most suitable moment to launch the struggle for women’s liberation. We cannot limit the revolutionary process to certain aspects only and neglect others, because the Revolution is a global process. Otherwise, the Revolution will be blocked and destroyed. The evil roots which we neglect to remove or whose removal is postponed until later will become cancerous roots before that ‘later’ ever arrives.

Under present conditions FRELIMO can no longer undertake an armed struggle without the making of the Revolution itself. The condition for the development of the armed struggle is striking at the roots of exploitation. It is erroneous to believe that we must postpone the liberation of women until later, for that would mean that we allow reactionary ideas to gain ground and to combat us when they are strong. It is not sensible not to fight the crocodile when it is still on the banks of the river, but to wait and fight it when it is in the middle of the river.

Our armed struggle, acting as an incubator, creates the necessary conditions for receptivity by the masses to ideas of progress and revolution. Not to undertake a battle when conditions are ripe shows a lack of political vision, i.e. a strategic error…

It is obvious that if we speak of the liberation of women we must mean that we consider her oppressed and exploited. One must understand the bases of such oppression and exploitation.

Let us begin by saying that women’s oppression is a consequence of her exploitation, since oppression in a society is always the result of an imposed exploitation. Colonialism did not come to occupy our lands in order to arrest us, to whip us or beat us on the palms. It invaded us in order to exploit our riches and our labour. It has introduced the system of oppression in order the better to exploit us, to overcome our resistance and to prevent a rebellion against exploitation. Physical oppression with courts, police, armed forces, prisons, torture, and massacres. Moral oppression with its obscurantism, superstition, and ignorance, whose purpose is to destroy the spirit of creative initiative, to eliminate the sense of justice and criticism, to reduce a person to passivity, and to the acceptance of the normality of a condition of exploitation and oppression. Humiliation and contempt become part of this process since the person who exploits and oppresses has a tendency to humiliate and to scorn his victim, and to consider him an inferior being. Racism thus appears as the ultimate form of humiliation and contempt.

The mechanism of the alienation of women is identical to the mechanism of alienation of the colonized man in a colonial society, or to that of the worker in capitalist society.

From the moment that primitive humanity began to produce more than it was able to consume, the material bases were created for the creation of a social stratum which would from then on appropriate the results of the work of the majority.

It is this appropriation of the work of the masses by a handful of elements of a society which is at the basis of the system of man’s exploitation of man and at the heart of the antagonistic contradiction which has been dividing society for centuries.

Ever since the appearance of this process of exploitation, women as a group, like men, have been submitted to the domination of the privileged classes.

The woman is also a producer and a worker, but with certain special’ qualities. To possess women is to possess workers, unpaid workers, workers the totality of whose labour power may be appropriated without resistance by her husband, i.e. her boss and sovereign.

To marry women in an agrarian society is a sure means of accumulating much wealth. The husband has at his disposal unpaid manpower, which makes no claims, which does not rebel against exploitation. We can see the importance of polygamy in the rural areas of an agrarian economy. And since society understands that the woman is a source of wealth, it demands that a price be paid. The parents thus require from the future son-in-law a price – lobolo – in exchange for their daughter. The woman is bought, inherited, as if she were a material good, a source of wealth.

But still more important, and quite different from the slave, for example, who is also a source of wealth and an unpaid worker, the women offers two other advantages to her owner; she is a source of pleasure; and above all she is a producer of other workers, a producer of new sources of wealth.

This last aspect is particularly significant. Thus the husband has the right, in such a society, to repudiate the woman or to demand the return of his lobolo if she is sterile or if he thinks she is. We thus observe that, in many societies where there is a consciousness of the value of the labour of the children borne by the women, the principle is established that the children belong to the mother’s family, or clan. In our society, this is also the practice until the husband pays the totality of the lobolo, i.e. the price for the purchase of his wealth. It is in this context that we find the over-emphasis on the fertility of women, the transformation of the man-woman relation ship into a mere act of procreation.

There is a further problem. The exploiter, due to his control of the masses, acquired great wealth, large fields, cattle, gold,jewellery, etc. In spite of these riches, as any man, he was still mortal. The problem thus arose as to the future of that wealth; in other words, the question of inheritance came to the fore. The woman is the producer of heirs. We can thus understand how the point of departure for the exploitation of women and her consequent oppression is to be located in the system of private property, in the system of man’s exploitation of men.

It is important to understand correctly the nature of the contradiction, or contradictions, which are at play, since it is only in the light of such under standing that we shall be in a condition to define the objects of our attack, and to conceive of an adequate strategy and tactics.

We have seen that the basis of the domination of women was to be found in the system of organization of the economic life in society: in private property of the means of production, which necessarily leads to the exploitation of man by man.

This means that the essential contradiction between women and the social order, over and above the specific conditions of her situation, is the contradiction between herself and the exploitation of man by man, between woman and private property over the means of production. In other words, the contradiction is the same as that which exists between the popular working masses and the exploitative social order.

Let us be clear on this point: the antagonistic contradiction is not found between man and woman, but rather between woman and the social order, between all exploited women and men, and the social order. It is her condition of exploitation which explains her absence from all tasks of thought and decision in society, which causes her to be excluded from the elaboration of the thought and decisions which organize economic, social, cultural and political life, even when her interests are directly at stake. This is the main aspect of the contradiction: her exclusion from the decision-making sphere of society.

This contradiction may only be resolved by means of the Revolution, since it is only the Revolution which can destroy the pillars of an exploitative society, and reconstruct society on a new basis which may liberate woman’s initiative, integrate her as a responsible agent in society, include her in the taking of decisions. Consequently, in the same way as there cannot be a Revolution without the liberation of women, the struggle for the liberation of women cannot succeed without the victory of the Revolution itself.

We must add that the ideological and cultural bases of the exploitative society which keep women under control are destroyed by the ideological and cultural processes of Revolution which impose new values, methods, new content in education and culture onto society.

Besides this antagonistic contradiction between the woman and social order, there arise also other contradictions which, even if secondary, oppose women to men. The marriage system, the marital authority based exclusively on sex, the frequent brutality of the husband, his systematic refusal to consider women his equal, are all sources of friction and contradiction.

There are even times, in certain extreme cases, when secondary contradictions, because they are not correctly solved, become severe enough to result in serious consequences, such as divorce. But it is not such happenings, serious as they may be, that will alter the nature of contradiction.

We must emphasize this aspect, since we witness at present, mainly in the capitalist world, an ideological offensive which, under the aegis of women’s liberation, pretends to transform into an antagonistic relationship the contradiction with man, thus dividing men and women – exploited beings who ought to combat together the exploitative society. In reality, beyond the demagogy which masks the real nature of this ideological offensive, it is an offensive by capitalist society in order to confuse women and to divert their attention from the real aim.

In our ranks there occur small manifestations of this ideological offensive. We hear, here and there, women murmuring against men as if it were the sex difference that was the cause of their exploitation, as if men were sadistic monsters who take pleasure in women’s oppression.

Both men and women are the products and victims of the exploitative society which has given birth to them and educated them. It is essentially against this society that both women and men must together struggle. Our practical experience has proved that the progress that has been obtained in the liberation of women is the result of the successes achieved in the common struggle against colonialism and imperialism, against the exploitation of man by man, and for the building of the new society.

 

Dr Mutulu Shakur Explains The Existence of a New Afrikan Nation in U.S. Borders

Dr Mutulu Shakur Explains The Existence of a New Afrikan Nation Within U.S. Borders Struggling For Complete Liberation, Independence & Freedom To Govern Ourselves 

Mutulu Shakur: New African people is a war-like existence inside an oppressive colonized situation

Announcer: Yes. You know that it seems to me along with the concept of being in war is the concept of nationhood. And when we talk about the concept of nationhood, in context of black people, New African people, we’re talking about a land base on this country. I wonder if you will tell us. . . if you could just elaborate for me how through your struggle you came to become a New African. What compelled you, what were the things that compelled you to identify yourself as such.

Mutulu Shakur : Let me just say. You can’t put the cart before the horse.

Announcer: Okay.

Mutulu Shakur: Right?

Announcer: Yeah.

Mutulu Shakur: The issue is, are we at a state of conflict. If we are at a state of conflict, what is going to be the solution.

Announcer: Okay.

Mutulu Shakur: You have to first accept there is a conflict. If you don’t accept there is a conflict, then you can’t fathom a separate nation. And if you do, it’s egotistical. Well I want my own. It’s without basis. But if you understand that we do not coexist in a vacuum, that we are in a life and death struggle. That the history of us being brought here and how we are treated since we’ve been here, demands that we come up with some formula to resolve this contradiction or else our condition, our condition and our circumstances might be the cause of the fall of all humanity on the planet earth. Because we must be free. Now, everybody doesn’t agree with that scenario. You follow me?

Announcer:Yeah that’s true.

Mutulu Shakur: Some people believe that we can formulate a better living and life condition by participating in an integrated political and economic cultural system. Now, I do not say that they’re not revolutionaries. If they are hell bent on changing and changing the rights of people and forcing this government and developing a new government that integrates everybody into an equal formation and rights for everybody, well then all praises due to Allah. Fine. It still does not deal with the question: where do we find ourselves as New African people brought here as slaves. Okay?

Announcer: Right.

Mutulu Shakur: But even in that society I will co-exist because you allow me to have my own culture or at least try to find where I’m going. You follow me?

Announcer: Yes

Mutulu Shakur: But, I contend that Utopia or that possibility for the last 150 years has not come to be. And in the process, we have been dying, dying, dying, dying, dying. And in order for us to understand what it is that we were fighting for, we must label what we’re for, and I’m fighting for a nation. A nation of New African people, not exclusively, but conclusively our nation that develops a culture that deals with our experience and that a culture that will allow the exercise, creativity, the potential of every man, woman and child that enters our nation. So, I come to that because I understood that I have to know why I’m fighting and might die. Why I sacrifice.

Announcer: Okay.

Mutulu Shakur: People come to it for different reasons. You follow me?

Announcer: Yeah.

Mutulu Shakur: And so we can intellectualize it. We can talk about what Malcolm talked about that all struggle is fought for land. The Turkish struggle, the struggle that you see in Europe and in the Soviet Union is a struggle for national identity. The different nations in the Soviet Union feel that they must have their own land base, they must make their own decisions, and formulate their own policies as it relates to other peoples in the world. And that was the mighty Soviet Union. So are you saying that that is not possible in America? And if it is possible, it’s going to be a war of Armageddon. Well I might agree with you. But it does not take away from the fact that you must know why your fighting and why you’re sacrificing and why you might die. You can’t be vague about that. ‘Cause what we’re struggling for is the control of the natural resources. And what you saw in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Iraq was a struggle to take a piece of the natural resources that has escaped the U.S. Imperialist’s powers because the emergence of territory nationalism.

New Afrikan Nationalism is The Only Solution For The 45 million Blacks Who Are A Colony Being Oppressed , Murdered, Genocided , With Impunity By The USG/United States Government Law Enforcement Agencies, Judicial Systems, Economic Systems, Food Systems, Prison Systems, Education Systems, Political Systems , in Which Effects Our Social Conditions Which Has Created Our Internal Violent Genocide and Self Hatred of Ourselves Towards Each Other! Free The Land, Stand Up Struggle Forward !!! – Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM 9-29-51ADM

http://www.mutuluiswelcomehere.com #FreeMutuluShakur

 

 

 

 

September 28th Sacred Date David Walker’s appeal For Slave Rebellions , Nat Turner Rises, Richmond Enquirer Blasts David Walker!

📒 On the same date of his birthday September 28th 1796 Years later September 28th 1829 – New Afrikan Freedom Fighter, Abolitionist, Writer-Author-Orator David Walker in Massachusetts wrote his fiery tract The Appeal. Its eloquence and uncompromising defiance was a source of great inspiration to African people, free and slave, as well as cause for alarm for Southern slave owners and many Northern abolitionists who favored more gradual change.

In his Appeal Walker implored the black community to take action against slavery and discrimination. “What gives unity to Walker’s polemic,” historian Paul Goodman has argued, “is the argument for racial equality and the active part to be taken by black people in achieving it, “America,” Walker argued, “is more our country, than it is the whites — we have enriched it with our blood and tears.”

Various southern governmental bodies, meanwhile, labeled the Appeal seditious and imposed harsh penalties on those who circulated it. Despite such efforts, Walker’s pamphlet was widespread by early 1830. Having failed to contain the Appeal, southern officials criticized both the pamphlet and its author. Newspapers like the Richmond Enquirer of Virginia railed against what it called Walker’s “monstrous slander” of the region. Outrage over the Appeal even led Georgia to announce an award of $10,000 to anyone who could hand over Walker alive, and $1,000 to anyone who would murder him.

The Nat Turner Rebellion of August 1831 “overshadowed” the concern about Walker’s Appeal. In addition, it did not gain the favor of “most Abolitionists or free blacks” because of its extreme viewpoints. #DavidWalker #Appeal

Haki Kweli Shakur 9-28-51ADM August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM

Have You Heard of Red Summer 1919? Riots & Murders of Blacks Across The U.S. / Will Brown Lynched in Nebraska / Did All Lives Matter?

#WillBrown #BloodySeptember #20Riots #RedSummer #1919 The Summer of 1919 aka Red Summer should never be forgotten , it should be studied , taught , Memorialized its part of a long history of violence on New Afrikan/Black People in The Empire of the U.S. we died and defended ourselves but suffered some of the most brutal deaths and attacks humans have ever been victim of history that’s been buried and kept from you and they wonder why we asking for #REPARATIONS Our Lives Never Mattered to this Nation … From May through September 1919, over 25 race riots rocked cities from Texas to Illinois, Nebraska to Georgia. In Omaha, the trouble began on September 25, when a white woman, Agnes Loebeck, reported that she was assaulted by a black man.

That evening, the police took a suspect to the Loebeck home. Agnes and her boyfriend Milton Hoffman (they were later married) identified a black packinghouse worker named Will Brown as the assailant. Brown was 41 years old and suffered from acute rheumatism.

Brown ended up in the hands of the crazed mob. He was beaten into unconsciousness. His clothes were torn off by the time he reached the building’s doors. Then he was dragged to a nearby lamp pole on the south side of the courthouse at 18th and Harney around 11:00 p.m. The mob roared when they saw Brown, and a rope was placed around his neck. Brown was hoisted in the air, his body spinning. He was riddled with bullets. His body was then brought down, tied behind a car, and towed to the intersection of 17th and Dodge. There the body was burned with fuel taken from nearby red danger lamps and fire truck lanterns. Later, pieces of the rope used to lynch Brown were sold for 10 cents each. Finally, Brown’s charred body was dragged through the city’s downtown streets. #Nebraska #Texas #Illinois #Georgia #Lynchings #HumanRightsViolations #ConversationReparations #Riots

Haki Kweli Shakur 9-28-51ADM August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM

We the People: Petition the White House for a Presidential Pardon of Marcus Mosiah Garvey

We the People: Petition the White House for a Presidential Pardon of Marcus Mosiah Garvey

On August 17, 2016, Dr. Julius Garvey held a press conference at the National Press Club in order to kick start a campaign to exonerate his father, the Right Hon. Marcus Mosiah Garvey.

To this end, the campaign has started a petition at the White House site (https://wh.gov/iLvaQ) and we need 100,000 goal signatures by September 28, 2016, to get a response from the White House.

Please sign the petition and pass this along to as many of your family, friends, and associates in your circle of contacts. We need every signature that we can get.

Here is the text of the petition.

Grant Marcus Mosiah Garvey a Posthumous Presidential Pardon of His Wrongful 1923 Conviction

Marcus Garvey should be posthumously pardoned for his wrongful conviction for use of the mails in furtherance of a scheme to defraud. During a time when Blacks were seen as second class citizens, Garvey led a mass movement to elevate the Black community through economic empowerment and independence. He was convicted after being targeted by J. Edgar Hoover and deprived of a fair trial. His sentence was later commuted by President Calvin Coolidge on recommendation by the U.S. Attorney General and with the support of 9 of the 12 jurors who voted to convict. Garvey never abandoned his movement to empower people of the African diaspora and he was recognized as a forebearer of the Civil Rights Movement by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X. Today, his legacy is celebrated the world over.

Subsequent research has confirmed the long held suspicion that Garvey was wrongfully convicted, targeted for his civil rights advocacy.  Here’s what we now know:

COMPLETELY INNOCENT

Garvey made no profit from the BlackStarLine and invested much of his own personal earnings and reputation into the company.

TARGETED BY J. EDGAR HOOVER

Using COINTELPRO tactics like infiltration and sabotage, Hoover targeted Garvey as part of a lifelong obsession to neutralize the rise of a “Black Messiah.”

DENIED A FAIR TRIAL

Garvey’s conviction took place in a trial replete with bias and error, including insufficient evidence, perjury by a witness at the initiation of the government, and his proceeding as a criminal defendant without the benefit of a lawyer

https://wh.gov/iLvaQ

The written declaration of war against the New Afrikan Independence Movement ( War on Afrikans In Afrika and New Afrikans in Amerika ) Rev Khandi Konte-Bey

📒 #NAIM – Rev Khandi Konte-Bey ( Registered Washitaw-New Afrikan Veteran ) New Afrikan Independence Movement/NAIM
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New Afrikans set into full motion the revolutionary actions necessary to fight amerikkkans for our own independence. The New Afrikan Independence Movement grew out of a desperate need to respond to governmental policy and CONstitutional laws of the united states.

The written declaration of war against the New Afrikan Independence Movement in the form of Article one, paragraph one, section 9 (titled the legislative articles/powers denied to congress), states, “…the migration of importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit,shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight…” (Burns; 1989:22C) What this means in plain english is, the united states declares war on Afrikans in Afrika as well as New Afrikans. It also meant the slave trade would continue another 20 years and “…the full powers of the united states government would be used to protect all amerikkkans engaging in the trade.” (Obadele; 1989:17) The united states, by law, supported war in Afrika against Afrikans.

” There’s no difference between the Republic of New Afrika and Washitaw Nation, The Republic of New Afrika is Recognized and have treaties with 5 nations including Libya ” – Khandi Konte Bey …#GeorgejacksonUniversity#newafrikanindependencemovement#RepublicofNewAfrika#WashitawNation

 

Haki Kweli Shakur 9-27-51ADM August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM

Freedom Means Feeding Ourselves New Afrikan Nationalism Is The Only Solution – Elijah Muhammad

Freedom Means Feeding Ourselves New Afrikan Nationalism is The Only Solution, Land, Political-Economic Freedom , Independence, Nation-State , Self Determination

We want our people in America whose parents or grandparents were descendants from slaves, to be allowed to establish a separate state or territory of their own–either on this continent or elsewhere. We believe that our former slave masters are obligated to provide such land and that the area must be fertile and minerally rich. We believe that our former slave masters are obligated to maintain and supply our needs in this separate territory for the next 20 to 25 years–until we are able to produce and supply our own needs.

Since we cannot get along with them in peace and equality, after giving them 400 years of our sweat and blood and receiving in return some of the worst treatment human beings have ever experienced, we believe our contributions to this land and the suffering forced upon us by white America, justifies our demand for complete separation in a state or territory of our own.

On pages 56-57 of Message To The Blackman in America, in the Chapter “Original Man,” section “Help Self: What Must Be Done With The Negroes?”, the Honorable Elijah Muhammad writes: “As a people, we must become producers and not remain consumers and employees. We must be able to extract raw materials from the earth and manufacture them into something useful for ourselves! This would create jobs in production. We must remember that without land there is no production.

The surplus of what we produce we would sell. This would develop a field of commerce and trade as other free and independent people whose population is less than that of the [now over 40 million] so-called Negroes who are dependent in America.” The Future is in “our hands”! You don’t have to “beat up” on other people; you just have to do right by yourself – Elijah Muhammad ( Message to The Black Man )

Revolutionary Nationalism
Haki Kweli Shakur 9-27-51ADM August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM

 

The Struggle iz For Land PT II Organize The South – Haki Kweli Shakur

Did The Effort to Eradicate Chicago Gangs in The 1990s Inadvertently Lead to It’s Bloody Present?

Ronald Safer didn’t know all that much about gangs when, in 1992, he was assigned to lead a federal investigation of Chicago’s Gangster Disciples, the notorious street gang led by kingpin Larry Hoover. Safer, a prosecutor who had joined the U.S. attorney’s office in Chicago after years working in private practice, was warned that he’d be taking on a mighty organization—a powerful commercial enterprise that, alongside a handful of other sophisticated gangs, all but controlled Chicago’s illegal drug trade.

larry hoover Hoover’s empire was reputed to comprise 30,000 members across the country, and prosecutors believed it was bringing in as much as $100 million a year in drug sales. Worse, the gang was suspected of being responsible for hundreds of murders in Chicago since the 1980s, when the crack epidemic turned the organization into a juggernaut willing to kill for territory.

The GDs were feared and even respected; one Chicago-based Drug Enforcement Administration agent marveled at their extreme discipline and training, and said they might be the “largest and most successful gang in the history of the United States.” Hoover, in particular, was viewed in Chicago as a “mythic figure” and drew comparisons in the press to Al Capone. But when Safer toured the neighborhoods where the GDs reigned, what he saw were open-air drug markets operated almost entirely by children.

“Whether they were 16 or 18 or 14 or 20, I don’t know. But they were young. They were very young. And it seemed to me there was an endless supply of them,” Safer told me recently. “These were the people who were out there to be arrested—the gang leaders put those kids out there to be arrested, and to be shot at. It struck me that they were as much the victims of gangs as the people in the community.”

Up to that point, Safer said, the Chicago Police Department had mostly been fighting the Disciples by arresting these young cogs in the machine—easy targets who, unlike Hoover and his circle of high-ranking lieutenants, could be directly linked to the drugs they were selling and the illegal guns they were using to defend the gang’s turf. Safer wanted to try something different. He wanted to take down the guys who were actually in charge.

Operation Headache, as it was known internally, first bore fruit in the summer of 1995, when Safer and his team secured indictments against 38 higher-ups in the Gangster Disciples organization. Among them was Hoover, who had been running the gang from prison while serving a 150- to 200-year sentence for murder since 1973. (Investigators obtained evidence of his active leadership of the GDs by secretly recording conversations he had with his lieutenants during in-person prison visits.)

 

The first wave of convictions stemming from Operation Headache came in March 1996. But the biggest, most symbolically meaningful blow to the Gangster Disciples was delivered in May 1997, when Hoover was convicted of 42 counts of conspiracy to distribute drugs, received a sentence of six life terms, and was transferred to a supermax prison in Colorado, where his cell was located several stories underground and his ability to communicate with the remnants of his gang were severely constrained. Soon, the GDs in Chicago had been all but neutralized, and the authorities shifted their attention to decapitating the city’s other major drug organizations, the Black Disciples and the Vice Lords.

Over the course of a roughly 10-year stretch starting in the mid-1990s, leaders from the GDs, the Vice Lords, the Black Disciples, and to a lesser extent, the Latin Kings were successfully prosecuted and taken off the street. The top-down assault appeared to work as Safer and his colleagues had hoped: violent crime in Chicago began to decline, with the city’s murder total dropping from a high of 934 in 1993 to 599 10 years later.

For a while, it looked like the trend might continue moving in a positive direction, but after dipping below 500 in 2004, the number of murders in Chicago per year leveled off and began hovering in the 400s. Over the past several years, however, the situation started getting worse; today, Chicago is once again synonymous with out-of-control gun violence, a city that regularly makes national news for the perilous existence that some of its poorest residents must endure. Over the weekend of Sept. 12, the city passed 3,000 shootings and 500 murders since the beginning of the year, surpassing in just nine months the total numbers from 2015. As of this writing, the 2016 tally is up to 3,131 shootings and 530 homicides; a recent report from the Brennan Center for Justice showed that Chicago, by itself, is responsible for half of the 13 percent increase in homicides that the country as a whole is projected to experience this year.

According to the Chicago Police Department, 85 percent of the city’s gun murders in 2015 can be attributed to gang violence—a statistic that suggests a return to the bad old days while obscuring how profoundly the nature of Chicago’s gang problem has changed in the intervening years. While experts say the Latin Kings, a Hispanic gang, continue to run a large and rigidly organized drug-selling operation on Chicago’s West Side, the majority of Chicago residents who call themselves gang members are members of a different type of group. Rather than sophisticated drug-selling organizations, most of the city’s gangs are smaller, younger, less formally structured cliques that typically lay claim to no more than the city block or two where they live. The violence stems not from rivalries between competing enterprises so much as feuds that flare up with acts of disrespect and become entrenched in a cycle of murderous retaliation.

 

Many close observers of Chicago’s violence believe that, as well-intentioned as it was, the systematic dismantling of gangs like the Disciples led directly to the violence that is devastating the city’s most dangerous neighborhoods in 2016. Taking out the individuals who ran the city’s drug trade, the theory goes, caused a fracturing of the city’s criminal underworld and produced a vast constellation of new entities that are no less violent, and possibly even more menacing, than their vanquished predecessors.

“Every time they hit these large street gangs, they’d focus on the leadership,” said Lance Williams, an associate professor at Northeastern Illinois University, and the co-author of a book about the rise and fall of the Black P Stone Nation, a gang that was eradicated in the 1980s. “It’s like cutting the head off a snake—you leave the body in disarray and everyone begins to scramble for control over these small little areas. And that’s where you get a lot of the violence, because the order is no longer there.” Williams added: “When you lose the leadership, it turns into chaos… What we’re dealing with now is basically the fallout of gang disorganization.”

The proliferation of small gangs has created a complicated and ever-changing patchwork of new alliances and rivalries, and instilled in many young people—predominantly poor, black men—a sense that they are vulnerable at all times to lethal attacks by members of opposing factions. The BBC captured this sense of constant fear and anxiety in a recent documentary about the violence in Chicago: Throughout the short film, the young men who are its subject are visibly on guard for rivals.

“It used to be there were fewer gangs but they were more pronounced—it was not the smaller, what I call ‘splinter’ groups that have formed since,” said the Rev. Walter Johnson, who was the pastor of a church serving the now-demolished Cabrini Green neighborhood throughout the 1990s. “In recent history it’s been just all-out war amongst everybody. In some places, I’ve noted that on one block, three or four different factions are warring against each other.”

 

Veterans of ’90s gang life in Chicago note that the imperative to generate revenue through drug sales created an incentive within the old gang “nations” to avoid the police scrutiny that came with violent crime. This meant that junior members weren’t allowed to settle their disagreements with gunfire unless they had permission from their elders. “We had it so that an individual had to deal with two words in his vocabulary and his way of life: accountability and consequences,” said Wallace “Gator” Bradley, a former member of the Gangster Disciples who now runs an organization called United in Peace Inc. “Before an individual picked up that gun, those two words were implanted in his mind.”

Today, experts say, the crews that have replaced gangs like Hoover’s are driven by goals less tangible than money, and the conflicts that erupt between them are more often provoked by interpersonal conflict than disputes over drug territory. “Back then, if there was violence, they were fighting over something—they were fighting over drug turf,” said Bradley. “The violence you’re seeing now, it’s almost attitude-driven.”

“Drug money is a small percentage of the killing now,” said Tio Hardiman, one of the original members of the violence-prevention organization featured in the 2011 documentary The Interrupters. “The killing now is all about reputation, disrespect, revenge, and robbery. That’s what the killings are all about now. They’re not building no nations.”

 

There is an undeniable logic to the theory that today’s gang crisis in Chicago is the product of yesterday’s attempt at a solution: Having shattered the commercial structures that imposed order from above and made clear to would-be kingpins that taking on leadership positions in criminal enterprises would invite aggressive prosecution, the city’s law enforcement community is now looking at a messy, vicious war between the dangerous shards.

There are other factors, however, that this simple equation obscures. For one, it’s hard to separate the impact of the gang crackdown from the demolition of the city’s public housing projects, which scrambled and disrupted gang affiliations during the 1990s by relocating people who once lived among friends and allies into neighborhoods where they found themselves surrounded by strangers and enemies. Second, it’s crucial to remember that, as bad as the violence in Chicago has gotten, there were more people being murdered in the ’90s than there are now. Insofar as gang leaders had the power to keep their underlings in line and prevent them from committing senseless—or at least bad-for-business—acts of violence, they did not exercise it liberally.

“If we’re just purely looking at the numbers, and we’re making the argument that things were better when we had structure, it just doesn’t hold,” said Andrew Papachristos, an associate professor of sociology at Yale University and the author of a forthcoming book about the rise and fall of the Gangster Disciples. “There’s just no evidence to suggest that’s actually the case.” Maybe there were penalties for killing someone without a leader’s blessing, Papachristos added. “But what were the penalties? More violence.”

The violence could take many forms. There was a fascinating moment during the first trial of the Gangster Disciples, when the defense put on the stand one Rev. T.L. Barrett Jr., a pastor at a South Side church whose house had been vandalized when someone threw bricks through his window. The priest testified that leaders from the Gangster Disciples had resolved the matter by tracking down the culprits—a pair of teenagers—and forcing them to get on their knees in the pastor’s living room and apologize to him. The takeaway from the story was supposed to be that the GDs—whose defense at trial relied on the idea that they had morphed from a violent drug gang into a politically legitimate force for good in the black community—were a kind of glue that held Chicago’s most impoverished neighborhoods together.

It was true that Hoover used his influence to some positive ends—through a political action committee, he had organized voter drives and marches for better schools and health care—but in his cross-examination of the pastor, Ron Safer sought to shift the emphasis, showing that while the Gangster Disciples surely had the power to maintain order, it was a power rooted in the threat of violence and coercion, and fueled by a drug business that depended on the misery of desperate people. As Nicholas Roti, the former head of CPD’s Bureau of Organized Crime, put it in an interview in 2013, “If [people] actually believe that having an anti-social career criminal in control of thousands of gang members is a viable option to make the city safer … I don’t think so.”

Safer made a similar point to me when I asked him to respond to the idea that his efforts had backfired. “What is the argument?” he said. “Let’s leave these large powerful gangs intact?” He also noted that after the murder rate started dropping in 1994, it stayed more or less level for the rest of the decade, suggesting that the gang crackdown was not to blame for today’s chaos and violence.

There is undoubtedly an uncomfortable irony in the suggestion that dismantling the leadership of the Disciples and the other Chicago gangs was a mistake. Typically, we want our police officers and prosecutors to do the hard work of making cases against the people calling the shots, rather than racking up easy arrest numbers by hauling in kids who live and work at the bottom of the food chain. If we believe going after the bottom rungs and the top rungs is counterproductive, where does that leave us in terms of the solving today’s crisis?

It’s possible that the essential truth revealed by what happened in Chicago since the conviction of Larry Hoover in 1997 is that the problem of violence in the city’s poorest neighborhoods is not one that can be solved through policing. “It really shows that there’s a limit to what law enforcement can do,” said Papachristos. “We’re not going to arrest our way out of this problem. Sure, police should continue to make cases where gangs are involved in violence, where they’re really hampering community safety and well-being. … But that’s not gonna solve this.”

With the gang hierarchies largely wiped out, and the commercial motives for gangbanging significantly constrained, what we’re left with is a clear and sobering view of the reasons why so many young people in Chicago, and elsewhere, choose to participate in so stressful and dangerous a way of life. Those reasons have little to do with whatever benefits come from selling drugs.

“Look, I’ve never met a 13-year-old who said I’m gonna join a gang because 10 years from now I want to be the baddest drug dealer in my neighborhood,” said Eddie Bocanegra, executive director of the YMCA of Metro Chicago’s Youth Safety and Violence Prevention initiative. “They join for protection and status and reputation.” Bocanegra, who grew up as a member of the Latin Kings, continued: “Reputation is a form of capital. What other kind of capital do these young people have?”

That capital has perhaps never been so volatile a commodity. Desmond Patton, an assistant professor of social work at Columbia University who has studied the use of social media by gang members in Chicago, said that in an age when people’s reputations can be challenged casually and publicly online, “insults and language and comments have really come to shape retaliation in these communities.” Gang ties, meanwhile, make an insult to one person the basis of a conflict between many.

But there is a deeper, knottier issue that’s driving the bloodshed, said Lance Williams, and that’s the almost total lack of opportunity and resources for people growing up in impoverished neighborhoods. “We look at these conflicts as gang-related because these kids have ‘gang ties,’ ” Williams said. “But it really has nothing to do with a gang. When the only thing you have, the last thing you have, is your humanity, what you think of as your manhood, you get this skewed vision of what a man is. Because it’s the last front for you. You might as well be dead if you can’t hold onto that.” Regardless of what law enforcement officials try to do, Williams told me, the violence will continue until Chicago can give its young people something else.

For now, federal authorities appear to be pursuing a familiar strategy, taking aim at gang violence by going after some of its most menacing perpetrators. Their target at the moment: a gang called the Hobos, who fall somewhere between the ’90s-era Chicago gangs and the new, smaller cliques that predominate in the present. They’re older than most of today’s gangs—leader Gregory “Bowlegs” Chester is 39—and are accused of running an elaborate operation selling heroin, crack, and cocaine. But their alliance was forged from the wreckage of the ’90s crackdown; according to the Chicago Tribune, prosecutors allege that they represent “a new breed of gang … made up of members from diverse gangs who were once rivals.”

On Sept. 14, six alleged leaders of the gang Hobos went on trial for racketeering conspiracy and nine killings spanning seven years in what has been called the “biggest street-gang trial in recent Chicago history.” The Chicago Police Department recently estimated that the number of city residents with gang ties is close to 70,000.

Leon Neyfakh is a Slate staff writer. SOURCE http://www.slate.com

Free Larry Hoover New Afrikan Political Prisoner The Jericho Movement http://www.thejerichomovement. com

Contact Information

Prison Address

#86063-024-Florence ADMAX,

P.O. Box 8500,

Florence, CO 81226

United States

Birthday: November 30, 1950

Captured: 1973 –150 year

IN PRISON 43 YEARS

Excerpt from 1993 Call For Peace: “…And finally, in my sincere appeal for peace and unity: Those of us that have experienced being our brothers’ keeper — We must educate our members around us. Education brings about awareness. Awareness generates the ability to think. Our youth must know the end result of crime is shame, disgrace, and imprisonment to themselves, as well as the community. We must come to the point of outlawing those who willfully disrupt our communities and our call for peace and unity. “

https://newafrikan77.wordpress.com/

U.S. Prisoner

Let’s Gang-Up On Oppression – Haki Kweli Shakur

Jalil Muntaqim Needs Help Censoring and Silencing Political Prisoners

We need your help!

Jalil told me today, Monday, October that he was “given a disciplinary misbehavior report; Tier 3 for unauthorized organization (sic) and soliciting for corresponding in support of the August 2017 Million Prisoner March. There is no evidence of organizing in this prison or in NY state. This is an issue of censuring political speech. They are trying to prevent me from supporting community prison activism. They are repressing political prisoners from being engaged in community development”.

I visited Jalil today, Monday, September 26, 2016. He asked that we all call:

Acting Commissioner Anthony J. Annucci,
New York State Department of Corrections
518-457-8134

Office of the Commissioner: Bldg. 2, State Campus, Albany, NY 12226-2050

Let the commissioner’s office know that you are calling to say that all prisoners, especially political prisoners like Jalil should be allowed to communicate with people by mail about what is going on in our communities.

Jean Douthwright 9-26-2016