Tunis G Campbell in 1865 led a group of freedmen and women to St. Catherines Island, where they settled the land and established their own government

Because of General Sherman’s Special Field Order No. 15, land from Coastal South Carolina to Florida was redistributed to the newly freed slaves – Forty Acres and a Mule Tunis Campbell, born in New Jersey to a blacksmith, educated for 12 years in a white Episcopal School, opposed the removal of blacks from America to West Africa (Liberia was formed from this) and instead was commissioned to organize, educate and settle newly freed slaves in Coastal Georgia.

President Johnson revokes Sherman’s special field order Number 15 and land is returned to the planters. Tunis Campbell and his settlers leave St. Catherine’s (some stayed and entered into work contracts with white planters) Tunis Campbell secures land on the Sapelo River and enters into a sale agreement with C. H. Hopkins Jr. – begins settlement here.

own constitution and authorities to prevent discrimination and mistreatment of blacks. elected to senate. white democrats decide Tunis Campbell becoming too strong and needs to be removed. conspiracy/false accusations – imprisoned C.H. Hopkins goes to court and gets land back.

Nicholsonboro Marker

Tunis Gulic Campbell April 1, 1812 – December 4, 1891 Abolitionist; President of The New Afrikan St Catherine’s Island (Georgia) Republic; Georgia State Senator. Although not well known, Tunis Campbell is one of the most important Black figures in U.$. history. During the Civil War he was appointed to oversee land claims and resettlements for the Freedmen’s Bureau on 5 Georgia Islands: Ossabaw, Delaware, Colonels, St. Catherines, and Sapelo. These lands were seized from Confederate landowners and were to be redistributed to the freedmen for settlement. In 1865 Campbell led a group of freedmen and women to St. Catherines Island, where they settled the land and established their own government. They set up a Supreme Court, wrote their own constitution, held elections for government, and organized a 250-man militia.

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI

The land was redistributed in 40 acre plots to each family. A law was passed to forbid any white man from stepping foot onto the Island. Campbell presided as President over the Island Republic until 1867, when President Johnson restored the former slaveowners’ land holdings, thus dispossessing the freedmen. A Black U.$. Army contingent was sent to St Catherines to disarm and dispossess the inhabitants at gunpoint. Defeated, Campbell returned to mainland Georgia and was elected to the State Senate. During the Radical phase of Reconstruction, the Georgia Senate, under Campbell’s leadership, established universal male suffrage, free public education, and passed other progressive measures. In 1872, as the federal government began subverting Reconstruction, Campbell was impeached on the grounds that he had committed election fraud. He was arrested and imprisoned in a labor camp for one year. After his release he fled North where he died in 1891.


Georgia planters, who received pardons from U.S. president Andrew Johnson, regained control of these islands in 1866. Campbell quickly purchased 1,250 acres at Belle Ville in McIntosh County and there established an association of black landowners to divide parcels and profit from the land.


Chief Tomba of The Baga People Fought Against The Transatlantic Slave Trade /Lead a Slave Rebellion on a Slave Ship And The Fula Jihad Slave Raids

🗃 Chief Tomba of The Baga People of West Africa Guinea Organized Self Defense Units Amongst Several Villages in The Pongo Area This Was Around The Time of The Fula Jihad Campaigns & Slave Raids on West African Groups Who Didn’t Convert to Islam or Follow Islamic Law, Chief Tomba Was Captured And Put on a Slave Ship During That Voyage He Lead a Slave Rebellion On The Ship Killing Three Of The Crew He Paid For His Courage With His Life! The Baga people historically refused to convert to Islam and retained their animist beliefs. During the colonial slave trading period of West Africa, almost all Baga people converted to Islam. Now predominantly Muslim, they continue to practice animist rituals. For example, they ritually expose their dead for a period of time in a sacred grove, burn some of the possessions and the house of the dead person, before the Muslim style burial.

The name Baga is derived from the Susu phrase bae raka, “people of the seaside.” They speak the Baga languages, but many also speak the Mande language Susu because it has been the regional trade language. The Baga language exists in many dialects, and some of these have become extinct. According to Baga oral tradition, the Baga originated in Guinea’s interior highlands and were driven by aggressive neighbors westward to the coastal swamplands. Nevertheless they are considered “first-comers” along the many areas of the Upper Guinea coast, and accrued landlords rights in consequence of this. 5–6 Here they constituted an acephalous society comprising a series of autonomous communities.

The Evidence That Black Tribe Who Converted to Arabs Culture & Identity Were Attacking Afrikan Tribes Who Refused To Be Converted To Arab Culture & Islam

In the eighteenth century, the Fula people created an Islamic theocracy from Fouta Djallon, thereafter began slave raids as a part of Jihad that impacted many West African ethnic groups including the Baga people. In particular, states Ismail Rashid, the Jihad effort of Fulani elites starting in the 1720s theologically justified enslavement of the non-Islamic people and also led to successful conversion of previously animist peoples to Islam.

The demand for slaves in colonial plantations made the slave trade economically lucrative. The Atlantic coasts of Guinea became attractive for English and American traders, generally involved in the slave trade. During this period the Susu people also migrated into the area where Baga people lived, and established dominance in land-based trade in cooperation with the Imamate of Futa Jallon. The Futa stationed a santigi in Bara to collect taxes and pay tribute to the Imams.

In the late 19th century, Guinea became a French colony which impacted all ethnic groups of Guinea including the Baga people. After Guinea’s independence in 1958, the Islamic-Marxist Government adopted Islam as the state religion, then implemented the policy of “forced demystification” of its population, confiscated and destroyed all Baga traditional religious icons and outlawed non-Muslim religious practices. Only after the death of Sekou Toure in 1984 did Baga culture began to reemerge as an affirmation of tribal identity.



#chieftomba #slavetrade #guinea #libya #bagapeople #ghana #nigeria #somalia #tanzania #cameroon #tanzania #zimbabwe #saynotoslavery

Igbo Women’s War Resistance to Western Colonialism November – December 1929 25,000 Women Matriarchy 50 Killed Struggle Forward

The 1929 Igbo Women’s War, referred to as Ogu Umunwanyi in Igbo or the Aba Women’s Riot by the British colonial authority in Nigeria, was one of the most significant protest movements in the former British Empire. The protest was organized and led by rural women, and once the war started, it spread like wildfire in southeastern Nigeria among the Igbo and Ibibio of Owerri and Calabar provinces, covering a total area of over 15,550 square kilometers (about 6,000 square miles) and involving a population of two million people.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND By the mid-nineteenth century, formal British policy in what later became Nigeria was designed to protect British interests in the expanding trade activity in the Nigerian hinterland. By 1861, British administration was formally established in the colony of Lagos and the Niger Delta region. Through a series of treaties and military expeditions designed to end internal slavery and facilitate trade in such commodities as palm oil and kernel (palm produce), present-day Nigeria came under effective British control by the beginning of the twentieth century.

The women’s protest arose in the palm-oil belt of Southern Nigeria. The Igbo and Ibibio lived largely in mini-states where men and women exercised varying degrees of political power. Meetings of the village council involved adult males and were held in the common cultural center and the abode of the community’s earth-goddess. Important laws of the village council were ritualized with the earth-goddess and given a sacerdotal sanction. Their violation was seen as an act of sacrilege that needed ritual purification to restore the moral equilibrium of the society and save humans from infertility, famine, and other calamities.

Mama Zogbe & The Sibyls Revolution without Women ain’t happening! -Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI 12-2-52ADM

Women had their own sociopolitical organization. They held weekly meetings on the market day of their community, and made and enforced laws that were of common interest to them. But British colonialism brought fundamental changes that eliminated women’s political roles in precolonial Igbo and Ibibio societies. Women, however, saw themselves as the moral guardians and defenders of the taboos of the earth-goddess, believing that they naturally embodied its productive forces. The cosmology of the women, and the moral outrage they expressed over the intense economic and social changes that occurred during colonialism, are helpful in understanding not only the roots of the Igbo Women’s War, but the unusual solidarity and frenzy the women displayed during the crisis.

The initial protest was sparked off in Oloko in Bende Division of Owerri province, where in 1926 the colonial government had counted the number of men without indicating that the figures would be used in taxing them in 1928. Thus, when on November 18, 1929, the British-appointed Warrant Chief Okugo asked a teacher to count his people in keeping with the directive of the British district officer, women who feared that they would be taxed began to protest against the census.

The women dispatched palm fronds to other women in Bende Division, summoning them to Oloko. The meaning of the palm fronds vary according to circumstances, but in this case palm fronds signified a call to an emergency meeting, and people were forbidden to harm those who bore the fronds. Within a short period, thousands of them had assembled in the compound of Okugo, ”sitting on him” (Warrant Chief Okugo), a traditional practice involving chanting war songs and dancing around a man, making life miserable for him until the women’s demands were met, and demanding his resignation and imprisonment for allegedly assaulting some of them.

Fearing that the situation might get out of hand, especially as the protests spread to Umuahia, where factories and government offices were located, the British district officer acceded to the women’s demands, and jailed Okugo for two years. Generally, the protest in Bende Division ended peacefully, and the district officer effectively used the leaders of the women to contain the protests.

The Women’s War, however, took on a more violent form in Aba Division of Owerri province, and it was from there that the protests spread to parts of Owerri, Ikot Ekpene, and Abak divisions. The protest began in Owerrinta after the enumerator (census taker) of Warrant Chief Njoku Alaribe knocked down a pregnant woman during a scuffle, leading to the eventual termination of her pregnancy. The news of her assault shocked local women, who on December 9, 1929, protested against what they regarded as an ”act of abomination.” The women massed in Njoku’s compound, and during an encounter with armed police, two women were killed and many others were wounded. Their leader was whisked off to the city of Aba, where she was detained in prison.

Owerrinta women then summoned a general assembly of all Ngwa women at Eke Akpara on December 11, 1929, to recount their sad experiences. The meeting attracted about ten thousand women, including those from neighboring Igbo areas. They resolved to carry their protests to Aba.

As the women arrived on Factory Road in Aba, a British medical officer driving the same accidentally injured two of the women, who eventually died. The other women, in anger, raided the nearby Barclays Bank and the prison to release their leader. They also destroyed the native court building, European factories, and other establishments. No one knows how many women died in Aba, but according to T. Obinkaram Echewa’s compilation of oral accounts of women participating in the war, about one hundred women were killed by soldiers and policemen.

The Women’s War then spread to Ikot Ekpene and Abak divisions in Calabar province, taking a violent and deadly turn at Utu-Etim-Ekpo, where government buildings were burned on December 14 and a factory was looted, leaving some eighteen women dead and nineteen wounded. More casualties were recorded at Ikot Abasi near Opobo, also in Calabar province, where on December 16 thirty-one women and one man were reportedly killed, and thirty-one others wounded.

CAUSES Diverse views have been offered to explain the causes of the Women’s War. Some colonial apologists described the war as ”riots” carried out by African women who failed to appreciate the ”blessings” of British rule. Colonial apologists also forwarded spurious theories of female biopsychology to justify their views, arguing that the ”riots” were rooted in ”irrational mass hysteria” resulting from ”a sudden flow of premenstrual or postpartum hormones”(Echewa 1993, p. 39).

Another school of thought that emerged during the decolonization period of Nigerian history offered a conflicting analysis and blamed the Women’s War on the warrant chief system the British imposed on the peoples of southeastern Nigeria. Although the warrant chief system contributed to the Women’s War, a more holistic analysis of the war’s underlying causes is necessary, and a more fundamental issue must be considered: an economic one.

The imposition of direct taxation and the economic upheaval of the global depression of the 1920s saw a drastic fall in the price of palm produce and a high cost of basic food stuff and imported items. Thus the women’s protest was precipitated, in part, by the global depression. The protests occurred when the income women derived from palm produce dropped, while the costs of the imported goods sold in their local markets rose sharply. For example, from December 28, 1928, to December 29, 1929, the prices of palm oil and kernel in Aba fell by 17 percent and 21 percent, respectively, while duties on imported goods like tobacco, cigarettes, and gray baft, a form of cloth used to make dresses, increased 33 percent, 33 percent, and 100 percent, respectively. The deteriorating terms of trade led to the impoverishment of women, and once the rumor spread that they would be taxed, the Women’s War started.

Another important cause of the protest was rooted in the political transformation resulting from the British indirect-rule policy. According to some historians, the Women’s War stems from the military occupation of the Igbo area by the British in the early 1900s and the ”warrant chiefs” they appointed to administer the various communities. The society’s traditional authority holders, who feared that they would be punished for resisting the invaders, did not come forward to receive the “certificates” or “warrants” the British issued to appointed chiefs. As a result, the majority of warrant chiefs were young men who were not the legitimate authority-holders in the indigenous political system. The appointment of warrant chiefs as representatives of the local people was contrary to the political ideology and republican ethos of the Igbo people.

The appointment of warrant chiefs intensified conflicts in the society, as evidenced by the Native Courts Proclamation of 1901, which conferred exclusive judicial functions on the new chiefs in their communities. The village councils were denied their traditional functions, and worse still, cases involving abominations were punished without the ritual propitiations and sacrifices necessary for ”cleansing the earth” and restoring moral equilibrium. Women were particularly upset by the desacralization of laws, and during the protests they called for the restoration of the old order.

The British-appointed warrant chiefs also abused their offices to enrich themselves, in part because they were paid meager allowances that could not sustain their newly acquired prestige and lifestyle. Virtually all of them established private courts in their compounds, where they settled disputes. They also used their headman to collect fines and levies, thus alienating members of their community.

Similarly, the executive functions the warrant chiefs performed for the British government, including the recruitment of men for forced labor to build railways, roads, and government guest houses, heightened their unpopularity. During the protests, women complained about forced labor, claiming that it increased their workload by depriving them of the services they received from their husbands in farming and the production of palm produce. Women were also concerned about the emerging urban centers, which had become hubs for those engaged in prostitution and other vices that the women believed polluted the land.

CONSEQUENCES The British government authorized civil and military officers to suppress the disturbances, and district officers were granted the right to impose fines in the disaffected areas as compensation for damages to property and as a deterrent against future riots. On January 2, 1930, the government also appointed a commission of inquiry to investigate the roots of the disturbances in Calabar province.

The commission submitted a short report on January 27, 1930, but due to the report’s limited scope, the government appointed a second commission on February 7, 1930, to cover Owerri and Calabar provinces. The commission began its work at Aba on March 10, 1930, and submitted its report on July 21. The report convinced the government to carry out many administrative reforms, including the abolition of the warrant chief system, a reorganization of the native courts to include women members, and the creation of village-group councils whose decisions were enforced by group courts.

The achievements of the Women’s War are remarkable, and an analysis of the roots of the protests indicate that the women were concerned about the abuses of the warrant chief system, the rapid pace of social change, and the fear that they would be taxed. Their solidarity was reinforced by their common religious ideas and values and the moral revulsion they expressed over acts of sacrilege.

Although the government suppressed the protests ruthlessly to avoid future disturbances, Igbo women mounted similar protests during the 1930s and 1940s against the introduction of oil mills and the mechanization of palm production, which undermined their economic interests. A discussion of the Igbo Women’s War provides a broad picture of British colonialism in Africa, the difficulties involved in imposing a foreign administration on indigenous peoples, and the crucial role women played in a primary resistance movement before the emergence of modern Nigerian nationalism.

Khalfani Malik Khaldun Indiana New Afrikan Political Prisoner 30 Years, 20 Years in Solitary Confinement

Furaha Kuzaliwa Khalfani Malik Khaldun Political Prisoner Birthday New November Photo 2017

Brother Khalfani longtime political prisoner, and author of the Handbook on Surviving Solitary Confinement, he is a Muslim and New Afrikan revolutionary educator who professes a strong sense of radical politics and culture. He Has Been in Prison over 30 Years.

Send Some Love and Light to

Khalfani Malik Khaldun
(Leonard McQuay 874304)
Wabash Valley Corr. Fac.
P.O. Box 1111,
Carlisle, IN 47838


Khalfani Malik Khaldun

“Doing time creates a demented darkness of my own imagination; doing time does this thing to you. But of course you don’t do time, you do without it, and other times it does you. Time is a cannibal that devours the flesh of your years day by day, bite by bite.”
Comrade Leonard Peltier

Since 1987 I have been on a journey of growth and development, forced to live and grow up in a controlled environment: the Indiana Department of Corruption. Society may not know this, or simply taken the time to see it this way. Prisons are only a microcosm of the larger society. The daily realities that occur in society also occur in prison, if on a smaller scale.

Updated Addresses Of Political Prisoners & Prisoners Of War



Khalfani Malik Khaldun website


Who Are New Afrikan Political Prisoners And Prisoners Of War – Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPL NAIM 11-30-52 ADM


Black Panther Party World Revolution Solidarity , Biafra , Panther Rally ( Joan Bird , Afeni Shakur, Charles Kenyatta ) Photos 1971 Harlem New York

Hey The article claimed that U.S. imperialism, however, was nearing the “end of its rope” as U.S. black Americans continued to fight against racial oppression and student movements continued to make progress against the U.S. American monopolistic structure (p. 8). In some instances, Panthers underscored the practices of U.S.-backed governments, such as the Brazilian administration. According to the newspaper, the Brazilian government was a “pro-U.S. dictatorship” that sought to repress the “people’s movement.” Recent government actions against protestors proved that the “dictatorial” regime would relentlessly pursue a more brutal repression against the people (“Brazilian Struggle Will Continue,” 1968, p. 2). On July 26, 1969, the paper reported that in another part of the world “heroic Palestinian women” were fighting against U.S.–Israeli “aggression” and that the war—which the Israel government began with “U.S. support against Arab countries” in 1967—was pushing Palestinian women to stage demonstrations and, pushing them to join the guerrillas (“The Heroic Palestinian Women,” 1969, p. 7).


These examples show how the Panthers were concerned with Western imperialism and with other political conflicts that were supported by U.S. authorities. Panther members attempted to show how Western imperialism, in the quest for power, also affected the people of Africa, causing violent civil wars among tribal groups. The Nigerian- Biafra war lasted approximately three years in the late 1960s and resulted from a secession of the southeastern regions of Nigeria into the Republic of Biafra. In response to this war, the newspaper informed readers about an exiled “Nigerian socialist revolutionary,” Obi B. Egbuna, who accused British-American, “racist Peace Corps volunteers” for promoting tribal rivalry in Africa. Egbuna also attributed the war to Britain and American neo-colonialism (“BritishAmerican Pigs,” 1968, p. 12). Here, a reader could find an “expert” opinion about the Nigerian

Civil War, which occurred seven years after the country gained independence from Britain. On the same page that included several pictures of soldiers fighting, the writers reported that Nigerian troops were provided with British and American weapons. They wrote that the Biafran troops fought like guerillas, “fighting a war as blacks with soul, not much else,” as their weapons were often taken from dead Nigerian troops. The Black Panther Movement leader Obi Egbuna a Biafran Author Also was arrested for obstructing police.

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI Biafra: Nigeria Stop The Killing Of Igbo People From New Afrikans in The United States

The Black Panther reader learned more about the impact of Western foreign practices in articles like this one. Several armed struggles against imperialism also occurred in Mozambique, Angola, Guinea and Zimbabwe. One article published a picture of Patrice Lumumba—an independence leader and the first Prime Minister legally elected in the Republic of the Congo who was overthrown and assassinated shortly thereafter—with a caption reading: “Martyred leader of the revolutionary struggle in Congo was a victim of capitalist inspired violence and terrorism…” (“The True Culture,” 1969, p. 15). Another picture depicted “freedom fighters” in Angola, Guinea and Mozambique, all participating in military training or in the midst of fighting “colonialists” (“African Patriotic Armed,” 1969, p. 14).

Haki Kweli Shakur 11-29-52ADM


The Panthers called for the independence of African nations, but also openly declared their support for armed struggles that attempted to fight colonialism and imperialism throughout the continent. The newspaper informed their readers of what was going on in Africa and how others were fighting the same powers who continued to practice racial oppression back home. Telling readers about the “world revolution,” therefore, became integral in The Black Panther as it sought to mobilize black communities in the U.S., encouraging them to fight against both U.S. racism and imperialism. As the paper continued to demonstrate to its readers that groups abroad were fighting Western imperialism and colonialism, it argued that the U.S. was losing the battle in the global world. It suggested that “armed struggles of the Arab, African and Latin American peoples…developed rapidly…and the struggle of workers, students…[were] surging forward

The British Crown Royal Family/Monarch, Royal African Company Wealth Came From The African Slave Trade

The connections between the British royal family and slavery.

The Duke of York’s slave business concern branded the initials “DY” on the left buttock or breast of each of the 3000 slaves they shipped to what were called the “sugar islands” in the Caribbean.

Later, Charles II was a shareholder in the Royal African Company, which made vast profits from the slave trade. The SLAVE TRADE: THE STORY OF THE ATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE: 1440 – 1870
award-winning British historian Hugh Thomas

In the 1680s it was transporting about 5,000 slaves per year. Many were branded with the letters ‘DY’, after its chief, the Duke of York, who succeeded his brother on the throne in 1685, becoming James II. Other slaves were branded with the company’s initials, RAC, on their chests.

Between 1672 and 1689 it transported around 90,000-100,000 slaves. Its profits made a major contribution to the increase in the financial power of those who controlled London.

The British royal family and slavery
In 1632, King Charles I first granted a licence to transport slaves from Guinea. In 1651, a new Guinea Company in London was founded. The term for coinage the Guinea comes from this historic connection. After the revolution of 1688 the trade was thrown open, and in 1713 an English company obtained the privilege of supplying the Spanish colonies in America, South and Central, for thirty years, stipulating to deliver 144,000 negro slaves within that period. One quarter of the stock of the company was taken by King Philip V. of Spain, and Queen Anne of England reserved for herself the other quarter. So the two monarchs became great slave-dealers.

The British Crown controlled the slave trade.
Britain never never shall be slaves. If we set aside the nationalist simplicity, the historical inaccuracy (several centuries of effective Roman enslavement of Britain, the Norman invasion and conquer, the later Hunoverian rule by scheme, etc..) we have left somewhat of a boast, a Freudian boast.
Irish Community Images The British Crown, the English monarchy and their sanctioned elite peer group, of course built most of their personal fortunes via slavery and other crimes against humanity.
The British Crown made much of their vast personal wealth from the human slave trade. The transportation of people, especially Irish and African slaves to their Colonies in the new world.

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI The British Monarch Controlled The Slave Trade



The British Queen or Crown monarchy has never apologized for their evil or paid a cent in reparations.
On the contrary, instead of showing any sign of acknowledgement and remorse for their intrinsic role in the human slave trade, the British Crown monarchy and supportive Westminster Politicians, have no shame, they even perversely try and present themselves, Britain as the key to emancipation of Human slaves. That is a selective account, a romantic short story. In historical fact the Crown continued to make wealth from their connections to the trade in the effective slavery and purposeful impoverishment of humans, to at least the 20th C. The British like to present the Royal navy as a sort of worlds sea police for humanity, the whole story of the history of the Royal Navy is however very different to that simplistic British propaganda. The Royal navy was used for centuries to enforce the slave trade, they were the main protectors of the slave traders and ships.

A key figure in the slave trade was a resident of Deptford and pirate, Sir John Hawkins. The Church of St. Nicholas contains a statue of William Hawkins, his brother, which was erected by Hawkins, then Treasurer of the Royal Navy in 1589. Described as “the English father of the slave trade”, he lived in the Treasurers House at Deptford Dockyard and made his first slaving trip from England in 1562. In the The Open Veins of Latin America, Eduardo Galerno describes how Elizabeth 1 became a business partner of Captain John Hawkins. His first slave expedition in 1562 was made with a fleet of three ships and 100 men. He smuggled 300 slaves out of Portuguese Guinea “partly by the sworde, and partly by other meanes”. According to James Walvin writing in Black Ivory, Hawkins sold the slaves in Hispaniola, and filled his ships with “hides, ginger, sugars, and some quantities of pearles”. A year after leaving England, Hawkins returned to England “with properous successe and much gaine to himself and the aforesayde adventurers”.

When Hawkins told her that in exchange for the slaves, he had a cargo of sugar, ginger, hides and pearls, “she forgave the pirate, and became his business partner”. She supported him by loaning him for a second expedition, The Jesus of Lubeck, a 700 ton vessel purchased for Henry VIII for the Royal Navy.

Anim-Addo notes from the official Navy records how the slave trade was to “enrich England for centuries to come . . . and correspondingly depopulate and impoverish Africa”:

The man of the fleet (Royal Navy) were kept busy going ashore every day to capture the Negroes, burning and spoiling their towns, and many were taken . . . by the 21st December, the raiding parties had taken all the Negroes they could find and had also carried on board as much fruit . . .

As business increased, and he made himself rich, Hawkins reputation soared within slaving circles. On his third slaving expedition in 1567, for which Elizabeth’s I’s investment increased to two ships, he was accompanied by Sir Francis Drake. On this particular journey they “had obtained between four and five hundred Negroes, wherewith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seek the coast of the West Indies”.

‘The slave trade was seen as the nursery of seamen�

Queen Elizabeth I ordered Sir John Hawkins in 1652 to begin the slave trade and, joined by his cousin, Sir Francis Drake, they began bringing Negroes from Africa to the New World. The British Crown then spent years forcing their colonies in North America to accept slaves. For example, the British Crown overruled the Georgia Colony’s strong objection to the Triangle Trade slave trade, which from 1735 to 1751 4 had banned slavery as a moral evil. On Monday, December 10th, 1770, while in council King George III issued under his own hand the following command to the Governor of Virginia: “ upon pain of the highest displeasure, to assent to no law by which the importation of slaves should be in any respect prohibited or obstructed.” � King George III

The British Royal Navy supposed heroes were in reality all human slave traders for centuries.
So called Knights and Sir’s, such as Hawkins and Frobisher, Francis Drake and Walter Raleigh, were human slavers. These were brutes, traffickers in humans. These were evil mass murderers of women and children, they were not brave heroic or remotely admirable. Sir Francis Drake: Slave Trader and Pirate
‘We pray you buy as many lusty negers as she well can carry, and so despatch her to the Barbados’.
Members of the British royal family were the first members of a European royal family to go to West Africa – and purpose of the visit was slavery. In 1660, after the Restoration of Charles II, a new slave-trading company was set up in London called the Royal Adventurers into Africa. The unemployed Duke of York, the brother of King Charles II was the President of the new company which was given a monopoly of the English African trade for 1,000 years. Princess Henrietta (‘Minette’), the King’s sister, also had a share Investors, who were known as “The Royal Adventurers”, each of invested �250 in the enterprise, and included most of the important politicians of the time: for example, the King’s friend the Duke of Buckingham, Lord Craven, Lord Ashley, the Duke of Albermarle (General Monck), Lord Arlington, Lord Berkeley, Lord Crofts, Henry Jermyn (a prominent Catholic), and Lord Sandwich, the admiral who had brought back King Charles II from exile in Holland. The King’s brother, the unemployed Duke of York, became President. In total, there were four members of the royal family, two dukes, a marquess, five earls, four barons, and seven knights.

When a new charter was issued for the company of Adventurers in January 1663, shareholders now included King Charles II, the Queen Mother, Henrietta Maria, and the Duke of York (who invested �2,000). Other included new Queen, Catherine of Braganza (whose dowry of �330,000 was partly financed slave traders), and Samuel Pepys. The, so-called “philosopher of liberty”, John Locke was another subscriber. As noted by Thomas:

“The profits which could be made from trading slaves had by then been appreciated in England.”

Thus, as Thomas observes, the commitment by the royal family to the African slave trade was strong. Few people know the origin of the money once used in England called “guineas” – but it will come as no surprise to know that the coin was named after a country in West Africa where the British were heavily – and profitably – involved in the slave trade. In 1663, it was agreed that some of the gold brought back from the Gold Coast region (present day Ghana to Guinea) should be turned by the Royal Mint into coins with an elephant on one side. Because of there connection to the slave trade, Thomas points out, they “were popularly called ‘guineas’ from the beginning”. The coin was made until 1813, and the unit of currency continued in use till the abolition of the old shilling in 1967.

In 1665 the company of Adventurers estimated its annual return from gold as �200,000, from slaves as �100,000, and from ivory, wax, hides, woods, grain (pepper) as another �100,000. It had had assured the King that:

“The very being of the plantations depends upon the supply of negro servants for their works” Hugh Thomas in The Slave Trade: The History of the Atlantic Slave Trade 1440-1870 (Picador, London, UK, 1997)

The Royal Adventurers company was wound up in 1672 and in its place, the Royal African Company (RAC) founded. The Governor and largest shareholder, was James, Duke of York. The directors also included four proprietors of plantations in Carolina (Lord Shaftesbury, Lord Craven, Sir George Carteret, Commissioner for Trade and Plantations; and Sir John Colleton, a landowner in Barbados as well as Carolina) – as well as Lord Berkeley, “the first peer . . . to collect directorships”. The shareholders also included over the years, fifteen of the lord mayors of London, twenty-five sheriffs of London, and again, John Locke. Between 1672 and 1689, the company exported just under 90,000 slaves into the West Indies. A further 75,000 slaves were sent to British North America, and sold onto plantations in the 13 colonies, between 1673 and 1725, according to Thomas.

Thus it is clear that much of London’s early wealth was generated by the Slave trade, with the involvement of many prominent people at the time – from John Locke to Samuel Pepys, most of the merchants in the City of London seemed to have a hand in it, along with the involvement of the British royal family from the 16th century to the 18th century.

Australia, the Crown involvement in the human slave trade continued in cynical disguise. The Crown planted countless poor and innocent Irish and others in their colonies, the Crown cynically used offenses against their own Crown laws as a excuse to populate and thereby steal from Australia and where ever else they could make profits around the world. The British have occupied our dear land. Our commerce and industry has been ruined. They have plundered and looted the wealth of Hindustan and brought famine and plague. More than 90 million Hindustanis do not even have one square meal a day. Thirty million have died due to famine and plague. They are sending all our produce and grains to England. Brave Hindis! Awaken from your sleep. What is our duty at this time? Our duty at this time is to prepare an army to fight against British rule in India which is the root of all our problems. This is not the time for talk. This is the time for war. How long will you wait? How long will the world keep calling you slaves? Ghadar Party Statement 1914  To put the shameless and disgraceful behavior of the English Crown today in some logical context, their current behavior and attitude would be like the successors children of a successful Third Reich, eventually preaching it was now time to tell the world that the Jews are human and deserving of freedom.

The British Crown monarchy are extreme hypocrites, they made their money from every crime, but especially the human slave trade and drug trafficking in their Opium wars. They only stopped actively controlling, promoting and blessing the slave trade when the advent of the industrial age and modern capitalism made slavery somewhat expensive.

The effects of the British Crown monarchy terrorism around the world were devastating, they encouraged ignorance and idolatry of themselves upon native peoples,. They did so for gain, personal profits.
Noble & Gracious Queens? The British Crown monarchy was the H.Q. control behind the Human Slave trade The British Crown monarchy were slave traders.

The real history of the supposed Royals of England. Britain fully entered the slave trade in 1660 when Charles II helped found a new company called �Royal Adventures into Africa�. The company was granted a monopoly on the British slave trade for 1000 years, and its members included the royal family and the aristocracy. Two years after its foundation the company had made a profit of �1m. The company wound up in 1672, but after minor changes in staff, shareholders and its charter, was reformed as the Royal African Company, and once again received Royal Protection. The King�s warrant stated:

�We hereby for us, our heirs and successors grant unto the same Royal African Company of England�that it shall be and may be lawful to�.set to sea such as many ships, pinnaces, and barks as shall be thought fitting�.for the buying, selling, bartering and exchanging of, for or with any gold, silver, negroes, slaves, goods wares and manufactures� In colonies such as Barbados, Jamaica and Saint-Domingue (modern day Haiti) outstanding profits were made on the backs of the enslaved African labour force.

The British Royal navy protected slave ships It is estimated that the Crown profited from around 4 million enslaved Africans, who were traded mainly to the Americas in British ships. Profits made on these voyages were often very large.

For instance, in the seventeenth century, the Royal Africa Company could buy an enslaved African with trade goods worth �3 and have that person sold for �20 in the Americas. The Royal Africa Company was able to make an average profit of 38% per voyage in the 1680s.

Although average profits on successful slave voyages from Britain in the late eighteenth century were less � at around 10% � this was still a big profit. The love of sugar that developed in Britain and other European populations meant the demand for sugar could only be met by the expansion of the slave trade to keep the plantations busy.

Many slaves died during the journey from Africa to the new world, so British Crown slavers packed as many slaves as possible into the holds of their ships to compensate for those that would die. There was no sanitation on board the ships. The slaves were so tightly packed together that they could not turn, and they were given barely enough food, drink or air to keep them alive. Disease spread rapidly through the slaves and the dead often remained alongside the living for days. It has been estimated that 10% of slaves died on each crossing, and as many as thirty percent on a bad voyage.

This horrific trade saw between seven million and ten million (although no accurate records were kept) Africans shipped across the Atlantic to colonies in the Americas. It was commonplace for a slaveship to lose a quarter of her cargo before reaching port (doing the mathematics means around two million Africans died on English slave-ships), the corpses would have been thrown overboard.

Bristol along with Liverpool was a main centre with more than two thousand slaving ships being fitted out in Bristol during its peak. Much of Bristol’s wealth was tied in to the trading of slaves which provided the money to purchase goods to bring back into Britain such as sugar, coffee and tobacco.

Between 1697 and 1807, 2,108 known ships left Bristol to make the trip to Africa and onwards across the Atlantic with slaves. Profits from the slave trade ranged from 50% to 100% during the early 18th century. Bristol was already a comparatively wealthy city prior to this trade; as one of the three points of the slave triangle (the others being Africa and the West Indies), the city prospered. This triangle was called the Triangular Trade.

Even after supposed emancipation in Britain.
British merchants continued to invest in the slave trade through Spanish, Portuguese and American traders. The slave trade was still legal in those countries, and British merchants supplied trade goods and banking capital to foreign slave traders.

The slave trade worked on the triangular model, making a profit on each stage of the voyage. Ships left Bristol with a cargo of cotton, brass, copper, gin or muskets, which were bartered for slaves with the West African traders. The ships then embarked on the Middle Passage to the West Indies or America where the surviving slaves were sold at a profit, often to plantation owners originally from Bristol.

Naturally, the Africans fought the traders sent to capture them and many committed suicide when they were captured; thousands more were killed in mutinies or died in the dreadful conditions at sea. Perhaps most shocking of all, there is evidence of Bristol captains drowning their entire cargo of diseased slaves so that the loss could be claimed on the owners� insurance as legal jettison�.

The Bristol slave ship the Jason. On her one recorded slaving voyage in 1748, she carried 70 crew to look after the 600 slaves. Only 340 slaves survived the voyage to Jamaica, in the Caribbean. This could have been due to a number of reasons. Lives could have been lost due to sickness, slaves committing suicide, or poor treatment by the crew.

Slaving voyages were considered to be very high risk, however the possible profits to be gained were also high and many were willing to take the chance.

The last leg of the triangular trade was the return back to Bristol, this is known as the �return passage� . The slave ships would have left Bristol many months before for West Africa. Once there they traded for enslaved Africans, whom they then took across the Atlantic Ocean to the European-owned plantations in America and the Caribbean. Once they had sold their cargo of slaves, the ships crossed the Atlantic Ocean again on their journey back to Bristol. This time the ships� holds were filled, not with human beings, but with barrels of sugar, rum or tobacco.

This was a crime as great as the Holocaust.

But the British Crown have no shame or guilt, they just have the benefits of the profits of such extremes of evil.

The Crown got a percentage of tax take from every slave trader.Irish Community Images
Thomas Jefferson to write as follows in his first draft of the Declaration of Independence:

“He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, capturing and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur a miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the ‘Christian’ King of grate britain. Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative [his right to veto laws] for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.”

many famous institutions in London were built on the profits of the slave trade, according to research carried out by Dr Nick Merriman of the Museum of London. (These included Barclays Bank, founded by Alexander and David Barclay, who were among 84 Quaker slave traders operating in the West Indies according to the records of the Society of Friends. One bank closely connected with slavery and South East London was Barings Bank. It’s founder, Sir Francis Baring earned nearly �7 million from a business of dealing in slaves that went back 70 years. Baring Road in South East London is named after him. He was said to have his first money trading in slaves when he was just 16, indicating his family’s immense wealth and business connections with the West Indies. Thus, it is an outrage that this road (in the London Borough of Lewisham), has not been renamed.

The founding collection of pictures at the National Gallery in London, was given by John Julius Angerstein. He had built up his art collection with the money made from the slave trade, and his activities as one of Lloyd’s underwriters insuring the slavers. According to one historian, the Bank of England should well have been called the Bank of the West Indies, because of it’s involvement in slavery. Humphrey Morice, the Bank’s governor between 1716 and 1729, owned six slave ships. Sir Richard Neave, a director for 48 years, was chairman of the Society of West Indian Merchants. Slaves were sold on the London Royal Exchange and “other places of public resort” – many of them children. The British Crown monarchy built on human slave trade The British Crown monarchy controlled the slave trade.

Modern Day Slavery Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia ,Libya, Egypt , Still Own and Sell Black Africans Into Slavery

If We Gonna Talk About Slavery in Afrika Expose Them All! Mauritania While Many Are Just Now Aware Of Modern Slavery Do to Libya Let’s Remind You This Ain’t New! This been going on in Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt!
Highest number of slaves per capita in Mauritania The worst offender on a per capita basis is Mauritania, which, in 1981, was the last country to outlaw slavery. The practice was only criminalized there in 2007. Some 10 to 20 percent of the country’s 3.4 million residents are enslaved, according to estimates, millions of Africans continue to live as slaves The transatlantic slave-trade was officially abolished more than two centuries ago, but more than six million people in Africa continue to live under slave-like conditions, many of them in the sub-Saharan region. Total number of slaves on the African continent at 6.4 million, including 5.6 million in Sub-Saharan Africa and an additional 800,000 in the northern region, including #Morocco, #Algeria, #Tunisia, Libya and #Egypt. Modern day slavery continue Modern day slavery takes many forms, including bonded labor, child slavery, early and forced marriage, forced labor, descent-based slavery and trafficking. People are considered slaves when others have total control of their life.


They are forced to work, either by mental or physical threat, and treated as a commodity or bought and sold as property, according to the NGO Anti Slavery International. Worldwide, Mauritania was the last country to officially have abolished slavery in 1981, at least on paper. Around the world, there are numerous human rights laws on the books outlawing the practice, including the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights that states “no one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms”.

Inherited slavery is a key form of bondage practiced in Mauritania and other West African countries like Niger and Mali.





“It is a caste system,” Jakub Sobik, a spokesman for the London-based organization, told DW. “If you are born into a slave family you remain one.”

While the group focuses on descent-based slavery, which is very prevalent in West Africa, there are a multitude of others ways people are kept as slaves. These include debt bondage, sexual slavery and child slavery.

People in Somalia, Eritrea and Sudan face highest risk to become slaveS The top three countries whose residents are at risk for becoming slaves are all in Africa, according to the Global Slavery Index published in November 2014 by Walk Free, an Australian NGO.

Based on a country’s national anti-slavery and human rights policies, its social and economic development, governmental stability and women’s rights and level of discrimination, citizens of Somalia, Eritrea and Sudan are the most at risk for becoming slaves.

Traditions, like ones of slave castes, are far from the only problem. War and political instability have forced many African citizens to move to other parts of the continent and abroad and forced migration or emigration makes them vulnerable.


Haki kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI


Teenage boy with machine gun standing among a group of younger children Many children and adults uprooted by conflict are at risk to be exploited by armed groups. In Sudan, for example, there are at least 429,000 enslaved citizens, or 1.1 percent of the population. The country’s decades of civil war between the north and the breakaway south has enslaved thousands and a second civil war resulted in periodic raids on villages. Many local residents were subsequently enslaved to work as domestic or agricultural workers, with many women forced into marriages, and boys and men forced to join armed groups.



Mother Priscilla Baltimore May Have Founded The First Free New Afrikan Community Brooklyn Illinois From a Freedom Village

Brooklyn, Ill., is a small, predominantly African-American town, just across the Mississippi River from St. Louis.

What little revenue the town brings in comes mostly from strip clubs. But there’s more to Brooklyn than that.

Archaeologists from the Illinois State Archaeological Survey have been digging for evidence of Brooklyn’s pre-Civil-War past, trying to solve some of the mysteries about its origins.

Like Alton, its neighbor about 20 miles upriver, Brooklyn appears to have played a role in the Underground Railroad ― the secret network of routes and safe houses that African Americans used to escape from slavery.

But there are lingering questions about Brooklyn’s early days, and what life was really like for the first African Americans to settle there.

Oral tradition tells one story; written records, another. State archaeologists are hoping they can help resolve some of the apparent contradictions ― and get Brooklyn listed on the National Register of Historic Places for the town’s importance in African American history.

The most recent dig was at the corner of 6th and Madison Streets. The archaeologists were looking for evidence of the simple, wood-frame house that stood there in the mid-1800s. It belonged to Priscilla Baltimore, a former slave, who came to what is now Brooklyn and who may have founded one of the first free black communities in the United States.

What does the oral history say?

The story goes that in 1829, a woman named Priscilla Baltimore led 11 African American families from Missouri, a slave state, to Illinois where slavery was illegal.

Priscilla Baltimore, a former slave, came to the area of Brooklyn and founded a freedom village, [which is] basically a community where the residents could determine their own destiny.”

If that 1829 date is correct, it would make Brooklyn one of the earliest free black settlements to have survived to the present day.

Even though slavery was technically illegal in Illinois at that time, the state had “black codes” that restricted the lives of African Americans. If there was a freedom village in Brooklyn, it would likely have had to be clandestine, because anyone there who had escaped slavery would have lived under the threat of being recaptured.

Haki Kweli Shakur The Midwest Underground RailRoad ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI 11-28-52ADM 2017

Some people still believe that there is a tunnel running from somewhere in St. Louis all the way to the basement of Quinn Chapel A.M.E. Church in Brooklyn. The tunnel would have been an Underground Railroad escape route for African Americans fleeing slavery.

We know that Priscilla Baltimore lived an extraordinary life; written documentation bears that out.

She was born in Bourbon County, Kentucky, in 1801, the child of a white slave owner and one of his slaves.

Her father sold her into slavery at age 10. She was eventually bought by a Methodist missionary who ultimately allowed her to buy her own freedom which, according to newspaper accounts, took seven years.

Archaeologist Miranda Yancey-Bailey did most of the historical research for the recent archaeological dig in Brooklyn. She said once Baltimore was able to buy her way out of slavery, she went looking for her father who, by that time, had moved from Kentucky to southern Missouri. “She tracked him down and purchased her mother’s freedom,” Yancey-Bailey said. “From her father.”

Baltimore also helped found the A.M.E. church in Brooklyn, with the help of the well-known circuit-riding missionary, William Paul Quinn, for whom the Brooklyn chapel is named. She also helped found St. Paul’s A.M.E. church in St. Louis.

Yancey-Bailey’s research shows Priscilla, also known as “Mother” Baltimore, was clearly an influential figure with connections to government officials and church leaders. When she died in 1882, the St. Louis Daily Globe-Democrat published two articles about her ― a very unusual thing for a black woman at that time.

But for all that we know for certain, Yancey-Bailey said she hasn’t been able to find any documentary evidence of the Brooklyn freedom village or of Priscilla Baltimore’s role in it.

In fact, written records show Baltimore lived in St. Louis until the late 1830s. Yancey-Bailey said the first documentation she could find of Baltimore’s presence in the area of Brooklyn dates to 1839 ― ten years after she is said to have founded the freedom village.

Thomas Osburn, a white farmer, owned the land where Priscilla Baltimore and those first 11 African American families are said to have settled. According to Yancey-Bailey, Osburn had been living there for decades. He formally platted Brooklyn in 1837, along with four other white landowners.

After slavery was abolished, Brooklyn voted to officially incorporate. That was in 1873. It has remained a majority-black town ever since.

Why don’t the written and oral records match up, and which one is right?

According to historian Cheryl Janifer-Laroche, when it comes to understanding African American life under slavery, official documents don’t tell the whole story.

LaRoche, who has written about the Underground Railroad and free black communities such as the one in Brooklyn, puts her trust in the stories communities tell about themselves.

“If the oral record says that Priscilla Baltimore comes and starts this freedom village in ‘29, believe it,” LaRoche said. “She may go back to Missouri. She may move back and forth between places. She may start it and go home. But if the narrative says she led these families there, believe it.”

LaRoche said some of the details of any oral history may turn out to be wrong. But she maintains that many historians are too quick to dismiss such accounts altogether.

“History does not like ambiguity,” LaRoche said.

She believes archaeology can help fill in the gaps between the oral history and written record. “But the thing that dooms black history and dooms Underground Railroad history is that when evidence is not found using the conventional methods ― which are already skewed against this history to begin with ― we then we either dismiss or write out this history. We get rid of this oral history. And that’s a mistake,” LaRoche said.

Source Original Article:


Geronimo Pratt JiJaga Every Black Man and Woman is a Political Prisoner Do To The Socioeconomic Conditions We Live Under

The 15-year-old African-American prisoner sat outside his cell reading intently, taking advantage of quiet time, as he was the only prisoner in the cell block of building three at the Connecticut Juvenile Training School in Middletown.

The guard at the security console in the sterile main hall of the cell block sat quietly, too, but the 14 of us Quinnipiac University School of Law students taking a tour on Friday, February 23, with our two guides, were noisy, talking through the educational experience of visiting such a facility.

We were alone in the living quarters, which almost felt like a dorm but for the prison accoutrements. The other prisoners who lived there were playing basketball or hanging out over at the Boys Club on campus.

While some law students mingled in front of the guard station, and others tried to comprehend teenaged life in the tiny cells, I wandered over and said hello to the prisoner.

I asked him what he was reading. “Last Man Standing,” he said, the story of Black Panther Geronimo Ji Jaga. The young man seemed engrossed, so I didn’t want to bother him, but he said it was a good book. I told him we were from QUSL and just taking a tour.

Then we had to move along. I had never heard of Ji Jaga before. Formerly known as Elmer Pratt, Geronimo Ji Jaga was a political prisoner. He spent 27 years locked up in California prisons for a crime he didn’t commit. Johnnie Cochran defended him in the murder trial in 1970, and called it his toughest case ever because of state shenanigans.

Ji-Jaga now lives in his home of Louisiana, still fighting the good fight. All that time changes a man, Ji Jaga told Essence magazine in November 1997.

“There’s a quote I like from Henry David Thoreau, who was a hell of a rebel on his own,” Ji Jaga said. “I think it was Civil Disobedience, where he said, ‘In a society that imprisons unjustly, the only place for a just man is in prison.’ That makes all the sense in the world to me. It’s war in prison.”

It’s war out here, too. But the Essence interviewer followed up: “Do you have any sense of how many Black men and women may be inside for political reasons?”

Ji Jaga, straight, no chaser: “You may call me crazy [but I believe] that because of our socioeconomic conditions, every Black man and woman in prison is, in fact, a political prisoner. Every one, bar none. If you’ve got money, you’re not going to prison,” he said.

That 15 year old knows it. And after my tour of three of the six buildings at the facility, I feel a little closer to Ji Jaga’s truth, too. Out of about 98 inmates at CJTS, ranging in age from 14 to 18, not a one is white, according to one of our two tour guides.

The boys – about 75 black, and maybe 23 Latinos – come from Hartford, New Haven, Bridgeport, Danbury, Waterbury and Torrington, our guide said. While the population shifts regularly, the white inmate is rare.

He didn’t have the exact numbers. He’s a shift supervisor, rank-and-file in 1199 SEIU, not a bureaucrat, and he said the muckety-mucks don’t tell him racial breakdowns or recidivism rates. He and his staff know it by observation.


But a kid has to do something to get in here, they assure us. All these boys have done something, been arrested eight or nine times at the minimum.

If a 13 year old catches a charge for say, marijuana, where the white kid in the suburbs has parents who can afford a lawyer, this boy can’t. And he avoids prison the first few times. like Philip K. Dick said, once they have a file on you, they always do.

So then he violates probation because he gets caught in the hallway in high school without a pass. And he ends up in CJTS. That happens.

Some of the boys are in there for probation violations, some violent offenses, some drugs, some guns, our guides said.

We got lucky with our guides. If we got DCF administrators, we would have had a completely different tour. I never would have been able to interact the young man focused in Ji Jaga’s life.

Nor could I could have talked to the four teens sitting in front of the television at the on-prison Boys’ Club lounge, where we went after the dormitory experience.

I walked over and told them we were QUSL students. I explained how law school takes three to four years to complete, and that we were all in different stages of the process.

Anyone can go to law school, I said. Some of us here have even caught charges, I said. They looked at me like I was crazy. Honest, I said, I got nailed for breach of peace and interfering with an officer for standing on a sidewalk taking pictures. I go back to court March 2.

They were dumbfounded. Or maybe it was the smell of hot Chinese take out settling across the common area of the Boys and Girls Club on campus. Jamie, a 3L, came over and asked one of them how he thought living in CJTS was.

In a word, he said it sucked. I didn’t want to ask him that. I always figured that it wouldn’t be fun to live in a $57 million detention facility for wayward youth, especially where the main movers behind the no-bid contract that built it, including a governor, his chief of staff and a construction magnate, all ended up in jail.

While John G. Rowland and his cronies ended up in federal country clubs, and now are all back on the streets, the boys who live in CJTS pay the price of their corruption. The public policy which begat CJTS was avarice and greed.

I wish I had the time to sit down and explain all this to the young men in CJTS, sitting in the Boys’ Club salon next to foosball and air hockey tables. But they already know the story, and can fill in the remaining blanks with their own details. Our tour had to move on, to see more in the newly-refurbished Boys Club.

The only reason a Boys Club exists on campus is because DCF deemed the highest security of the four dormitories too restrictive for the overall philosophy of the program, which seems to have migrated from punishment to rehabilitation.

D CF decided to try art therapy instead. So the state has converted the cells, featuring stainless steel toilet/sink combos, into really, really expensive art closets.



There are 250 video cameras across campus, some of which captured the beatings in Youth Rights’ Media movie, and the cameras in this Boys Club have been rendered somewhat ineffective by the change of heart. The expensive console sits empty.

Our tour guides explained that boys who were locked down in this maximum security facility started flushing their sheets down the toilets and blocking the sinks and flooding the rooms. I wondered why that didn’t happen in the old Long Lane, which had the same kind of toilet-sink combos in the rooms, or the facility in Ohio that CJTS was modeled after?

During John Rowland’s ten month stay in a federal penitentiary, he lived in cells much larger than the ones he conspired to build, according to our guides. They also said that his prison had a golf course, too. As taxpayers carry a prime debt load on CJTS, the buildings are outdated after only being in use for five years.

In the main visiting room, taxpayers financed a non-contact visiting room, where phones sit on either side of a large pane of glass. The room is not used for visits, our guides said, because if the kids are so off-the-wall that they need such security for a visit, they can’t come down at all.

But the very fact that the room exists is the problem. How does the presence of that room affect people who work there? It isn’t church.

Even Governor M. Jodi Rell has suggested knocking CJTS down and replacing it by 2008. But nothing that larges moves that rapidly in this state. So we will continue to incarcerate a minority population on a campus that from a quick glance, could be homey, almost like a New England prep school, with a view of tree-lined rolling hills to the east and spectacular pink sunsets to the west.

One of our QUSL students suggested that the inmates could get used to it, and it was probably better for them than surviving on the mean streets. They get three squares a day inside. Would that young man have the opportunity to read Geronimo Ji Jaga on the outside?

She even said CJTS seemed too comfortable, that the boys shouldn’t have the opportunity to feast on a Friday night on greasy lo mein and fortune cookies. They’ve done something wrong, punish them.

I realized later that night, home safe, that if it is better for them inside, yet inside is so horrible a place, where solitary confinement cells greet prisoner-youth at the dormitory doors, how bad must it be outside and why must we subject young people to the hell of the outside part, where on your way home from high school in Hartford, you can get jumped by two teen girls and have them try to cut one of your fingers off with a pair of dull scissors?

When one of our out-of-state QUSL students asked if there was a facility in Connecticut like CJTS for girls, our guides said no. Teen girls live in various facilities across the state, they said.

Some live in Stepping Stone in Farmington. Some are in York Correctional for Women in Niantic, even though they aren’t 18. But that is standard practice.

Connecticut’s adult prisons feature more children under age 18 than any other state in the nation, according to a well-reported indictment by Colin Poitras printed in the Courant, Thursday, March 22.

The Nutmeg state’s 383 youth in real jails outranks New York’s 223, Florida’s 185, North Carolina’s 169 and Texas’ 167. This isn’t company we want to keep, especially not when these states have populations 10 times ours, and are known as death penalty havens like Florida and Texas.

Yeesh. So other teenaged female inmates live in Riverview Psychiatric Hospital, despite the fact that the girls have never been diagnosed with any mental illness, our guides said. Add the lack of a cohesive DCF strategy to handle teen girls to the list of problems.

And despite the fact that CJTS isn’t designed to deal with boys on psychotropic medicines, about 50 percent of them currently there take prescription medications, our guides told us. Another 50 percent of the boys locked inside CJTS are fathers. I don’t remember the percentage of kids in special education on campus, but it was high.

Our guides weren’t sure of the overlap on all three. But doesn’t it kind of doom the children of those children? They happened to be born to a family where one parent is in jail, and the other one was stuck in a place – the city- whose imagery invokes such misery that people could mistake prison as a safer, better place.

Those children, the babies now, they are probably the ones who will be filling CJTS in 14 years from now. What are we doing to insure that doesn’t occur? That is the policy question we must answer.

When those children can see their fathers, it’s only for two hours at a time, either at on weekday nights or a few more hours than that on the weekends. The way the hours are staggered, with two before noon and three in the afternoon, inmates can’t eat lunch with their families.

A friend of mine was too old for CJTS when he started his four-year bid for shooting up a convenience store trying to get money to cop some PCP. Dude lived in various prisons across Connecticut, including little Cheshire, big Cheshire and Carl Robinson (when Michael Ross was executed), and was released in early January.

Yeah, at times, he said, it was easier inside. There was a routine. But during his time, he said he learned to ask one question two ways: How come DOC produces only monsters? When will DOC start to turn out geniuses?

I hope that young man sitting outside his cell devouring the words of Geronimo Ji Jaga will be one of the geniuses. In fact, I hope all of the 98 inmates currently housed there someday earn their way into Mensa, in spite of their current living conditions.

New Afrikan Political Prisoners & Prisoners Of War Addresses

Sanyika Shakur/ Kody Scott # BD5778
Palm Hall
PO BOX 441
Chino, CA 91708

Abdul Olugbala Shakur (s/n J. Harvey), C-48884, KVSP B2-117  P.O. Box 5102 Delano,CA 93216

Heshima Denham, J-38283,KVSP B2-117, P.O. Box 5102 Delano,CA 93216

Kijana Tashiri Askari, s/n Marcus Harrison, H-54077, KVSP B2-101, P.O. Box 5102, Delano, CA 93216

Sitawa Nantambu Jamaa, s/n R.N. Dewberry C35671
P.O. BOX 1050
Soledad, CA 93960-1050
U.S.A. Email: Prisonerhumanrightsmovement @ gmail.com

Kwame Shakur (Michael Joyner)  149677, Pendleton CF, 4490 W. Reformatory Rd., Pendleton IN 46064.

Mutope Duguma (s/n J. Crawford), D-05996, CSP Calipatria B-5, C-246 – P.O. Box 5005, Calipatria, CA 92233-5005

Bro. Khalfani Malik Khaldun
Leonard McQuay #874304
Wabash Valley CF
P.O. Box 1111
Carlisle IN 47838

Kevin Rashid Johnson #158039
Florida State Prison
P.O. Box 800
Raiford, FL 32083

Abdul Azeez – VIRGIN ISLAND 5
Contact Information
Prison Address
Warren Ballantine #16-047
Central Arizon Florence Corr Complex, P.O. Bo 6300
Florence, AZ 85132
United States

Mumia Abu Jamal – Black Panther Party – Move
Contact Information
Prison Address
#AM 8335 SCI- Mahanoy
Frackville, PA 17932
United States

Acoli-Sundiata (Squire) – Black Panther Party-New African
Contact Information
Prison Address
#39794-066 FCI Cumberland,
P.O.Box 1000
Cumberland, MD 21501
United States

Contact Information
Prison Address
##AM4975–SCI Dallas, Follies Road,
Drawer -K
Dallas, PA 18612-0286
United States

Contact Information
Prison Address
#006307–451 Fullerton Ave,
Cambridge Springs,, PA 16403-1238
United States

Contact Information
Prison Address
#AM4985–SCI Dallas, Follies Road,
Drawer K,
Dallas, PA 18612-0286
United States

Contact Information
Prison Address
#AM4974–301 Morea Road,
Frackville, PA 17932
United States

#006308–451 Fullerton Ave,
Cambridge Springs, PA 16403-1238

Contact Information
Prison Address
#AM4973–SCI Graterford,
Box 244 Grateford, PA 19426-0244
United States

AL-AMIN JAMIL ABDULLAH – Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee
Contact Information
Prison Address
#99974-555 USP Tucson,
P.O. Box 24550,
Tucson, AZ 85734
United States

Herman Bell – Black Panther Party
Contact Information
Prison Address
#79C0262 Shawangunk Correctional Facility
P.O.Box 700
Wallkill, NY 12589
United States

Contact Information
Prison Address
#77A4283 Sullivan Correctional Facility,
P.O. Box 116
Fallsburg, NY 12733-0116
United States

Contact Information
Prison Address
#35316-136–FMC Butner
Box 1600
Butner, NC 27509
United States

Contact Information
Prison Address
#39384-066 USP Canaan,
P. O. Box 300
Waymart,, PA 18472
United States

Romaine Chip Fitzgerald – Contact Information
Prison Address
#B-27527 CSP-LAC
P.O.Box 4490 B-4-150
Lancaster,, CA 93539
United States
Birthday: April 11, 1949
Affiliation: Black Panther Party- Longest held Black Panther Political Prisoner

Contact Information
Prison Address
#96639-011 Residential Reentry Office
P.O. Box 13901
Seattle, WA 98198
United States

Contact Information
Prison Address
Central Arizona Florence Corr Complex
P.O. Box 6300
Florence, AZ 85132
United States
Address envelope Beaumont Gereu

Contact Information
Prison Address
#74-A-2280–Sullivan Correctional Facility,
P.O. Box 116,
Fallsburg, NY 12733-0116
United States
Birthday: October 15, 1948
Affiliation: Black Panther Party & Black Liberation Army

Contact Information
Prison Address
#0001150688 -Augusta State Medical Prison,
Bldg 23A-2, 3001 Gordon Highway,
Grovetown,, GA 30813
United States
Birthday: February 19
Affilition: Black Panther Party

HOOVER, LARRY – Political Prisoner
Contact Information
Prison Address
#86063-024-Florence ADMAX,
P.O. Box 8500,
Florence, CO 81226
United States
Birthday: November 30, 1950
Captured: 1973 –150 year

Contact Information
Prison Address
#92298-024 USP Florence ADMAX,
P.O. Box 8500
Florence, CO 81226
United States
Birthday: February 20, 1947
Affiliation: El Rukin
Captured: 1987: Setenced to 80 years

KHABIR, MAUMIN (MELVIN MAYES) – Muslim- Republic of New Afrika
Contact Information
Prison Address
#09891-000–Federal Medical Center Rochester
P.O. Box 4000
Rochester, MN 55903
United States
Birthday: September 15
Affiliation:El Rukin- Republic of New Afrika
Captured:1986: In Exile 9yrs. Captured 1995: Life sentence

LAKE, RICHARD MAFUNDI – African Peoples Survival Committee & Afrikan National Prison Organization (ANPO)
Contact Information
Prison Address
#079972–Donaldson Correctional Facility
100 Warrior Lane
Bessemer, AL 35023-7299
United States
Birthday: March 1, 1940
Affilition:African Peoples Survival Committee & Afrikan National Prison Organization (ANPO)
Captured: 1983: Life without parole

MAGEE, RUCHELL CINQUE – Political Prisoner
Contact Information
Prison Address
#A92051–B3-138 California Men’s Colony State Prison
P.O. Box 8101
San Luis Obispo,, CA 93409-8101
United States
Birthday: March 17
Capture: August 7, 1970

Contact Information
Prison Address
Central Arizona Florence Corr Complex
P.O. Box 6300
Florence, AZ 85132
United States
Address envelope to Merel Smith #16-024

Contact Information
Prison Address
#27767–Nebraska State Penitentiary
P.O. Box 2500
Lincoln, NE 68542
United States

Native Political Prisoner Of War
Peltier, Leonard – American Indian Movement -ANISHINAABE/LAKOTA
Contact Information
Prison Address
#89637-132 USP Coleman I
P.O. Box 1033
Coleman, FL 33521
United States
Birthday: September 12, 1944
Affiliation: Americam Indian Movemet
Captured: Feb. 6, 1976- 2 life sentences

Contact Information
Prison Address
#07G0632–Bedford Hills CF
P.O. Box 1000
Bedford Hills, NY 10507-2499
United States
Affiliation: Community Activists
Captured: 2007 – life plus 16 years.

Contact Information
Prison Address
#83205-012 Federal Correctional Complex
P.O. Box 3900
Adelanto, CA 92301
United States
Birthday: August 8, 1950
Affiliation: Republic of New Afrika
Captured: 1986: Sentenced to 60 years.

SHOATS, RUSSELL MAROON – Black Unity Council-Black Liberation Army
Contact Information
Prison Address
#AF-3855–SCI Graterford
P.O. Box 2440
Graterford, PA P19426-0246
United States
Birthday: August 23, 1943
Affiliation: Black Unity Council-Back Panther Party, Black Liberation Army
Captured: 1970-Life.

Who are New Afrikan Political Prisoners And Prisoners Of War – Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM MOI