US Political Prisoner/Former Black Panther, Kamau Sadiki Gravely Ill

US Political Prisoner/Former Black Panther, Kamau Sadiki, Gravely Ill

Dear Friends,
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As many of you know my father Kamau Sadiki -Former Black Panther, a.ka. Fred Hilton #115 06 88 is seriously ill and incarcerated in Augusta State Medical Prison. Apparently there has been a change where inmates are not allowed to sleep at least 8 hours on weekends or holidays.
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This has a negative impact on his and other prisoners health . He has written to let me know that he is taking a stand against this injustice. He has sent out an urgent call that all of us notify the administration to voice our indignation and concern. I urge you to please pass this on to our friends and comrades.
Below is the prison address:
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Augusta State Medical Prison
Administration
3001 Gordon Highway
Grovetown, G.A 30813
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Peace,
Ksisay Torres
Daughter of Kamau Sadiki

The Revolutionary Action Movement ( RAM )

REVOLUTIONARY ACTION MOVEMENT
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A collective of undergraduate students at Central State College (now University), Wilberforce, Ohio, founded the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) in the spring of 1962. The first community branch of RAM was established in December 1962 in Philadelphia, The local Philadelphia organization became public in 1963, RAM engaged in voter registration/education drives and had free African American history classes. It publicized itself as a revolutionary nationalist-internationalist organization based around the tactics of using confrontational self-defense direct action to achieve its ends. It believed in collective leadership, had a governing central committee, published a bi-monthly journal titled, “Black America,”and a free weekly two page newsletter titled, “Ram Speaks.”RAM sought to reach parity in jobs through its participation in mass demonstrations in education and in the political arena. It did not believe the questions of integration or separation were relevant, because RAM felt that, in order to achieve any objective, socialism would first have to be established in the United States. African Americans would have to institutethe right of self-determination and to decide for themselves what they, as a people, wanted todo.The mentors of the RAM cadres in the 1962-63 period were Donald Freeman of Cleveland, Ohio, Chairman of the African American Institute; Ethel “Azelle” Johnson of Monroe, North Carolina, a co-worker of Robert F. Williams who was a central committee member of RAM; and Queen Mother Audley Moore, who was an advisor.After a year (1963) of local and regional mobilization for jobs and resisting police brutality, RAM organizers went into the South, working with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), in Greenwood, Mississippi. From 1964-1965 RAM worked closely with Minister Malcolm X, who joined RAM and served as its secret international spokesman in conjunction with Robert F. Williams, it’s International Chairman.
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RAM developed a twelve-point-program in July 1964, when it became a national organization It read Development of:
1.A National Black Student Organization Movement.
2.Ideology (Freedom) Schools.
3.Rifle Clubs.
4.A Liberation Army.
5.Propaganda, Training Centers and a National Organization.
6.An Underground Vanguard.
7.Black Workers “Liberation Unions.”
8.Block Organization (Cells).
9.A Nation within a Nation Concept, Government in Exile.
10.A War Fund (Political Economy).
11.Black Farmer Co-operatives.
12.An Army of the Black Unemployed.

Haki Kweli Shakur 4-23-52ADM 2017 ATC NAPLA NAIM  ( The Struggle Iz For Land , Organize The South PT II , A Nation Within A Nation

 

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In 1965, RAM worked with the Afro-American Student Movement (ASM) and began to develop the motion for the establishment of Black Studies at some college (university) campuses. In 1966, it entered into an alliance with the SNCC and helped organize Black Panther Parties in several cities throughout the country. RAM was active in the Anti-Vietnam War Movement and raised the slogan, “America’s the Blackman’s Battleground.”In 1967 its manifesto titled:World Black Revolutionwas published, which was widely circulated. In the spring of 1967, J. Edgar Hoover, head of the FBI, called Max Stanford, RAM’s national field chairman, “the most dangerous man in America.” This was the signal for a national and worldwide manhunt to take off the streets and incarcerate suspected RAM members. In 1968, facing repression from the intelligence agencies of the U.S. government, coordinating with local police departments, the national central committee dissolved RAM as an organization. The League of Revolutionary Black Workers, the African People’s Party, the Republic of New Africa and the Black Panther Party superseded it.Dr. Muhammad Ahmad(Max Stanford)2008

 

The Afroamerican revolutionary, being inside the citadel of world imperialism and being the Vanguard against the most highly developed capitalist complex has problems no other revolutionary has had. His position is so strategic that victory means the downfall of the arch enemy of the oppressed (U.S. imperialism) and the beginning of the birth of a new world.[2] –“The African American War of National-Liberation,” RAM’s Black America

RAM was the first group in the United States to synthesize the thought of Marx, Lenin, Mao, and Malcolm X into a comprehensive theory of revolutionary black nationalism. They combined socialism, black nationalism, and Third World internationalism into a coherent and applicable theory that called for revolution “inside the citadel of world imperialism,” meaning the United States.[1][5][12]

The revolutionary nationalists of RAM believed that colonized peoples around the world must rise up and destroy the “universal slavemaster.” They also believed that all people have a right to self-determination, including the “internal black colony” of the United States. In their opinion, African Americans had to gain control of land and political power through national liberation and establish revolutionary socialism in sovereign, liberated lands. They emphasized creating a black nation on land in Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Texas, Virginia, South Carolina, and North Carolina that, in their eyes, rightfully belonged to black people. This push for a sovereign black nation was in some ways a reiteration of an old black leftist line from the 1930s.

In fact, many RAM activists derived their ideology from an older generation of revolutionary black leftists: Harry Haywood, Queen Mother Audley Moore, Harold Cruse, and Abner Berry as well as James and Grace Lee Boggs. Many of these older revolutionaries played a role of ideological and political mentorship to RAM activists.

Black internationalism

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The revolutionary spirit of black Americans in the 1960s was by no means the sole example of rebellion in the world at that time. The decade brought forth revolutions and mass uprisings in countries all over the world, and though the people were protesting in different regions, most of these movements sought to achieve a similar goal: the universal elimination of racism and capitalism.Members of RAM understood that black nationalism, the formation of an independent nation of blacks in the U.S., was a concept inseparable from black internationalism, which had the goal of ending white supremacy through a conjoined effort of all oppressed groups to overthrow pan-European racism and the exploitative global capitalist system. In other words, the movement had a global vision, bigger than just the race relations of the United States. They saw the main battle as being between Western imperialism and the oppressed Third World within U.S. borders and around the world.The context of black liberation was the entire world revolution, rather than cultural nationalism, which RAM considered reactionary and bourgeois. RAM members saw themselves as colonial subjects fighting a “colonial war at home.”

The theory of black internationalism was first publicized in W.E.B. DuBois’ Dark Princess, where he argues that the black nation in America is just one faction of what he refers to as the “Land of the Blacks,” a conglomeration of all racially subjugated groups around the world. RAM spokesman Malcolm X later described the black revolution in the United States as part of a “worldwide struggle of the oppressed against the oppressor.” Several other political figures openly supported black internationalism, calling for people to join the revolution and be fully in conjunction “with the people in the great struggle for Africa and of suffering humanity”.

Some RAM activists saw themselves as an all-black cadre of Mao’s Red Army, and related their black freedom struggle to Mao’s strategy of encircling capitalist countries to challenge imperialism. In solidarity and fighting alongside anti-colonial struggles in China, Zanzibar, Cuba, Vietnam, Indonesia, and Algeria, RAM activists saw themselves as playing a global role.

Among what some saw as the hedonism of the 1960s, Mao’s revolutionary code of ethics, alongside the religious self-restraint preached by the Nation of Islam, was a powerful force. Some RAM materials about their revolutionary code of ethics take quotations nearly verbatim from The Little Red Book. When Robert F. Williams, chairman of RAM, came back from his exile in China, he also emphasized that all young black revolutionaries must “undergo personal and moral transformation. There is a need for a stringent revolutionary code of moral ethics. Revolutionaries are instruments of righteousness.”

RAM called for a “cultural revolution” of sorts: one that would purge the slave mentality from black people in the United States. They were for the creation of a new, revolutionary culture through the reclamation of African aesthetics, creation of art only in the service of the revolution, and active attempt to root out habits, traditions, customs, and philosophies taught to black people by white oppressors.

A New Afrikan Liberation Army / Black Guard / Street Gangs

Due to the fact that RAM was made up of mostly college-educated intellectuals (though many dropped out to organize full-time), they thought a lot about who they were trying to mobilize, eventually settling upon the black petit bourgeoisie youth and black working-class youth. RAM thought that the black petit bourgeoisie particularly embodied the contradictions of racial capitalism, and if properly brought into the movement, this group could form a “revolutionary intelligentsia capable of leading black America to true liberation.” They also used public street meetings to try and attract as many black working-class youth as possible to their organization, particularly gang members. RAM thought gang members had the most revolutionary potential of the population, because they could be trained to fight not against each other but against white power structures. They believed they could create a fighting force of former gang members on the model of the Congolese Youth guerrilla army and the Mau Mau guerrillas.

The Black Guard was a national armed youth self-defense group run by RAM that argued for protecting the interests of Black America by fighting directly against its enemies. The Black Guard, in Max Stanford’s words, “[was] to stop our youth from fighting amongst themselves, teach them a knowledge of [black] history…and prepare them…to protect our community from racist attacks.

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Recently, Max Stanford has claimed that Malcolm X’s Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU) was intended to be the popular front organization to RAM’s underground black liberation army. It is unclear as of yet if this claim is rooted in fact.

News Paper/Publication

Despite numerous chapters all over the country, by 1964, RAM’s home base in Philadelphia was the main branch available to the public eye. The Philadelphia chapter was responsible for the publication of RAM’s bimonthly newspaper, Black America, and the single paged newsletter RAM Speaks. During their time in the city, RAM actively supported Leon Sullivan’s 1962 selective patronage campaign. This was the beginning of the “don’t buy where you can’t work” method of direct boycott action that serves as an example of the effectiveness of the black masses to black liberation.

 

 

April 20th 1853 Harriet Tubman Began Work on The UnderGround RailRoad , The Diary of a Black Slave In Virginia ( Based of Facts Found By Author of a Enslaved Girl Freed by Tubman)

On April 20, 1853 Harriet Tubman began her work on the Underground Railroad.

Harriet Tubman is perhaps the most well-known of all the Underground Railroad’s “conductors.” During a ten-year span she made 19 trips into the South and escorted over 300 enslaved Africans to freedom. She never lost a single passenger… #NewAfrikanGeneral zalute.. #DMV

The Diary of a Black Slave In Virginia ( Based of Facts Found By Author of a Enslaved Girl Freed by Tubman)
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March 10th, 1849
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My name is Anita Ross. I am a thirteen-year-old slave, in the state of Virginia. I have just received this diary from my Master’s son. He has been secretly teaching me to read and write, and in exchange, I would not tell his mother or father of what I witnessed him doing. I am very excited that he gave me this diary, for we just had our last teaching session. The purpose of writing in this, is to show others- when I get to freedom- how terrible life here, is. Life, for me, is living Hell. I am whipped if I do not work fast enough. I am put through un-imaginable, physical pain every day, and I am determined to get free. You might be wondering how a slave would successfully escape. I have an answer; I have been hearing whispers of something called The Underground Railway. It is supposed to be an organization of people, that helps runaway slaves get to freedom. However, I do not want to be in a free state, I want to leave this hate filled country. I am going to Canada. The whispers say that Canada is the only place where one can truly be free. I will get there. I will not stay here and tolerate this. I am going to be free.
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March 15th, 1849
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I have everything planned; there are new whispers of when “Moses” is coming. She is said to be the person to travel with, when going to your freedom. I will sneak out and run for as long as I can, until I reach the graveyard, where Moses and her other “passengers” will be meeting me. I am afraid. I do not want anyone to see me. This will be one of the riskiest parts of my trip. I do not know if I am prepared, but I must go. This is my only chance.
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March 18th, 1849
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I am now, officially, a fugitive slave. I am travelling with Moses (she has said her actual name is Harriet Tubman) and all the other passengers (runaway slaves) she has with her. Everything about this organization- The Underground Railroad- is secretive. Everything is spoken in code, and all the coded words have to do with a railroad. The fugitive slaves- like me- are called passengers, Moses is a “conductor”, one who leads us to our freedom. Those who make routes that we travel on, are called agents, safe houses where we are hidden and sheltered are known as stations. A terminal is a city or town where we can go for help, if needed, during our journey. One, who owns a station, is called a stationmaster. A brakeman helps runaways start new lives, whether in Canada or a free state. I am overjoyed to see all of the people who are risking being fined, and put in jail, just to help those who desperately need it.
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March 27th, 1849
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I am now in a “free state”. I am happier, now that there is a less chance of my capture. But the chance is too great for me to settle here. We are all deciding where we are going to go, once we reach Canada. The cities that I am choosing form are Windsor, Chatham, Buxton, St. Catherine’s and London, Ontario. I am not able to write for a while, but when I write again, I will share everything I learned on my journey.
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May 6th, 1849
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I am now a citizen of London, Ontario, Canada. I still can’t believe that I am a free black. I will never again be forced to work, and have no freedom. Now all I try to do is research. I am researching how this awful thing (slavery) came to be. I am trying to figure out how to free all of the slaves in the United States of America. It’s a big dream but I will make it. Anita Ross.

Haki Kweli Shakur 4-20-52ADM 2017 ATC NAPLA NAIM

 

 

 

 

 

 

13 and 15 Year old Edmonson Sisters & The Largest Slave Escape Attempt Underground Railroad in History , Washington D.C. April 16 1848

On the morning of April 16, 1848, three slaves belonging to Francis Dodge Jr. were missing. He wasn’t alone. Forty other local slave owners were missing a total of 77 slaves. That number included 15-year-old Mary Edmonson and her 13-year-old sister, Emily, two intelligent and attractive young women from Montgomery County who fled with four of their older brothers.

The plan had been in the works for some time. For several years, New York abolitionist William Chaplin had been working with black activists in Washington to free slaves. This was their most audacious plan so far. In March, Chaplin wrote to wealthy New York abolitionist Gerrit Smith — the likely financier of the venture. Chaplin told Smith that they were waiting for a ship and that “[t]he number of persons here, who are anxious to immigrate, is increasing on my hands daily — I believe there are not less than 75,” including two sisters “of great interest” as well as their brothers.

One month later, a 54-ton vessel named the Pearl tied up at a quiet spot near the Seventh Street wharf. By prearranged signal, the escapees quietly slipped through the streets, crossed the Mall, where construction was just beginning on the Washington Monument, and made their way onto the ship. Their destination — by way of the Potomac River south to Chesapeake Bay, then up the bay to the Chesapeake & Delaware Canal — was freedom in the North.

Inside the ship, Mary and Emily Edmonson settled on boxes placed between two portholes with their brothers surrounding them. A few small lanterns illuminated the faces of their fellow fugitives — adults and children — who bore the surnames Bell, Brent, Calvert, Dodson, Marshall, Pope, Queen and Smallwood — names well known here today. Some, including Mary and Emily, were related to free blacks who already owned homes. The slaves who crowded together in the Pearl’s hold on that April night in 1848, 13 years before the outbreak of the Civil War, were forebears of Washington’s black middle class.

Near midnight, the schooner pulled away from a drizzly city, where slave traders legally operated in and around the Center Market at Seventh Street and Pennsylvania Avenue NW, about a mile north of the wharf. But when Sunday dawned under a blanket of still fog, the ship’s two white captains, Daniel Drayton and Edward Sayres, had barely budged the ship past Alexandria. Inside the cramped quarters, the passengers anxiously prayed for wind. By afternoon, the sun broke through the clouds and a brisk breeze filled the sails of the little schooner. The Pearl was finally on its way down the Potomac.

The sisters began an incredible journey that spring, one that extended far beyond 1848. Ordinarily, scant information would be found concerning two enslaved teenage girls from Montgomery County. But there is, in fact, a wealth of information.

The Pearl soon ran into trouble. It had the misfortune to pass a steamer whose captain made note of the suspicious-looking schooner and reported its movements on reaching Washington. Then, when the Pearl reached the mouth of the Potomac, a fierce storm cut off any chance to sail up Chesapeake Bay.

The Pearl was towed back to Washington, where angry crowds began to gather. With all of the men’s hands bound, the fugitives were marched north from the steamboat wharf to the D.C. jail at Judiciary Square. Drayton reported that when the procession approached the hotel where slave trader Joseph Gannon plied his business — the current site of the National Archives — Gannon lunged at him with a knife. Authorities threw the two captains into a horse-pulled hack to haul them safely to jail.

Attention shifted quickly to the slaves. A voice from the crowd taunted Mary and Emily, asking them if they were ashamed for causing all this trouble. Emily replied that they would do the same again. When the girls’ brother-in-law John Brent saw the runaways paraded by — the brothers shackled and Mary and Emily walking with their arms around each other’s waist for support — he collapsed in the street.

Like many African American families in the Washington area, Mary and Emily’s was an amalgam of free and enslaved individuals intertwined through marriage and circumstance. According to the 1850 U.S. Census, the population of the District of Columbia was just over 43,000. About 10,000 were free African Americans. About 3,600 were enslaved.

Paul Edmonson, Mary and Emily’s father, was listed as a free man in a special 1832 Maryland census conducted for the purpose of encouraging free blacks to emigrate to Liberia. He chose to stay and three years later purchased 20 acres in the Norbeck area of Montgomery County, just east of what is now Georgia Avenue. Twelve years later, just months before six of his children boarded the Pearl, he purchased another 20 acres.

Source Ref

https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/magazine/2002/02/17/a-passage-to-freedom/02eb1965-2ff7-4f40-94df-ff24039a520b/?utm_term=.93d84a44ebda

In 1848, 77 enslaved African Americans, including the Edmonson sisters, attempted to escape their bondage in Washington, DC, by fleeing north to freedom via the ship the Pearl. Unfortunately, unfavorable winds slowed their escape, the ship was captured, and the escapees were brought back to Washington. This newspaper article details the attempted escape, capture, and a minor riot which broke out on the land that would become the National Mall as the Pearl’s passengers were transported to jail.

The Underground Railroad Virginia Midwest and South – Haki Kweli Shakur

 

 

 

 

Chip Fitzgerald Longest Held Black Panther Political Prisoner

Romaine “Chip” Fitzgerald, born and raised in Compton, California, joined the Southern California Chapter of the Black Panther Party in early 1969 as a teenager who had just been released from the California Youth Authority. He is currently serving 2 life sentences for the frame up of the murder of a security guard and attempted murder of a CHP officer.

Legal Case

Shoot-Out

On September 7th, 1969, California Highway Patrol pulled over a Volkswagen with Romaine ‘Chip’ Fitzgerald and two other members of the Black Panther Party (Robert Williams and Luxey Irvin). According to the Los Angeles Times, the men were stopped on the corner of Compton Blvd and Van Ness Ave in Gardena, CA for a faulty taillight.

During the traffic stop a shooting broke out, leaving one officer and Chip Fitzgerald injured. The three Black Panthers managed to escape from the scene, leaving the injured officer in possession of Fitzgerald’s driver’s license.

The next day, Chip escaped another shootout with police as he and the others attempted to flee from the house they were held up at. The other two men were arrested during the altercation with one of the men shot in the leg. Fitzgerald, still suffering from a gunshot wound to the head, managed to escape to the Panther headquarters in South-Central Los Angeles. There, Fitzgerald was able to receive treatment, but was informed on by a police informant. Police raided the headquarters only to find a blood-soaked jacket. Chip managed to escape arrest for a third time.

Chip avoided being arrested until October 9th, when he was detained without incident. After being taken custody, he was informed that he was not only charged with the attempted murder of the CHP officer, but was also being charged with the murder of a private security guard, Barge Miller.

Barge Miller

On September 29, 1969 at 1:42 am, Barge Miller a security guard at Vons Shopping Center located at El Segundo and Avalon Boulevards in Los Angeles was shot and robbed while sitting in his car. Two men were seen fleeing from the scene by a witness, James Coleman.

Coleman later identified Romaine Fitzgerald as one of the men fleeing from the scene. While Coleman claims he did not get a good look at the shooter due to the fluorescent lighting of the parking lot, he was sure it was Chip. Despite his confidence, he admitted Chip looked different in court than when he had seen him during the early morning hours of September 29, 1969. He claimed Fitzgerald’s hair was now shorter.

During the investigation, Coleman was shown several photographs of suspects, including one of Romaine Fitzgerald, but he could not identify Chip as the one who committed the crime. Later, he denied ever stating that he couldn’t identify Fitzgerald. However, the only time he was able to identify Chip was in court, sitting at the defendant’s table. During cross-examination, the witness was not even able to describe the judge in the case, when asked to describe him without looking.

According to Chip, because of the gunshot wound to his head, he kept a two-inch wide gauze bandage on the wound for about three or four weeks. He had removed the bandage about three to five days prior to his arrest on October 9, 1969. Coleman stated nothing about a gauze bandage, something that is hard to miss. Chip denied being in the vicinity of the Vons parking lot during the early morning hours of September 29, 1969, and denied participating in any way in the shooting or robbing of Barge Miller. He testified that he never went outside at night before October 9, 1969, because he did not want to infect his head injury.

Chip had witnesses that he was not at the Vons Shopping center during the murder. Doris Haughton and her sister, Janice Sadler shared an apartment with Romaine Fitzgerald and stated that he had not left the apartment on the evening of September 28, 1969.

Despite his witnesses, he was convicted of first-degree murder and was sentenced to death in 1970. Later, the death sentence was commuted to life. Chip was also tried for the attempted murder of the CHP officer. During the trial, the officer admitted that he had orders to shoot members of the Black Panther Party. Despite this admission, the judge in the case ordered the jury to ignore the statement. Chip was subsequently found guilty and was sentenced to life for his involvement in the shootout.

Chip and his supporters, believe the murder of Barge Miller was pinned on him because of his membership in the Black Panther Party and because of his previous altercations with the police. Despite the conviction, he has maintained his innocence in the death of Barge Miller.

Parole

Chip has a good chance of release because of changes in California parole law. Currently, people over the age of 65 who have served 25 years or more are prioritized for release. The seriousness of the original offense is no longer enough to deny parole – “some evidence” of current dangerousness is required. And Chip’s age at the time of his arrest – just 19 – is a factor to be considered at his hearing. Chip has also suffered from a stroke, and has had no incident reports since 2008 (when he was attacked by 2 young men and responded in self-defense). Chip’s next parole hearing is in 2016.

The Mind of Tupac Shakur , New Afrikan Panther Party Chairman 1989 , Goal of Politicizing Street Gangs

The fighter in Tupac seemed to be an inherited trait as both his parents were Black Panthers. He was also national chairman of the New Afrikan Panthers, a young adult branch of the New Afrikan People’s Organization. In a 1989 interview, Tupac explained the goal of the movement, as well as his role as chairman. The New Afrikan Panthers sought to educate black youth between the ages of 13 and 25 on their history as a means of self-defense against the oppressor. As chairman, his job was to promote and implement the program in other cities. Throughout the interview, Tupac spoke about the attack on black leaders and the plague of ignorance over African Americans by the government. In Tupac’s words, black people must rise and unite in order to fight off the oppressor. Striving to not fall into the system, Tupac ultimately failed. However, his failure would lead to growth that was beneficial for him.

In 1995, Tupac was sentenced to a year and a half to four and a half years in jail for sexually harassing a fan. Around the time of his arrest, Tupac’s third album, “Me Against the World,” was released. The album focused on the plight of black youth with topics such as incarceration, death, and police harassment. While in jail, an interview was conducted that depicted Tupac in a totally different head space than before his arrest. He gained a new perspective on life and constantly preached about the negativity attributed to jail life. Tupac spoke directly to the youth while a picture of Yummy Sandifer, a notable 11-year-old gang member, hung in the background.

With gangs being heavy in the ’90s, Tupac promoted the need for gangs to become self-productive. He believed that gangs could regulate their communities and keep the infiltration of others out. A cycle had to be broken in order for the violence to stop, though he predicted that it would not. In his words, these gangs learn from what they see others do, which is from the government and police, which use force and violence to attain what they want. During these days, Tupac was starting to redirect his energy towards a more positive lifestyle that would exemplify the change he wanted to see.

After his release from prison, an interview with Sanyika Shakur emerged that detailed Tupac’s plans for uplifting the black community. He wanted to create summer leagues for girls and boys that would be backed by rappers. While uncles and fathers would act as security, churches would provide meals. Plans were also intact to help clean up the streets of drug dealers. Between the times of 6 a.m. and 11 p.m., the streets would be free of dealers and clear for young children to roam. The hours after 11 p.m. were up for the taking; however, Shakur wanted the money made from these deeds to be put back into the community. Ultimately, these plans would redirect the image of the black community and keep the youth productive and off the streets. Although his plans did not come into fruition, there is still hope for others to carry on his mission of positivity.

Tupac was a man of many words, much determination, and multiple ideals that could have definitely helped the black community. His music can only do so much to paint the picture of the black struggle, but action leads to progress. Not much of a change has occurred and the same problems in the black community still persist. More and more black men are being put in jail, police brutality has gotten worse, and the black neighborhoods have nothing positive for youth to turn to. With Tupac’s influence still a lingering force, hopefully the change that he and many others want to see can happen.

Videos Brought to you From The Source RBG STREET SCHOLAR FROLINAN

 

 

RBG| Tupac Shakur Speaks – National Chairman for the New Afrikan Panther Party (1989) pt 1 & 2

New Afrikan /Ashanti Revolutionary Kwako and 23 Enslaved Ashanti/ Fantee Political Prisoners Rebel April 7th 1712 in New York

🙏🏿✊🏿🕯 April 7th 1712 Slave Rebellion of New York Led By Revolutionary Kwako & Ashanti/ Fantee Political Prisoners – Haki Kweli Shakur

New Afrikan Ancestry Caromantees [Ashanti/Fantee] Revolt in New York; seized guns, swords and hatchets and began setting fires and killing slavemasters. Kwako, one of the leaders, and twenty others were broken on the whell and burnt at a slow fire.

It was a bloody chapter in New York’s early history.

On the night of April 7, 1712, 23 black slaves met in an orchard on Maiden Lane in Manhattan. They had hatchets, guns and knives, and, according to historian Edward Ellis, they believed that “by launching a dramatic revolt, they [would] incite other slaves and massacre all the white people in town.”

Conditions for the slaves of this city were wretched. They were beaten and starved. Many lived under the most primitive conditions. The meeting on Maiden Lane was the culmination of years of hardship.

The assembled slaves torched several houses of white landowners. Then they turned on the white people who came rushing out of their homes, They shot and killed nine of the white slave holders.

The English governor summoned soldiers and the militia to put down the revolt. The surviving 17 slaves were tried and convicted, tortured and executed.

Seventy blacks were arrested and put in jail. Six are reported to have committed suicide. Twenty-seven were put on trial, 21 of whom were convicted and sentenced to death. Twenty were burned to death and one was executed on a breaking wheel. This was a form of punishment no longer used on whites at the time. The severity of punishment was in reaction to white slaveowners’ fear of insurrection by slaves.

After the revolt, laws governing the lives of black and Indian slaves in colonial New York were made more restrictive. Slaves were not permitted to gather in groups of more than three, they were not permitted to carry firearms, and gambling was outlawed. Other crimes, such as property damage, rape, and conspiracy to kill, were made punishable by death. Free blacks were still allowed to own land, however. The land of freed black family of Anthony Portuguese (alternate spelling is Portugies), that makes up a portion of present-day Washington Square Park, remained in the hands of his daughter and grandchildren, Slave owners who decided to free their slaves were required to pay a tax of £200, a price much higher than the price of a slave.

 

Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAIM/NAPLA APRIL 7Th 52ADM

Quotations of Booker T Washington

Quotations by Booker T. Washington

Timeless, Common Sense Wisdom

“If you want to lift yourself up, lift up someone else.”

“Great men cultivate love… Only little men cherish a spirit of hatred.”

“I want to see my race live such high and useful lives that
they will not be merely tolerated, but they shall actually be needed
and wanted because of their usefulness to the community.”

“To be one with God is to be like God.
Our real religious striving then, should be to become one with God;
sharing with Him in our poor humble way His qualities and attributes.”

“There are two ways of exerting one’s strength:
one is pushing down, the other is pulling up.”

“I shall allow no man to belittle my soul by making me hate him.”

“I shall never permit myself to stoop so low as to hate any man.”

“You can’t hold a man down without staying down with him.”

“Success is not measured by the position one has reached in life,
rather by the obstacles overcome while trying to succeed.”

“No race can prosper till it learns there is as much dignity in tilling a field
as in writing a poem.”

“Few things can help an individual more than to place responsibility on him, and to let him know that you trust him.”

“A race, like an individual, lifts itself up by lifting others up.”

“In all my efforts to learn to read, my mother shared fully my ambition and
sympathized with me and aided me in every way she could.
If I have done anything in life worth attention,
I feel sure that I inherited the disposition from my mother.”

“The world cares very little about what a man or woman knows;
it is what a man or woman is able to do that counts.”

“We do not want the men of another color for our brothers-in-law,
but we do want them for our brothers.”

“I believe that any man’s life will be filled with constant and unexpected
encouragement, if he makes up his mind to do his level best each day,
and as nearly as possible reaching the high water mark of pure and useful living.”

“We should not permit our grievances to overshadow our opportunities.”

“Opportunities never come a second time, nor do they wait for our leisure.”

“No greater injury can be done to any youth than to let him feel
that because he belongs to this or that race he will be advanced in life
regardless of his own merits or efforts.”

“No man, who continues to add something to the material, intellectual and moral well-being of the place in which he lives, is left long without proper reward.”

“What we should do in all our schools is to turn out fewer job seekers
and more job-makers.
Any one can seek a job, but it requires a person of rare ability to create a job.”

“In the sight of God there is no color line, and we want to cultivate a spirit
that will make us forget that there is such a line anyway”

“I do not believe in waiting for the heaven of the future.
If we imitate the life of Christ as nearly as possible,
heaven will come about more and more right here on earth.”

“Leaders have devoted themselves to politics, little knowing, it seems
that political independence disappears without economic independence
that economic independence is the foundation of political independence.”

“I want to see you own land.”

“A whining crying race may be pitied but seldom respected”

“The Negro has the right to study law, but success will come to the race sooner if it produces intelligent, thrifty farmers, mechanics, to support the lawyers.”

 

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC-NAPLA-NAIM 4-5-52ADM THE STRUGGLE IZ FOR LAND PT II

 

 

Richmond Emancipation Day April 3rd-4th 1865 , New Afrikans Celebrate Their Ancestors Uhuru Sasa

Emancipation Day Parade, Richmond, Virginia, Monday, April 3, 1905.

The image above shows a parade of Richmond, Virginia’s African Americans celebrating Emancipation Day, Monday, April 3, 1905. The parade is shown here marching at 10th and Main Streets with the Shafer Building at the corner and the old Custom House and Richmond Post Office building in the background. It was one of the few buildings to survive the evacuation fire of 1865. To the right of that building is the Mutual Assurance Society Building. The parade marked the fall of Richmond and not the anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation.

This black and white image was originally published by the Detroit Publishing Company as a postcard. The image is part of VCU Libraries’ Rarely Seen Richmond, an online exhibit displaying Richmond turn-of-the-century postcards. For more information about the event, read the two newspaper accounts below.

The image appears at this site with the name of the photographer (Lycurgus S. Glover). Even more interesting is this image below of that same block with a completely different parade – my guess of the circus parade below is from about 1910..

Circus parade on Main Street in Richmond, VA. – circa 1910.

[The text below is from the Richmond Planet, Saturday, April 8, 1905. The Richmond Planet was the city’s major African American newspaper. It began publishing in the mid 1880s and continued through 1935. For more information about the Richmond Planet and its longtime editor, John Mithchell Jr., the Library of Virginia has an online exhibit entitled “Born in the Wake of Freedom: John Mitchell, Jr., and the Richmond Planet.”]

Richmond Planet, April 8, 1905. Emancipation Celebration

The colored people of this city celebrated the fortieth year of their emancipation on last Monday with a large parade. Excursionists from other cities swelled the crowd and five bands of music mustered into service. The gathering was orderly. The day was an ideal one and the exercises were conducted at the Broad St. Base-ball Park. The grand-stand gave way and partly collapsed, but this inconvenience was only temporary. Rev. D. W. Davis, A.M., was orator of the day and his effort was an eloquent one. Major J.B. Johnson, the military leader and tactician was Chief Marshall and he handled the line with skill and ability. The line of march was shortened considerably and the Church-Hill route was abandoned Mr. J.C. Randolph was president and Lawyer J. Thos. Hewin, secretary. The affair was a success and the best of good-feeling prevailed. Capt. Benjamin Scott, who was elected president during the early stages of the affair was in a carriage and many were disappointed at not seeing him on horse-back.

— From the Richmond Planet, Saturday, April 8, 1905.

CELEBRATION OF DAY OF FREEDOM

Negroes Cheered “Dixie” on Their Emancipation Anniversary. Nearly every colored man, woman and child in Richmond, and the surrounding territory, took part in or viewed the big emancipation parade yesterday.

The crowd was orderly and was the subject of favorable comments from all who saw the line as it passed along to the music from several bands. The parade consumed something like twenty minutes in passing a given point, and was made up of various negro clubs and societies. An amusing incident was the cheering of “Dixie” on this occasion.

After the principal streets of the city had been marched over the crowds centered in the ball park, where the orators addressed the multitude on the subject most in mind. The principal speaker was D. Webster Davis, whose oration was the other speaker. During the speaking a board on the bleacheries broke and caused a little excitement, but no one was hurt. Closed With a Banquet Last night there was banquet of the leaders at Price’s Hall, and at True Reformer’s Hall a colored opera company held forth. The colored hotels and boarding houses were full to overflowing with excursionists and the ward was a dense mass of people all day and far into the night.

The thousands of local colored people on the streets were augmented by many from the country, who, in their gay rigs, added to the general interest in the parade. Old darkeys, with ante-bellum beards, marched beside negroes of the younger generation, and cooks, waiters, porters, washerwomen and barbers knocked off from work to join in the festivities incidental to the celebration of the day that really marks the fall of Richmond rather than the negroes emancipation.

Late in the afternoon a party of disorderly negroes got in a fight on Cary Street between Seventh and Eighth Streets. The row created some excitement, and four of the negroes were arrested and carried to the Second Station. The men engaged in the fight were on holiday and it was stated that the fight arose over comments on the parade. This was the only affair of the kind that marred one of the largest negro demonstrations the city ever saw.

— From the Times-Dispatch, Richmond, Virginia, Tuesday, April 4, 1905.

Ref/Source Original

http://theshockoeexaminer.blogspot.com/2009/10/emancipation-day-parade-richmond-va.html?m=1

Haki Kweli Shakur x K.Kinte Emancipation Celebration of Richmond 150 and Counting / August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM April 3rd 52 ADM

 

 

 

March 24th 1709 Virginia Kourts Discovery New Afrikans & Native Indians Plan to Rebel in Surry County , James City, Isle of Wight Counties Virginia

SLAVE PLANNED TO REBEL IN SURRY JAMES CITY

1709
_
A plan to rebel was discovered early in 1709 in Surry James City, and Isle of Wight Counties, Virginia, involving Indian and Black slaves. A special court of investigation was appointed by the Governor. On March 24th the court returned with the following results: “ye [the] Examination of Sevll [several] Negroes and Indian slaves concerned in a Late Dangerous Conspiracy, formed and carried on by great[e] numbers of ye said negroes and Indian slaves for making their Escape by force from ye Service of their masters, and for ye [the] Destroying and cutting off such of her Majesties Subjects as Should oppose their Design.” Most were punished and released, but the ringleaders, including William Edwards’s Scipio, Joseph Hohn Jackman’s Salvadore, and Tom Shaw, who belonged to Samuel Thompson, were held over for further orders. Peter who also belonged to Samuel Thompson, remained at large, outlawed, and he and Scipio were the initial conspirators, while Salvadore “has been a great promoter and Incourager in persuading of ‘em to ye probability of Effecting their designe and in promising of ‘em his Assistance therein.” Their fate is not recorded. [Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series 1710-June 1711 p. 238; Also see Herbert Aptheker, Negro Slave Revolts in the United States p.18]

THE CONSPIRACY OF THE NEGRO’S

“The Conspiracy of The Negro’s in Surry County and Their Accomplices for Levying War in This her Majesty’s Colony was for happily Discovered when it was just upon the point of Execution That we Think it for The public Good of The Country to Recommend to You The Rewarding So Signal a Service. The person who gave The first information of The Negro’s Designs and Continued from time to time to Make Known Their Consultations, was one Will a Negro Belonging to Robert Ruffin of Surry County: and Tho[ugh] at his Earnest Desire his Discovery was as Carefully Concealed as Could be, yet in a short Time he Became for such Suspected That Several Negro’s Laid Wait for his Life, for That his Master Desiring he Might be Removed to a place of More Safety were accordingly Caused him to be Conveyed into The Northern Neck where he has Been and is Still Entertained and Since his Master has Lost The Benefit of his Labour and That we have Engaged he shall be paid, we not only propose That he may be Satisfyed for The fame; but That The Negro may have such a Reward for The Service he has Done, As may Encourage others to The Like fidelity if Ever any Such Occasion should again happen.” [McIlwaine, H. R. ed., Journal of the House of Burgesses of Virginia 1659/60-1693. Richmond, Virginia].

Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM 3-29-52ADM

Virginia The Land of The Rebellion – Haki Shakur