learn about PP POWs As we come down to the last day of Black August, Write and Support Your Freedom Fighters! In commemoration of the Black August tradition that emerged in the 1970s to honor George Jackson and other comrades in the revolutionary movement inside the prisons of California, we extend our solidarity to dozens of political prisoners of the Black Liberation Movement who have been locked up in the prisons of the United States for decades.
We are happy to say that after having decades of their lives stolen from them, Maliki Shakur Latine, Albert Woodfox, Sekou Odinga, Gary Tyler, Sekou Kambui y Marshall Eddie Conway have been freed. But there are also deaths that will never be forgiven. Phil Africa, Hugo ‘Yogi’ Pinell, Mondo we Langa and Abdul Majid struggled inside the walls until the end of their days here on earth against a murderous system, which underscores the urgency of the speedy liberation of all the rest of the political prisoners.
The tradition of Black August began in 1979 to honor George Jackson, Jonathan Jackson, James McClain, William Christmas and Khatari Gaulden, who continued building a movement inside the prisons until he was killed in 1978. Several ex prisoners founded the Black August Organizing Committee, and began to wear black bracelets, do exercise, and engage in fasts to commemorate the days the prisoners were killed, with emphasis on resistance, unity, self-sacrifice and spiritual renovation. They also organized demonstrations outside San Quentin prison to call attention to the reign of State terror experienced inside.For more than three decades, a special focus has been support for political prisoners who have received sentences of vengeance for their participation in organizations like the Black Panthers (BPP), the Republic of New Africa (RNA), MOVE, the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), and the Black Liberation Army (BLA).
Black August has spread to other parts of the country and the world, with initiatives from Cuba by the comrades in exile Nehanda Abiodun and Assata Shakur, who escaped from a dungeon in the state of New Jersey with the help of her comrade guerrillas in the BLA on November 2, 1979. Also important has been the work of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, MXGM, together with other organizations, poets and artists. For years, many hip hop groups have participated in Black August commemorations to raise funds and spread the word about the cases of the political prisoners.
Who are New Afrikan Political Prisoners – Haki Kweli Shakur
This book, Agosto Negro: Presas y presos politicos en pie de lucha, has been presented in Mexico in more than 20 community, university or occupied spaces, along with Spanish subtitled documentaries on Mumia Abu-Jamal, Assata Shakur, Dhoruba Bin Wahad, Sekou Odinga, Mutulu Shakur, Jalil Muntaqim, Albert Nuh Washington, David Gilbert, Ashanti Alston, George Jackson, ‘the Angola 3,’ ‘the San Francisco 8,’ the Black Panthers, the MOVE Organization, Malcolm X, Oscar Grant, the Attica Rebellion, Black August Hip Hop and COINTELPRO. The book has been reproduced in the South of Chile by Cimarrón Ediciones, both the entire book and single chapters, with creative, handcrafted covers; and has made its way to Brazil, Argentina, Costa Rica and Puerto Rico. This May, Agosto Negro was presented at the Cinéteca in Barcelona by Pensaré Cartoneras, Adherentes de la Sexta and Leonard Peltier Solidarity Committee. The Malcolm X Coordinating Committee in Brooklyn and MOVE in Philadelphia have helped get books to some prisoners, ex prisoners and families of prisoners who appear in Agosto Negro.
You can download the Spanish-language book here to read, copy and share. To get a book in print, write to SubVersiones at contacto@subversiones.org or to the author, Carolina, at espirales@riseup.net . To keep up with developments in the cases of the prisoners, consult the sources listed at the end of the book, including the Jericho Movement, Anarchist Black Cross and Freedom Archives.
On the Relevance of Fred Hampton and the Black Panther Party
From Crsn@aol.com, 25 January 1998
We are always getting requests for info on the bpp; here’s a suggested standard response. a general article, a bibliography, We also have a longer biographical article by safiya bukhari (safiya, if you hear this, it’s time for an update!) for those who are interested. We welcome any suggestions for additions, corrections, criticisms, etc. Right On!
ReBuild!
Free The Land!
All Power to The People!
Free All Political Prisoners & Prisoners of War!
We have a bad habit of taking one day out of the year to commemorate the lives of outstanding individuals such as Fred Hampton. Very seldom do We set aside time to reflect upon the achievements of important institutions such as the Black Panther Party (BPP). We should now begin to break bad habits. This is especially necessary when We need to use the examples set by heroic individuals and ground-breaking institutions to help inspire and guide our youth, and to represent, for the entire community, certain standards of service and commitment.
Each of us have children and young adults in our families who know (or knew) little or nothing about people like James Forman, Fannie Lou Hamer, Monroe Trotter…
Each of us knows young adults who’ve never seen pictures of Ida B. Wells, W.E.B. DuBois, Rosa Parks…
Each of us have been asked questions regarding the deeds of individuals and organizations, the failures and accomplishments of previous stages of struggle, which further confirm the need to use the past as a weapon of struggle… (1)
The life of Fred Hampton should be used by us — each day of the year to help show our youth that they can make positive contributions to the social, political, and economic development of our communities, no matter how young they are.
Fred Hampton was politically active as a fourteen-year-old high school student. Today, there are hundreds of fourteen-year olds who will be inspired to follow Fred’s example — if they are made aware of it, and shown the esteem with which the community holds his life and work.
Many of us who came of age in the 1950s and 1960s tend not to realize that the meaning of those years is largely lost to and for sizeable segments of New Afrikan youth and the masses. To the extent that many of our youth do consider these years, they look upon them as “ancient history” — seemingly unconnected and irrelevant to their present circumstances, needs and aspirations. And, those who have a greater sense of the connections and relevance of the past to the present, are hard put to find (or rather, to be found by), the sources that will provide an interpretation of the past that’s consistent with the nationalist revolutionary tradition, and with the practical efforts to build revolutionary institutions and organizations; to re-build the national revolutionary movement; to realize the independence and socialist development of the Nation. (2)
One simple way of introducing Fred and the Black Panther Party to Afrikan youth is to use the example of the Breakfast for Children program that was established by the Party. Children across the u.s. are now served breakfast and lunch in public schools only because Fred and the BPP did it first! And, they did it for reasons not all of which are shared by the u.s. public school system — and this, too, must be pointed out.
The concept and reality of a “Rainbow Coalition” didn’t originate with Jesse Jackson. Fred Hampton and the Black Panther Party built a “Rainbow Coalition” in Chicago in the 1960s — a coalition composed of Afrikan, Latino, and white organizations (The BPP, the Young Lords, the Young Patriots, SDS). Could We use such a coalition in Chicago and throughout the u.s. today? Yes — and the example set by Fred can help us build it.
New Afrikan people — but especially our youth — have no meaningful sense of the continuity of the Nation’s social and revolutionary development. Those of us with the responsibility to inspire and direct such development have been negligent. We have failed to build, preserve, and pass on a movement that provides a militant, patriotic (New Afrikan) framework from which our children would acquire the proper understanding of prior contributions and stages of struggle… (3)
Fred Hampton and the Black Panther Party also set an example for our efforts to re-direct the energies of “street gangs”. Alliances had been formed between the BPP and such street organizations as the Blackstone Rangers, the Disciples, the Vice Lords, and others. This alliance was very threatening to Chicago officials and to the u.s. government, and they combined their forces to undermine the alliance and to attack the Party and each of the youth organizations. (4)
The New Afrikan Independence Movement must demonstrate that the problems and future of our youth [are among] its priorities. We must work to claim the curiosity, imagination, and attention of our youth. We must begin to provide national revolutionary outlets for their energy, creativity, and intelligence, with programs that are inspired by their most immediate needs and interests… (5)
We don’t have to look hard in order to find many other individuals who have qualities that should be emulated by us. The programs of the Black Panther Party (e.g., health clinics, clothing for poor people, sickle cell anemia testing) can be used not only to inspire similar programs today, but they can be used to inspire a similar sensitivity to the needs of the people, and a similar spirit of commitment to a revolutionary nationalist theoretical framework and strategic objective.
1. “Notes on the Transition of the ‘Black Liberation’ Phrase, Concept and Movement,” Vita Wa Watu, Bk. Eight, January, 1986, p. 13.
2. Ibid., p. 15.
3. Ibid., p. 16.
4. See: “Counter-Intelligence Against the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party,” Dan Stern, Vita Wa Watu, Bk. Eleven, pp. 24-30.
5. Op. cit., p. 16. reprinted from CROSSROAD, Vol 4 #3 Spear & Shield Publications 1340 West Irving Park Rd., Suite 108 Chicago, IL 60613
Black Panther Party – Bibliography
Books
A Panther Is a Black Cat
Black Panthers for Beginners, Writers & Readers
Live From Death Row, Mumia Abu-Jamal
Death Blossoms, Mumia Abu-Jamal
Still Black, Still Strong, Abu-Jamal, Bin-Wahad & Shakur
Sunviews, Sundiata Acoli
A Brief History of The New Afrikan Prison Struggle, Sundiata Acoli
Picking Up The Gun, Earl Anthony
Spitting In the Wind, Earl Anthony
COINTELPRO: The FBI’s War On Political Freedom, Nelson Blackstock
Racism & The Class Struggle, James Boggs
A Taste of Power, Elaine Brown
Die, Nigger, Die!, H. Rap Brown
Agents of Repression: The FBI’s War Against American Indian Movement & The Black Panther Party, Ward Churchill & Jim Vander Wall
Soul On Ice, Eldridge Cleaver
Conversations With Eldridge Cleaver
Post-Prison Writings, Eldridge Cleaver
If They Come In the Morning, Angela Davis
Autobiography, Angela Davis
In Search of Common Ground, Erik Erickson & Huey P. Newton
The Black Panthers Speak, Philip Foner (editor)
The Making of Black Revolutionaries, James Forman
Agony In New Haven, Donald Freed
The Glass House Tapes
War At Home, Brian Glick
This Side of Glory, David Hilliard
Long Way From Home
Soledad Brother, George Jackson
Blood In My Eye, George Jackson
The Briar Patch, Murray Kempton
Juror #4, Edwin Kennebeck
The “Trial” of Bobby Seale
The Black Panthers, Gene Marine
Rage, Gilbert Moore
War Against The Panthers, Huey P. Newton
To Die For the People, Huey P. Newton
Revolutionary Suicide, Huey P. Newton
Bitter Grain, Michael Newton
My Life With the Black Panther Party, Akua Njeri
Angela Davis, Marc Olden
Racial Matters, Kenneth O’Reilly
Black Americans: The FBI Files
Shadow of the Panther, Hugh Pearson
Up On Madison, Down on 75th, J.F. Rice
Seize The Time, Bobby Seale
Assata: An Autobiography, Assata Shakur
Interview With Assata Shakur, Spear & Shield Publications
FBI Secrets, M. Wesley Swearingen
Inadmissible Evidence, Evelyn Williams
Articles
“Sundiata’s Freedom Is Your Freedom”, Sundiata Acoli Freedom Campaign
“The Black Panther Party & Political Prisoners”, Herman Bell. CROSSROAD, Vol 3 #1 (ca. 1989)
“Coming of Age”, Safiya Bukhari. Notes From a New Afrikan P.O.W. Journal, Bk 7: Spear & Shield Publications
“On the Question of Political Prisoners”, Safiya Bukhari. CROSSROAD, Vol. 5 #4 (Jan-mar, 1995)
“Who Killed Huey P. Newton?”, Ajamu Chaminuka. CROSSROAD, Vol. 3 #1 (ca. 1989)
“Three Speeches by Fred Hampton”. Vita Wa Watu: A New Afrikan Theoretical Journal, Book Eleven (August 1987)
“COUNTERINTELLIGENCE Against The Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party”, Dan Stern. Vita Wa Watu: A New Afrikan Theoretical Journal, Book Eleven
“Why I Mourned The Death of Huey P. Newton”, Kiilu Nyasha. CROSSROAD, Vol. 3 #1
“On the Relevance of Fred Hampton & Mark Clark”, Spear & Shield Collective. CROSSROAD, Vol. 4 #3 (Winter 1992)
“Carry On the Tradition: In The Spirit of Fred Hampton & Mark Clark”, Committee of PP/POW’s. Notes From a New Afrikan P.O.W. Journal, Bk 7: Spear & Shield Publications
Videos
“All Power To The People”
“Assata Shakur & Guillermo Morales On PP’s & POW’s in the U.S.A.”
“The FBI’s War Against Black America”
“Geronimo Pratt”
“NALF Video Project on New Afrikan Prisoners of War”
“CBS Tries the New York Three”
“The Murder of Fred Hampton”
“Framing The Black Panthers”
HBO Special on Mumia Abu-Jamal
Eyes on the Prize (BPP segment)
Gabriel’s Rebellion August 30th 1800 Death or Liberty ( Revolution Without Women Ain’t Happening ) Gabriel’s Wife Nanny: The plan was to strike on the night of Aug. 30, 1800. They Plan to March into Richmond Virginia With a West Afrikan Styles Flag made of Silk with the words ” DEATH OR LIBERTY ”
Gabriel married a young slave named Nanny. Little is known about her, including the identity of her owner. She does not appear in the few extant Brookfield records; most likely she lived on a nearby farm or tobacco plantation. The wife of Gabriel Prosser recalls her life with him. Hear the details of the 1800 slave rebellion, how Nanny fought beside Gabriel for freedom, how she witnessed his execution, and how she and Gabriel’s son carried on without him But well into the twentieth century, area blacks believed that Nanny bore him children, who much later went under the surname of Randolph!
Gabriel grew up with freedom in the air, and news of the revolution in Haiti. “Can I not do for Virginia what Toussaint has done for his people?” Gabriel asks his wife, Nanny. With her encouragement, he decides to raise an army, and after months of clandestine meetings in taverns and shops around Richmond, Gabriel recruits black men from the countryside and the city, intending to arm soldiers with pitchforks and scythes and raid “Mr. Jefferson’s capitol.” But the plot is betrayed; the leaders, including Gabriel, are hanged; and a dream of freedom is deferred. In this beautifully written novel, Amateau makes Gabriel a fully realized character fighting not just for an abstract ideal of liberty but also for the freedom of Nanny and their future family.
#BlackAugust The former location of a plantation called Buckhorn Quarters, and was near where Nat Turner spent the night after his slave force was defeated near Jerusalem by the militia. Turner managed to escape and hide out in Southampton County for about seventy days until he was finally captured and hanged.
Beside the Buckhorn Quarters plaque was an additional and intriguing marker. It notes the Southampton County roots of the famous Supreme Court plaintiff Dred Scott. Scott’s famous case in 1857 ruled that congress could not legislate slavery and that African Americans could not be citizens. The Dred Scott Decision threw yet another log on the sectional fire and brought the country closer to civil war.
There is so much important history in this still largely rural southeastern Virginia county. I would highly recommend a day’s visit, or more, if you find yourself in area.
Black August The Nat Turner & BLA Edition Haki Shakur & K.Kinte ( The K.Kinte Show )
Southampton County (1831) includes a list of the enslaved men hanged in September 1831 for having taken part in a slave revolt led by Nat Turner on August 21–22, 1831. The list includes the names of the slaves’ owners and the dates on which each slave was executed. The “Nat” listed here, owned by “Ed, Turner’s Est.,” was not the organizer of the revolt. The slave leader “Nat” was owned by Benjamin and then Samuel Turner and was not captured until October 30, 1831. He was subsequently hanged on November 11, 1831. About 120 African Americans were executed in the wake of the rebellion.
John Mitchell Jr., the crusading African-American editor of the Richmond Planet and a member of the city’s Board of Aldermen, objected to monument’s symbolism.
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“The men who talk most about the valor of LEE, and the blood of the brave Confederate dead are those who never smelt powder or engaged in the battle,” he wrote in 1890. “Most of them were at a table, either on top or under it when the war was going on.” The proliferation of Lost Cause adornments throughout Richmond angered Mitchell, who was born into slavery. He insisted that a Lee statue would bequeath to the future a “legacy of treason and blood.” In a further wrinkle, African-American laborers helped build the pedestal and place the massive statue upon the base. Mitchell suggested that the black men who put up the statue should, if that time came, be present to take it down.
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His words reverberate today throughout the country, and their echoes could be heard in Stoney’s presentation. Though his delivery was passionate, he didn’t go far as Mitchell. He noted how Monument Avenue developed around the Lee statue as a means to sell real estate. (A national financial collapse delayed much of the building until about 1905, however.)
George Jackson University and the Millions for Prisoners Human Rights March
Listen to GJU Radio every Wednesday, 5-7 p.m., at 347-826-7332 or blogtalkradio.com/georgejacksonradio
by Abdul Olugbala Shakur, Vice-Chancellor and Founder of George Jackson University
The most powerful weapon in our arsenal that has the inherent power to impede and eradicate legalized slavery in Amerikkka is our brain. Our brain for the most part has been restrained by the shackles of psychological slavery, producing a collective mentality that has enslaved our people to the ills of a racist, fascist and kapitalistic society – the ills of cultural ignorance, self-hate, materialism, drug and alcohol abuse, criminal-minded recidivism, individualism. We have young New Afrikan brothas who admire the sick mind of Al Capone, but yet have no knowledge of our revolutionary forefathers, such as David Walker, Denmark Vesey, Martin Delaney, Gabriel and Nanny Prosser, Harriet Tubman, Nat Turner or Marcus Garvey.
It is knowing who we truly are as a people that is going to break the chains of psychological slavery and facilitate our capacity to abolish legalized slavery in Amerikkka.
The George Jackson University (GJU) is on the front-line in this battle over the minds of our people. One of our primary goals is to transform the entire Prison Industrial Slave Complex (PISC) into the largest progressive university in the country, if not the world, that is designed to transform the New Afrikan criminal gangster mentality into a New Afrikan consciousness in the service of the New Afrikan community!
Instead of the Prison Industrial Slave Complex paroling individuals with degrees in recidivism, the GJU will be graduating New Afrikan Brothas and Sistas with degrees in knowledge of self, community organizing, revolutionary science, scientific socialism, collective work and responsibility, cooperative economics and New Afrikan entrepreneurism, just to name a few. More importantly, our graduates will be dedicated towards serving and building our communities.
It is knowing who we truly are as a people that is going to break the chains of psychological slavery and facilitate our capacity to abolish legalized slavery in Amerikkka. The George Jackson University is on the front-line in this battle over the minds of our people.
We cannot talk or march our way out of slavery, nor can the politicians – the overseers of legalized slavery in Amerikkka – legislate our freedom. True freedom is fought for, died for and lived for. I survived 32 years in solitary confinement isolation because both my mind and spirit were free, and I fought daily to guarantee their emancipation.
I end this brief statement by reminding the people, we are all enslaved by a kapitalistic system, not just us within the Prison Industrial Slave Complex, but all of you out here in society, especially the poor, the New Afrikan in particular. Our struggle for human rights must go beyond this march on Aug. 19; our words and lessons must manifest into concrete action in the service of true freedom.
We cannot talk or march our way out of slavery, nor can the politicians – the overseers of legalized slavery in Amerikkka – legislate our freedom. True freedom is fought for, died for and lived for.
The George Jackson University (GJU) will continue to serve as a living example. We encourage you all to join our collective as we forge forward with a clear path towards victory!
George Jackson University leadership:
Chancellor Akili Mwalimu Shakur
Vice Chancellor and Founder Abdul Olugbala Shakur
Executive Coordinator Kilaika Baruti-Shakur
Board Members Bomani Jihad Uhuru Shakur and Joka Heshima Jinsai
GJU Collective
Recommended links:
http://www.georgejacksonuniversity.com
concreteandsteelcoe.wordpress.com
insurrectionistsartcollective.com
sfbayview.com
naafra.org
freespeechsociety.org
amendthe13th.org http://www.bpppress.com http://www.facebook.com/james.e.harvey.96.
Send our brother some love and light: Abdul Olugbala Shakur (James Harvey), C-48884, KVSP B2-117, P.0.Box 5102, Delano CA 93216. Abdul closes with this message: Support and subscribe to the San Francisco Bay View newspaper.
African American men, women and children pick cotton in a cotton field and place it in straw bushel baskets, circa 1890. (Photo by Lightfoot/Getty Images)
White supremacists clashing with anti-racism activists in Virginia has taken place in a city that has a history steeped in Civil War and civil rights, a place that profits greatly from people obsessed with landmarks and milestones that Charlottesville both symbolizes and markets.
As a nexus of both the Civil War, the slave trade and the civil rights movement, Charlottesville makes $1 billion dollars annually on tourism. Many other places in Virginia and elsewhere in the South have profited enormously from their history, however dubious.
What Triggered This Violence?
The Charlottesville city council voted to sell off a statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee and rename the park where it stood from “Lee Park” to “Emancipation Park.”
The removal of Confederate flags and statues of rebel icons across the South illustrates the great divide between a dwindling, working-class white demographic and everybody else, which the campaign of President Donald Trump played upon to win election.
How Much Does Money Play In Protests?
Virginia, a swing state that borders the nation’s capital and elected the nation’s first black governor, has played a historic role not just in the establishment of the United States, but in the history of the Civil War and race relations. And there is big money in history.
Virginia’s tourism revenue reached $24 billion in 2016, a 3.3 percent increase over 2015, outpacing the national growth rate of 2.7 percent. It supported 230,000 jobs. Virginia gets more than 45 million tourists from around the world.
Here are just a few ways that Virginia cities have sought to use that history to boost their economy:
Appomattox
Site of a National Historical Park that recreates the small village where Lee’s army surrendered to General Ulysses S. Grant. National parks fees are generally $10, but the real money is in concessions and hotels. Tourism revenues drive the regional economy.
Fredericksburg
Scene of the Confederate Army’s greatest victory against the Union Army of the Potomac, the place has become a holy shrine to people enamored with the rebel side of the war. Fredericksburg National Cemetery is the final resting place of thousands of Union soldiers.
Shenandoah Valley
The area that was the site of some of the most brutal Civil War battles. This is a big-money venue for Civil War-reenactment aficionados, who often choose sides depending on how they feel about race.
Charlottesville
Even before Martin Luther King Jr.’s landmark “I Have A Dream Speech” in 1963, the city engaged in protests against widespread racism. The riots of today are reminiscent of what went before and after the day President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, a bill that seems to many to have achieved little progress.
Charlottesville, where history and race and racism and the vestiges of slavery intersect in the street fights exploding today, may very well be a symbol of more to come.
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“If you do not understand White Supremacy (Racism) — what it is, and how it works — everything else that you understand, will only confuse you.” — Neely Fuller Jr.
“I say self-respect is more powerful than a nuclear weapon.” – Frances Cress Welsing, M.D.
“The Negro cannot win … if he is willing to sell the future of his children for his personal and immediate comfort and safety.” – Dr. Martin L. King, Jr.
“If we don’t tell their stories, then the ancestors get no glory!!!” – R2C2H2 Tha Artivist
“I’m looking for freedom. Full freedom. Not some inferior brand.” – Paul Robeson
“The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress.” – Frederick Douglass
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Hugo Pinell, friend and comrade of Black Panther Georges Jackson, was murdered on the 12th of August 2015 at California State Prison, Sacramento, a maximum-security prison adjacent to the notorious Folsom State Prison. Hugo Pinell was imprisoned for 51 years of which 45 years in solitary confinement in San Quentin, Folsom and Corcoran, and the last 24 years in the infamous Pelican Bay SHU (Security Housing Unit from 1990 – 2014).
Pinell was the sole member of the San Quentin Six still in prison.
“Hugo Pinell was assassinated at new Folsom State Prison. This is another example of the racism people of color inside those prisons are confronted with on a daily basis. Like Comrade George, Hugo has been in the cross hairs of the system for years. His assassination exemplify how racists working in conjunction with prison authorities commit murderous acts like this. We saw it on the yard at Soledad in 1970 and we see it again on the yard at Folsom in 2015.
Black August Memorial/Commemoration Month & History – Haki Kweli Shakur
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His life was a living hell. We witness the brutality inflicted on him by prison guards as they made every effort to break him. He endured more than fifty years of sensory deprivation, for decades he was denied being able to touch his family or another human being, as well as attempts on his life. This is cruel and unusual punishment!
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Hugo is not the monster that is being portrayed in social media / news media. The CDC is the real monster. During the six trial we really got to know Hugo. He was as we all were under a lot of stress. His stress was heavier than mine because he had the additional load of being beaten on regular occasions. We saw the strength of his of his spirit, and through it all he managed to smile. We mourn the loss of our comrade brother, yogi.
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We have been hit with a crushing blow that will take some time to recover from. We must expose those who under the cover of law orchestrated and allowed this murderous act to take place. The prisoners who did it acted as agents of the state. It comes at a time when prisoners are collectively trying to end decades of internal strife.
Those who took his life have done a disservice to our movement. Their actions served the cause of the same oppressor we fought against,No longer do you have to endure the hatred of people who didn’t even know you and never dared to love you. You have represented George & Che well, and we salute you!”
SAN QUENTIN SIX
David General Giap Johnson
Luis Bato Talamantez
Willie Sundiata Tate
Slaying casts pall on plan to reduce solitary confinement
August 14, 2015 By DON THOMPSON, Associated Press