October 8 1967 Marks The 50th Anniversary Of Freedom Fighter Che Guevara Being Captured By U.S. CIA Led Bolivian Forces

Scientific socialism is the combatant to eliminate Capitalism-Haki Kweli Shakur


SEPTEMBER 30, 1967: Che and his group are trapped by the army in a jungle canyon in Valle Serrano, south of the Grande River. (NYT 10/1/67)

OCTOBER 7, 1967: The last entry in Che’s diary is recorded exactly eleven months since the inauguration of the guerrilla movement. The guerrillas run into an old woman herding goats. They ask her if there are soldiers in the area but are unable to get any reliable information. Scared that she will report them, they pay her 50 pesos to keep quiet. In Che’s diary it is noted that he has “little hope” that she will do so. (Harris, 126; CIA Weekly Review, “The Che Guevara Diary,” 12/15/67)

Evening: Che and his men stop to rest in a ravine in Quebrada del Yuro. (Harris, 126)

OCTOBER 8, 1967: The troops receive information that there is a band of 17 guerrillas in the Churro Ravine. They enter the area and encounters a group of 6 to 8 guerrillas, opens fire, and killed two Cubans, “Antonio” and “Orturo.” “Ramon” (Guevara) and “Willy” try to break out in the direction of the mortar section, where Guevara is wounded in the lower calf. (Dept. of Defense Intelligence Information Report – 11/28/67)

OCTOBER 8, 1967: A peasant women alerts the army that she heard voices along the banks of the Yuro close to the spot where it runs along the San Antonio river. It is unknown whether it is the same peasant woman that the guerrillas ran into previously. (Rojo 218)

By morning, several companies of Bolivian Rangers are deployed through the area that Guevara’s Guerrillas are in. They take up positions in the same ravine as the guerrillas in Quebrada del Yuro. (Harris,126)

About 12 p.m.: A unit from General Prado’s company, all recent graduates of the U.S. Army Special Forces training camp, confronts the guerrillas, killing two soldiers and wounding many others. (Harris, 127)

1:30 p.m.: Che’s final battle commences in Quebrada del Yuro. Simon Cuba (Willy) Sarabia, a Bolivian miner, leads the rebel group. Che is behind him and is shot in the leg several times. Sarabia picks up Che and tries to carry him away from the line of fire. The firing starts again and Che’s beret is knocked off. Sarabia sits Che on the ground so he can return the fire. Encircled at less than ten yards distance, the Rangers concentrate their fire on him, riddling him with bullets. Che attempts to keep firing, but cannot keep his gun up with only one arm. He is hit again on his right leg, his gun is knocked out of his hand and his right forearm is pierced. As soldiers approach Che he shouts, “Do not shoot! I am Che Guevara and worth more to you alive than dead.” The battle ends at approximately 3:30 p.m. Che is taken prisoner. (Rojo, 219; James, 14)

Other sources claim that Sarabia is captured alive and at about 4 p.m. he and Che are brought before Captain Prado. Captain Prado orders his radio operator to signal the divisional headquarters in Vallegrande informing them that Che is captured. The coded message sent is “Hello Saturno, we have Papá !” Saturno is the code for Colonel Joaquin Zenteno, commandant of the Eighth Bolivian Army Division, and Papá is code for Che. In disbelief, Colonel Zenteno asks Capt. Prado to confirm the message. With confirmation, “general euphoria” erupts among the divisional headquarters staff. Colonel Zenteno radios Capt. Prado and tells him to immediately transfer Che and any other prisoners to La Higuera. (Harris, 127)

In Vallegrande, Félix Rodríguez receives the message over the radio: “Papá cansado,” which means “Dad is tired.” Papá is the code for foreigner, implying Che. Tired signifies captured or wounded. (Rodríguez:1, 185)

Stretched out on a blanket, Che is carried by four soldiers to La Higuera, seven kilometers away. Sarabia is forced to walk behind with his hands tied against his back. Just after dark the group arrives in La Higuera and both Che and Sarabia are put into the one-room schoolhouse. Later that night, five more guerrillas are brought in. (Harris, 127)

Official army dispatches falsely report that Che is killed in the clash in southeastern Bolivia, and other official reports confirm the killing of Che and state that the Bolivian army has his body. However, the army high command does not confirm this report. (NYT 10/10/67)

OCTOBER 9, 1967: Walt Rostow sends a memorandum to the President with tentative information that the Bolivians have captured Che Guevara. The Bolivian unit engaged in the operation was the one that had been trained by the U.S. (Rostow 10/9/67)


Separation Rituals

ÉBreak-up, or separation rituals, can be helpful in many different scenarios – you need to separate from a stale relationship, your partner refuses to let you go emotionally, you or someone you know is in an abusive relationship, or any other situation where it is better for two individuals to be apart from one another.

Infidelity is another reason to perform a break up spell. Hurt and resentment from cheating can linger causing frustration and suffering for all parties involved. To save your relationship, separation spells can be helpful to break up your partner and the other person involved.

It is important to understand that spells are powerful and should always be used with good intentions. Breaking up two people because they are ruining your marriage is necessary. Breaking up a couple who are truly in love solely because you want a relationship with one of them will backfire on you because your intentions are ego driven and negative. You will get faster results when you use these spells for healthy reasons.

Various Separation Rituals
If you feel that someone is getting in the way of you and your partner, write the names of your partner and the other person on a piece of paper and place them under our Back to Back Separation Candles. Anoint the candle with our Break Up Oil or Separation Oil. Set your intentions and burn the candle, visualizing these two people separating.

To sever ties between two people:

Light our 7 Day Custom Scented Separation candle seven days in a row, pinching out the flames each time.
Anoint two red or black candles with Break Up Oil and Separation Powder.
Write one name on each candle.
Cut a heart out of black construction paper and write their names on it as well; one name on each side of the heart.
Place the heart next to the two candles. These candles should be touching. Light the candles and clearly state your wishes.
Each day when you start your ritual, place the candles further away from each other. By the 7th day, the candles should be very far apart. It’s at this time you can tear the heart in two, each piece should having one name on it, signally the end of their relationship.
Carry the heart pieces with you until your wishes come true. Then bury the broken heart outside or throw into the ocean.
Another ritual you can perform to separate a couple is filling a bowl with vinegar, red peppers and our Break Up Oil. On a piece of paper, write the names of the people you wish to separate and place it in the bowl. Leave it on your altar for at least seven days. You can then use that mixture in any area you know the couple might pass or simply toss the mixture in a river or lake.

To get yourself or someone you know out of an unhealthy relationship and start the healing process, dress a black candle with Separation Oil and Separation Powder. Light the candle and recite the following:

“From now until the end of days,
let us two go our separate ways.
I wish no harm to come to she/he that loves and wants to be with me.
I want him/her well I want him/her fine,
I just don’t want him/her to be mine.
For the greatest good of all”

Separation rituals are powerful tools to reclaim your relationships and well as heal from toxic ones. Used wisely, you should see positive results quickly.

Herman Bell’s charges dropped moved to Shawangunk! And Thanks All Supporters With Letter

Herman Bell’s charges dropped. moved to Shawangunk!

Political Prisoner and movement elder Herman Bell was assaulted by guards at Great Meadow Correctional Facility. He sustained multiple injuries, including broken ribs, yet instead of being hospitalized was sent to solitary and brought up on trumped up charges of having assaulted the guards in question.

However, the good news is that due to the outpouring of support for Herman and outrage at this brutal and violent assault, he has been told that the charges against him will be dropped, and he has been moved into general population!

Who Are New Afrikan Political Prisoners? Haki Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA MOI  10-7-52 ADM

Please take the time to learn more about Herman, and visit his website at http://www.freehermanbell.org

From Herman (written earlier) with many thanks for all of our efforts:

September 27, 2017

My dear brothers and sisters,

Thank you for the outpouring of cards, letters, healing-love and energy that you sent me in response to the unprovoked brutal assault on me by NYS prison guards at Comstock, NY – a vicious slap aside the head from behind and shoved to the ground. I protected myself as best as I could. I sustained multiple kicks, punches to the face and eyes, repeated head slams into concrete, and 2 cracked ribs. They tried to bury me with raining blows, not knowing that I am a seed. But the burning pepper spray sprayed into my eyes and mouth is what did me in – and yet, here I am.

Now I know why visitors bring flowers and candy to the hospital. I was immediately sent, however, not to a hospital but to the Box for “assault on staff,” so the cards and letters and love you sent me were my flowers and candy. You did great!

I was astonished, not by the outpouring of your support, but by the enormity of it.

People are coming together and are standing up. They are finding that they are not entitled to the rights and freedoms they think they have as americans. Instead of the consideration americans – many of them voters – deserve, they are ignored by authoritarian and elected officials.

They lack healthcare, suffer from unrestrained police violence, mass incarceration, lack a living wage, experience poverty and homelessness, and suffer from a toxic environment. People are standing up against these injustices, insisting that their demands be respected and addressed.

The social injustice, jackboot repression, racist attacks, discrimination, wealth disparities, unemployment, lack of affordable housing (the list doesn’t just end there), creates waves of fierce discontent which ls gaining steady momentum, becoming a full-blown cleansing tsunami, the force of which is irresistible.

And that force is you, the People, coming together and taking a stand. My flowers and candy is your outpouring of support for me, our political prisoners, the mass incarcerated and the voiceless.

To write each of you (I’ve literally received hundreds of letters) a personal “thank you” at this time would be impossible. So, I send this “thank you!” instead.

Thank you! I thank you deeply one and all for the empathy, outrage, love and support you’ve expressed in the face of the assault on me. May our resolve to produce social change remain unshakeable.

Herman Bell
Shawangunk Correctional Facility
P.O. Box 700
Wallkill, New York 12589



Georgia Maroons , Settlements , Autonomy, Guerilla Warfare , Self Determination is a Human Right

Georgia Maroons Slavery Exiles

Land is the basis of independence and Self Preservation of a Sovereign People

Because of extensive settlement & cultivation, maroonage in Virginia & the northern colonies was mostly limited to the Great Dismal Swamp, on the Virginia and North Carolina border. The lower South, however, provided ample territory for sanctuary. Newly imported African slaves fled South Carolina to establish maroon communities in Florida in the late 1600s, a tradition that was continued by American-born fugitives from South Carolina/Georgia well into the nineteenth century.

Slave resistance escalated along with colonial struggles for liberty. In Georgia, a group of enslaved men, women & children took advantage of the confusion created by the Stamp Act by fleeing into the swamps & managed to elude capture for four years — prompting the Georgia assembly to send a detachment of militia after them. During the Revolutionary War, service with the British provided military training to thousands of black men, many of whom continued to fight after the British departed. A large group of men & women erected twenty-one houses & planted rice fields in a clearing near the Savannah River. The site measured 700 yards long and 120 yards wide, & was protected by a four-foot high log-and-cane barrier on the land side & large fallen logs on the creek side. From this base in the swamps, “Captain Cudjoe” and “Captain Lewis” led an armed group of 100 men who called themselves “the King of England’s Soldiers” in bold attacks on plantations and on Georgia state troops.

Haki Kweli Shakur – ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI  Subscribe The Channel

By 1787, this band of guerrilla fighters posed a serious enough threat that the Georgia legislature sent a force of state troopers to find and destroy the maroon village. Although six maroons were killed & others wounded, most of the people fled into the South Carolina swamps. Heeding the advice of James Jackson, commander of the Georgia militia, the governors of South Carolina and Georgia launched a joint mission against the maroons. Lewis was captured, tried & hanged. Afterwards, his head was severed & placed on a pole numerous instances of guerrilla attacks continued to be reported.

Diouf emphasizes maroons in Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, and Louisiana. She devotes three chapters to particular maroon locales that are some of the most well documented but whose stories are largely absent from historical scholarship: the maroons of Bas du Fleuve, Louisiana; Belleisle and Bear Creek in Georgia and South Carolina; and the Great Dismal Swamp in Virginia and North Carolina, In a book that is easily accessible yet rigorously researched, analyzed, and argued, Diouf has made a compelling case that scholars of slavery and of early American history must consider the presence of maroons in the U.S. with a sense of renewed urgency. As she so eloquently and brilliantly shows, maroons exhibited a form of self-determined, autonomy-seeking resistance to slavery that complicates our understanding of fugitivity and freedom as they are generally bound up in a North/​South, free/​unfree binaristic imaginary. In the end, their forgotten story is one of “courage and resourcefulness, hardships endured and freedoms won” in the midst of a “terrorist system” that sought to violently repress them and exclude their lives from the history of U.S. slave resistance –
Sean Gerrity

When reading about the men, women, and children who escaped slavery, general readers may first think of the Underground Railroad, which helped slaves to make their way north. But there were also maroons, slaves who instead escaped captivity by fleeing into the Southern wilderness, whether mountains or swamps. They formed their own communities or, more commonly, lived almost entirely in isolation “from the borderlands to the hinterland,” operating with occasional risky crossings between the worlds of untamed wilderness and of what they left behind. Historian Diouf (Servants of Allah: African Muslims Enslaved in the Americas) delves into the lives of the maroons and explores marronage (the different states of flight and survival) itself, from Louisiana to Virginia, through deep research in primary and secondary sources. Because maroons stayed in the South, they also stayed out of most documentation covering the escapes and rights of slaves who headed north. The author also notes the distinguishing features of these slaves’ existence compared to that of the earlier maroons of South America and the Caribbean. VERDICT In writing that is deeply informative, with vivid anecdotes when available, including the horrors of punishment enacted when maroons were captured, this book is recommended to those wishing to pursue the study of American slavery beyond more general texts.—Sonnet Ireland, Univ. of New Orleans Lib. Library Journal

Giles B Jackson Timeline From Slave to Entrepreneur , The Negro Building Jackson Ward Black Wall Street, Richmond VA , Activist

Giles B Jackson & The Richmond Negro Building was the Black Print for the National Museum Of Afri­can American History & Culture , The Negro Building Exhibition at Jamestown won 162 medals: 25 gold, 51 silver, and 86 bronze. Following the success of the exhibitions at the Negro Building, organizers, led by Jackson, published An Address and Appeal to the White People seeking support to relocate the Negro Building to Richmond as a permanent national museum. The Richmond News Leader declared that “the Negro exhibit at the exposition is universally regarded as one of the best on the grounds, and its removal to Richmond would be a matter, not only of considerable interest, but of substantial value to the city.” Because the organizers could find no financial support the Negro Building was dismantled, as were the other buildings at the Jamestown Exposition. In 1908, Jackson published The Industrial History of the Negro Race of the United States, which provided a history of the exhibition, as well as of African American achievements in business and the arts.

the Jamestown Exposition Company to organize an event to commemorate the three-hundredth anniversary of the founding of Jamestown by English settlers. Although the commissioners had not planned to feature black Virginians, Jackson saw an opportunity to highlight their achievements at a time when lynchings were common across the South—forty in Virginia since 1890—and Jim Crow laws enforced strict segregation and second-class citizenship. Following the endorsement of the Jamestown Exposition Company’s president, Fitzhugh Lee, Jackson promoted his idea of a Negro Building that would be home to exhibitions by and about African Americans. He organized the Negro Development and Exposition Company of the United States of America (NDEC), which oversaw construction from its headquarters in Richmond.

In 1888 Jackson wrote the articles of incorporation for the Savings Bank of the Grand Fountain of the United Order of True Reformers, of which he was a member. The bank was rooted in the tradition of the benevolent societies and fraternal organizations of the era. By 1907 membership had reached 100,000 with deposits of $330,000 and more than $1.5 million in annual business. Booker T. Washington selected Jackson as his aide-de-camp in 1900 when Washington organized the Negro Business League in Boston. Jackson served as a vice president during the organization’s first three years.



Haki Kweli Shakur – William Washington Browne and More Black Monuments



September 10, 1853 – Giles Beecher Jackson is born into slavery in Goochland County.
November 17, 1874 – Giles B. Jackson marries Sarah Ellen Wallace. The couple will have fourteen children.
November 30, 1887 – Giles B. Jackson becomes the first African American certified to argue before the Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals.
1888 – Giles B. Jackson writes the articles of incorporation for the Savings Bank of the Grand Fountain of the United Order of True Reformers.
1900 – Booker T. Washington selects Giles B. Jackson as his aide-de-camp when Washington organizes the Negro Business League in Boston.
1901 – President Theodore Roosevelt commissions the honorary title of colonel on Giles B. Jackson when Jackson participates in the presidential inaugural parade.
March 1902 – Governor Andrew Jackson Montague charters the Jamestown Exposition Company to organize an event for the three-hundredth anniversary of the founding of Jamestown by English settlers. Giles B. Jackson heads the Negro Development and Exposition Company of the United States of America, which will feature a Negro Building at the tercentennial.
April 16–December 1, 1907 – The Jamestown Ter-Centennial Exposition attracts three million visitors, and at least 750,000 of them visit the Negro Building.
May 15, 1920 – U.S. representative Caleb R. Layton of Delaware introduces a bill “to create A Negro industrial commission” in an effort to ameliorate interracial labor disputes and promote better working and living conditions for blacks.
March 15, 1921 – Giles B. Jackson writes to President Warren G. Harding requesting a recommendation to Congress to establish the Negro Industrial Commission.
May 24, 1924 – Giles B. Jackson testifies before a U.S. Senate subcommittee to promote the establishment of a Negro Industrial Commission.
August 13, 1924 – Giles B. Jackson dies of cardiac asthma complicated with acute nephritis.

Giles B. Jackson , First Black Attorney , Entrepreneur, Real Estate Developer , Activist , NDEC Attempt at First Black National Museum

  1. An Early Attempt to Build a “National Museum for Colored People” BY ERIC S HINTZ

Giles B. Jackson (1853-1924) was born enslaved in Goochland County, Virginia. After the Civil War, Jackson worked as a laborer for a prominent Richmond family, and then in the law offices of William H. Beveridge. Beveridge tutored Jackson, who become the first black attorney certified to practice law before the Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals, the equivalent at that time of passing the bar exam. In 1888, Jackson helped incorporate the True Reformers Bank, one of the first black-owned and operated banks in the United States. The bank and other flourishing black businesses in Richmond’s “Jackson Ward” drew the attention of Booker T. Washington, who asked Jackson to serve as vice president of the National Negro Business League.

Jackson began promoting the idea of a separate Negro Building at the Jamestown fairgrounds, with exhibitions by and about African Americans, and eventually secured the endorsement of the expo’s commissioners. In 1903, Jackson organized the Negro Development and Exposition Company of the United States of America (NDEC), headquartered in Richmond’s Jackson Ward.



Sign this petition for a William Washington Browne Monument and More Black Monuments Richmond Virginia Black Mecca Of Commerce – Haki Kweli Shakur https://www.change.org/p/raise-a-william-washington-browne-monument-more-black-monuments-in-rva


The NDEC set up a national board of directors that included both black and white members, with Jackson himself serving as director general. Critics—including Jackson’s mentor, Booker T. Washington—suggested that a separate Negro Building would merely be “a Jim Crow affair,” serving only to emphasize African Americans’ position in a segregated society. President Theodore Roosevelt came to Jackson’s defense. In a public appearance in front of Jackson’s Richmond law offices in October 1905, Roosevelt, addressing Jackson, said “you have my hearty support in the efforts you are making to have a creditable exhibit of the achievements of your race.” To build the pavilion, Jackson raised $50,000 from individual donors, and secured an additional $100,000 from Congress.

The Tercentennial administrators provided a six acre site on the western edge of the fairgrounds for the Negro Building. Following a competition, the NEDC chose the neo-classical building design of William H. Pittman, an African American architect from Washington, DC, for the pavilion. However, limited rail service to the fairgrounds created bottlenecks and drove up construction estimates, scaring away many contractors who feared they could not build the Negro Building for the $40,000 budgeted. The NDEC was adamant about finding a black contractor, for “to have a Negro exhibit in a building erected by white mechanics would be to discount our own enterprise, and to say to the visiting world, ‘behold our incapacity to build the very roof over our heads.’” With only 100 days remaining before the April 1907 opening, the NDEC selected Bolling and Everett, a black-owned and operated construction firm from Richmond, and ground broke on February 6. Meanwhile, a dozen NDEC field agents crisscrossed the country to publicize and gather materials for the exhibition.

A marching band parades before the front entrance of Negro Building, Jamestown Tercentennial Exposition, 24 August 1907.
A marching band parades before the front entrance of Negro Building, Jamestown Tercentennial Exposition, 24 August 1907. From Jackson and Davis, The Industrial History of the Negro Race, p. 229.

The NEDC overcame the delays and assembled a series of exhibits that demonstrated the full range of black progress. The Negro Building showcased sculpture and handicrafts by black artisans; books and compositions by black authors and composers; poetry recitations, oratory, and choral recitals; a hospital exhibit featuring black physicians and nurses; and an operating branch of the True Reformers Bank.

The Negro Building featured a working branch of the black-owned and operated True Reformer’s Bank of Richmond
The Negro Building featured a working branch of the black-owned and operated True Reformer’s Bank of Richmond. From Jackson and Davis, The Industrial History of the Negro Race, p. 194.

Notably, a 1200-square foot Inventions Section showcased 50 prototype models and 351 US patent specifications contributed by African American inventors. For example, Aiken C. Taylor of Charleston, South Carolina, displayed three inventions: a combined cotton planter and fertilizer distributer, an extension stepladder, and an “invalid’s bed” that converted into an easy chair at the turn of a crank. E. R. Robinson of Chicago, displayed a perfectly cast railway wheel that required no subsequent grinding and polishing, and whose hard surface was five times more durable than standard wheels. G.F. Carr showcased a two-sided, heated cabinet that served as both a bread oven and an incubator for baby chicks. The gold medal in the Inventions Section was bestowed upon Samuel T. Crawford of Baltimore for a hand-cranked boat propeller that attached to the stern of a small watercraft. Jackson and his co-author D. Webster Davis captured all of these achievements from the Negro Building in their self-published book, The Industrial History of the Negro Race of the United States.

Samuel T. Crawford of Baltimore won the Gold Medal in the Negro Building’s Inventions Section for his hand-cranked boat propeller for small watercraft.
Samuel T. Crawford of Baltimore won the Gold Medal in the Negro Building’s Inventions Section for his hand-cranked boat propeller for small watercraft. Crawford would go on to earn US Patent #929,564, “Boat Propeller,” filed 9 May 1908, issued 27 July 1909. From Jackson and Davis, The Industrial History of the Negro Race, p. 332.

Overall, the Negro Building was a bright spot in an otherwise unsuccessful Tercentennial Exposition. The fair received only half of the 6 million expected visitors, leading to lower than anticipated ticket revenues, a $2.5 million debt, and bankruptcy; the New York Times called it “the most colossal failure in the history of exhibitions.” For its part, the NEDC estimated that the Negro Building drew between 3,000 and 12,000 visitors per day between April-November 1907. Even with these attendance figures, Jackson estimated that less than one per cent of the race had seen the exhibition so he campaigned to move the Negro Building and its displays to Richmond, where it would become a permanent “National Museum for Colored People.” In August 1908, the NEDC paid a $5,000 bond to the US Treasury Department to claim possession of the federally-funded building, but the effort apparently faced political opposition in Richmond and was abandoned.

Despite this setback, the example set by Jackson and the NDEC inspired African Americans to host additional expositions highlighting the work of black artisans and inventors, such as the Negro National Fair in Mobile, Alabama (1908), and several expositions marking the 50th anniversary of emancipation, held in Philadelphia, New York, Chicago, and Washington, DC between 1913 and 1915. Jackson and the NEDC stayed active as well, organizing the Second National Negro Exposition in Richmond in July 1915. However, with the completion of that exposition, the Negro Exposition and Development Company appears to have ceased operations.

Jackson continued to advocate for African American causes. During World War I, he was appointed chief of the Negro Division of the US Employment Service in Washington, DC, serving until June 30, 1919. He spent the next four years lobbying Congress to establish a commission that would address interracial labor problems and the poor working conditions of African Americans. Jackson testified repeatedly before Congress but the legislation never passed. Jackson became ill while attending the Republican National Convention in Cleveland, and died in August 1924.

Jackson was unable to realize his vision for a “National Museum for Colored People,” during his lifetime. However, his efforts remain part of the “on-again-off-again, one-step-forward-two-steps-back” century-long saga that culminates this month with the opening of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture.

#gilesbjackson #gilesbeecherjackson

Black Armed Guard, Monroe North Carolina, Black Rifle Clubs, Ten Point Program , Robert F. Williams

Negroes With Guns by Robert F Williams is really something — as if the name of it didn’t give that away. After Philando Castile, after the shootings that keep happening and happening with impunity this felt so good to read. We watched Fred Williamson stand up to white violence in the N**ger Charlie trio of films over the past few weekends too — such brilliant Westerns in their Blaxploitation way, I can’t believe they’re not available in better quality film. Even if us white folks can never ask for them by name. All of it has been cathartic in the face of despair, though much of that despair grows out of police impunity, and this is probably not the right strategy to end that. I wish I knew what was.

Negroes With Guns sounds badass, and it is, but not in that way that men get when they try and out-badass each other without actually managing true badassness. These are wise and well-considered, well-defended, and well-grounded words from a man who puts most of those others to shame. No wonder it inspired the Black Panthers so much (and I imagine Blaxploitation films just like the one above), if only they’d stuck to a committed revolutionary ethos just a little more…

The book was written in Cuba, which welcomed so many Black exiles of the revolution, and opens:

Why do I speak to you from exile?

Because a Negro community in the South took up guns in self-defense against racist violence-and used them. (3)

From John Mitchell Jr. to Robert F. Williams Armed Self Defense In The South – Haki Kweli Shakur ATC-NAPLA NAIM MOI



I quote his summation of his philosophy at length:

Because there has been much distortion of my position, I wish to make it clear that I do not advocate violence for its own sake or for the sake of reprisals against whites. Nor am I against the passive resistance advocated by the Reverend Martin Luther King and others. My only difference with Dr. King is that I believe in flexibility in the freedom struggle. This means that I believe in non-violent tactics where feasible; the mere fact that I have a Sit-In case pending before the U.S. Supreme Court bears this out. Massive civil disobedience is a powerful weapon under civilized conditions where the law safeguards the citizens’ right of peaceful demonstrations. In civilized society the law serves as a deterrent against lawless forces that would destroy the democratic process. But where there is a breakdown of the law, the individual citizen has a right to protect his person, his family, his home and his property. To me this is so simple and proper that it is self-evident.

When an oppressed people show a willingness to defend themselves, the enemy, who is a moral weakling and coward, is more willing to grant concessions and work for a respectable compromise. Psychologically, moreover, racists consider themselves superior beings and are not willing to exchange their superior lives for our inferior ones. They are most vicious and violent when they can practice violence with impunity. This we have shown in Monroe. Moreover, when because of our self-defense there is a danger that the blood of whites may be spilled, the local authorities in the South suddenly enforce law and order when previously they had been complacent toward lawless, racist violence. This too we have proven in Monroe. It is remarkable how easily and quickly state and local police control and disperse law-less mobs when the Negro is ready to defend himself with arms. (4-5)

Nothing could be more clear than that, nor, I think, much more reasonable. Especially after hearing his story. He was a WWII veteran and served in the Marines where he was trained to fight, trained to respect himself — Monroe, North Carolina demanded he do neither. He joined the NAACP on his return there at a time when it was under fierce attack from white supremacists (as all NAACP chapters were after Brown v Board). He writes:

When I joined the local chapter of the NAACP it was going down in membership, and when it was down to six, the leadership proposed dissolving it. When I objected, I was elected president and they withdrew, except for Dr. Albert E. Perry. … I tried to get former members back without success and finally I realized that I would have to work without the social leaders of the community.

So he drew on previous life experience — and that was of northern unions, even though he had not joined he had learned. A lesson in that I think, both in what the union missed, but also in the ripples it set in motion…

At this time I was inexperienced. Before going into the Marines I had left Monroe for a time and worked in an aircraft
factory in New Jersey and an auto factory in Detroit. Without knowing it, I had picked up some ideas of organizing from the activities around me … So one day I walked into a Negro poolroom in our town, interrupted a game by putting NAACP literature on the table and made a pitch. I recruited half of those present…. We ended up with a chapter that was unique in the whole NAACP because of working class composition and a leadership that was not middle class. Most important, we had a strong representation of returned veterans who were very militant (14)

Williams continues:

In the summer of 1957 they made one big attempt to stop us. An armed motorcade attacked Dr. Perry’s house, which is situated on the outskirts of the colored community. We shot it out with the Klan and repelled their attack and the Klan didn’t have any more stomach for this type of fight. They stopped raiding our community. After this clash the same city officials who said the Klan had a constitutional right to organize met in an emergency session and passed a city ordinance banning the Klan from Monroe without a special permit from the police chief. (19)

Self defense worked. To the extent that armed raids of the KKK wouldn’t be happening any more, which was no small thing. It didn’t do anything to integrate the community, make individuals going about their daily business much safer, or improve conditions, but it made a space possible for work to happen to try and do all of these.

I love that Robert Williams wanted to do all of it. Everything.

I was more convinced than ever that one of our greatest and most immediate needs was better communication within the race. The real Afro-American struggle was merely a disjointed network of pockets of resistance and the shameful thing about it was that Negroes were relying upon the white man’s inaccurate reports as their sources of information about these isolated struggles. I went home and concentrated all of my efforts into developing a newsletter … (29)

Robert Williams thought big, his branch of the NAACP would become so inspirational in the way it tried to moved beyond racial integration to the deeper causes:

In our branch of the NAACP there was a general feeling that we were in a deep and bitter struggle against racists and that we needed to involve as many Negroes as possible and to make the struggle as meaningful as possible. … what we needed was a broad program with special attention to jobs, welfare, and other economic needs.

I think this was an important step forward. The struggles of the Freedom Riders and the Sit-In Movements have concentrated on a single goal: the right to eat at a lunch counter, the right to sit anywhere on a bus. These are important rights because their denial is a direct personal assault on a Negro’s dignity. … By debasing and demoralizing the black man in small personal matters, the system eats away the sense of dignity and pride which are necessary to challenge a racist system. But the fundamental core of racism is more than atmosphere-it can be measured in dollars and cents… (38)

They had their own 10-point platform — I think I knew that Huey Newton and Bobby Seale had read this and done their own ten point platform accordingly, but I’m not sure I did. Such a platform is such a good way to inspire people to join in struggle and to know in broad terms what it is you struggle for:

On Aug. 15, 1961 , on behalf of our Chapter I presented to the Monroe Board of Aldermen a ten point program that read as follows: PETITION We, the undersigned citizens of Monroe, petition the City Board of Aldermen to use its influence to endeavor to:

1. Induce factories in this county to hire without discrimination.

2. Induce the local employment agency to grant non-whites the same privileges given to whites.

3. Instruct the Welfare Agency that non-whites are entitled to the same privileges, courtesies and consideration given to whites.

4. Construct a swimming pool in the Winchester Avenue area of Monroe.

5. Remove all signs in the city of Monroe designating one area for colored and another for whites.

6. Instruct the Superintendent of Schools that he must prepare to desegregate the city school no later than 1962.

7. Provide adequate trasportation for all school children.

8. Formally request the State Medical Board to permit Dr. Albert E. Perry, Jr., to practice medicine in Monroe and Union County.

9. Employ Negroes in skilled or supervisory capacities in the City Government.

10. ACT IMMEDIATELY on all of these proposals and inform the committee and the public of your actions.
Robert F. Williams
Albert E. Perry, Jr. , M.D.
John W. McDow (39)

They emphasise always the economic dimensions of oppression as they connect to racial ones:

we believe that the basic ill is an economic ill, our being denied the right to have a decent standard of living. (40)

Such a difference from the national NAACP office is clearly due both to the character of Williams, Perry and McDow, but also the melting away of the professionals from the Monroe branch of the NAACP under threat of violence, and the recruitment of a working class base. This positionality gave a very different understanding of goals and strategy than those embraced by much of the Civil Rights Movement. Williams writes:

On these peripheral matters, leaders of the Sit-In Movements can meet with city and state officials and win concessions. I believe this is an important part of the overall Negro struggle. But when these concessions are used for propaganda by Negro “leaders” as examples of the marvelous progress the Afro-American is supposedly making, thereby shifting attention from the basic evils, such victories cease to be even peripheral and become self-defeating. When we tackle basic evils, however, the racists won’t give an inch.

He continues — this is not just ideological but practical:

This, I think, is why the Freedom Riders who came to Monroe met with such naked violence and brutality. That and the pledge of non-violence. (41)

He writes quite compellingly about white racism, that will be blog number two on this book. I’ll just end with a little more on how Williams saw Black struggle. First, the chapter title that gives a truth that has bedeviled every movement in the US for the past hundred years:

“Every Freedom Movement in the U.S.A. Is Labeled ‘Communist’ ” (79)

And his final words on self-defense — they echoed something Ella Baker said actually, and made me laugh.

We know that the average Afro-American is not a pacifist. He is not a pacifist and he has never been a pacifist and he is not made of the type of material that would make a good pacifist. Those who doubt that the great majority of Negroes are not pacifists, just let them slap one. Pick any Negro on any street corner in the U.S.A. and they will find out how much he believes in turning the other cheek. All those who dare to attack are going to learn the hard way that the Afro-American is not a pacifist, that he cannot forever be counted on not to defend himself. Those who attack him brutally and ruthlessly can no longer expect to attack him with impunity.

The Afro-American cannot forget that his enslavement in this country did not pass because of pacifist moral force or noble appeals to the Christian conscience of the slaveholders. (83)

Williams quotes Thoreau writing in praise of John Brown, and the need for violence at that point in time — almost makes me want to go read Thoreau again.

And finally, on global solidarity. I love how he broadens out of the civil rights movement, it feels so rare until you get to SNCC, and the drive of the youth to connect to anti-Colonial struggle. His travels meant Williams could flee to Cuba when he realised the nature of the trumped up charges against him from that fateful night (a full account is found in the book,I won’t repeat it here), and the threat his life was under. I am still so furious that he should have had to spend his days in exile though I know charges were later dropped…

In discussion of the global struggle in his newsletter, he writes:

It was clear from the first days that Afro-Cubans were part of the Cuban revolution on a basis of complete equality and my trips confirmed this fact. A Negro, for example, was head of the Cuban armed forces and no one could hide that fact from us here in America. To me this revolution was a real thing, not one of those phony South American palace revolutions. There was a real drive to bring social justice to all the Cubans, including the black ones. (31-32)

And later:

My cause is the same as the Asians against the imperialist. It is the same as the African against the white savage. It is the same as Cuba against the white supremacist imperialist. When I become a part of the mainstream of American life, based on universal justice, then and then only can I see a possible mutual cause for unity against outside interference.” (35)

To end…Robert Williams in Cuba:

And I can’t resist a last look at The Legend of N**ger Charlie. Blaxploitation film isn’t my area of expertise at all nor do I enjoy many of them, but these Westerns were fantastic, sexy, fierce. They embodied much of what Robert Williams wrote. A pride in self against a world of disrespect and violence, and recognition of the need to fight which was so taken for granted in those times when it seemed perhaps everything might change. Over and over again that fight ends in tragedy, but Charlie keeps fighting. As did Williams, as must we. If only we could all be that damn fine while doing it.

The Angola 3: Black Panthers and The Slave Plantation


Narrated by Mumia Abu-Jamal, this film features interviews with former Panthers, political prisoners and revolutionaries. – The Angola 3: Black Panthers and the Last Slave Plantation tells the gripping story of Robert King Wilkerson, Herman Wallace and Albert Woodfox, men who have endured solitary confinement longer then any known living prisoner in the United States.

Temporary structures are constructed around a building at Angola State Penitentiary in West Feliciana Parish, La., Monday, May 9, 2011. A convoy of buses and vans transferred inmates with medical problems from Angola, which is bordered on three sides by the Mississippi River, while other inmates were moved to buildings on higher ground as part of an effort to prepare for possible flooding.

Haki Kweli Shakur Talks Political Prisoners on The K.Kinte Show

Politicized through contact with the Black Panther Party while inside Louisiana’s prisons, they formed one of the only prison Panther chapters in history and worked to organize other prisoners into a movement for the right to live like human beings. This feature length movie explores their extraordinary struggle for justice while incarcerated in Angola, a former slave plantation where institutionalized rape and murder made it known as one of the most brutal and racist prisons in the United States. The analysis of the Angola 3’s political work, and the criminal cases used to isolate and silence them, occurs within the context of the widespread COINTELPRO being carried out in the 1960’s and 70’s by the FBI and state law enforcement against militant voices for change. Narrated by Mumia Abu-Jamal, The Angola 3 features interviews with former Panthers, political prisoners and revolutionaries, including the Angola 3 themselves, and Bo Brown, Geronimo (ji Jaga) Pratt, Malik Rahim, Yuri Kochiyama, David Hilliard, Rod Coronado, Noelle Hanrahan, Kiilu Nyasha, Marion Brown, Luis Talamantez, Gail Shaw and many others. Portions of the proceeds go to support the Angola 3.

CURRENT STORY–Herman Wallace, dying, leaves prison after 41 years of solitary confinement

U.S. District Chief Judge Brian Jackson in Baton Rouge overturned Herman Wallace’s 1974 murder conviction in the death of Angola guard Brent Miller.

Wallace left correctional center by ambulance Oct. 1, Tuesday to go to New Orleans hospital for treatment of advanced terminal liver cancer.

NEW ORLEANS — A 71-year-old Louisiana prisoner who spent 41 years in solitary confinement and is now dying of cancer was released late Tuesday from prison, his attorneys said.

Late Tuesday, U.S. District Chief Judge Brian Jackson in Baton Rouge denied the state’s motion seeking to block his earlier order overturning Herman Wallace’s 1974 murder conviction in the death of Angola prison guard Brent Miller.

Jackson had also ordered a new trial because women were unconstitutionally excluded from the grand jury that indicted Wallace in the guard’s death. He ordered that Wallace be immediately released.

Wallace and two other inmates convicted in the 23-year-old guard’s slaying came to be known as the “Angola 3.”

Wallace, of New Orleans, was serving a 50-year armed robbery sentence when Miller was fatally stabbed in 1972. Wallace and the two others convicted in Miller’s death were moved to isolation at the Louisiana State Penitentiary in Angola. In 2009, Wallace was moved to “closed-cell restriction” at Hunt Correctional in St. Gabriel and recently was taken to the prison’s hospital unit.

Amnesty International USA last year delivered a petition to Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal’s office, containing 65,000 signatures from people around the world who called the men’s solitary confinement inhuman and degrading.

Angola 3 mural

The group’s executive director, Steven W. Hawkins, welcomed the court’s ruling involving Wallace. “Tragically, this step toward justice has come as Herman is dying from cancer with only days or hours left to live,” he said in a statement. “No ruling can erase the cruel, inhuman and degrading prison conditions he endured for more than 41 years.”

Wallace’s attorneys said the freed prisoner left a correctional center in St. Gabriel by ambulance Tuesday evening and was expected to go to LSU Interim Hospital in New Orleans for treatment of advanced terminal liver cancer.

“Tonight, Herman Wallace has left the walls of Louisiana prisons and will be able to receive the medical care that his advanced liver cancer requires,” his legal team said in a statement.

Earlier Tuesday, Jackson overturned Wallace’s 1974 murder conviction in Miller’s death.

“The record in this case makes clear that Mr. Wallace’s grand jury was improperly chosen in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment’s guarantee of ‘the equal protection of the laws’ … and that the Louisiana courts, when presented with the opportunity to correct this error, failed to do so,” Jackson wrote.

He added, “Our Constitution requires this result even where, as here, it means overturning Mr. Wallace’s conviction nearly forty years after it was entered.”

George Kendall, one of Wallace’s attorneys, told The Associated Press in an earlier telephone interview the decision gives his client “some measure of justice after a lifetime of injustice,” but his response was tempered by the grim outlook for Wallace’s health.

“He’s pleased,” Kendall said of Wallace’s reaction after hearing of Tuesday’s ruling, “but he’s quite ill.”

Wallace, whose birthday is Oct. 13, has been diagnosed with terminal liver cancer. Kendall said he “ceased receiving treatment a couple of weeks ago.”

Kendall said the state had filed notice it would appeal Jackson’s ruling. A telephone message left with East Baton Rouge Parish District Attorney Hillar C. Moore III’s office was not immediately returned. The state Department of Public Safety and Corrections referred all questions to Moore’s office.

Kendall said his client has asked that, after his demise, they continue to press the lawsuit challenging Wallace’s “unconstitutional confinement in solitary confinement for four decades.”

“It is Mr. Wallace’s hope that this litigation will help ensure that others, including his lifelong friend and fellow ‘Angola 3’ member, Albert Woodfox, do not continue to suffer such cruel and unusual confinement even after Mr. Wallace is gone,” his legal team said in a written statement.

Kendall said Woodfox won full habeas relief last year but the state has appealed that as well. The case is pending before the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.

In 2010, Woodfox was moved to the David Wade Correctional Center in Homer, where he remains in custody.

Woodfox and Wallace have continued to deny involvement in Miller’s killing and say they were targeted because they helped establish a prison chapter of the Black Panther Party at the Angola prison in 1971, set up demonstrations and organized strikes for better conditions in the prison.

The third man, Robert King, was released after 29 years in solitary confinement. King, convicted of killing a fellow inmate in 1973, was released in 2001 after his conviction was reversed and he pleaded guilty to the lesser charge of conspiracy to commit murder.

The William “ JERRY “ Henry Rescue From Jail October 1st 1851 , Fugitive Slave Act

PT I October 1st 1851 The Jerry Rescue aka William Henry Escape From Re- Slavement

October 1st, 1851 rescue of William ‘Jerry’ Henry. An escaped slave from Missouri, he was arrested as part of the effort to enforce the much-hated Fugitive Slave Act, enacted on September 18th, 1850.

A crowd of 2,000 to 3,000 gathered outside the jail, and some began to throw stones at the jail windows. One of the marshals opened the door a crack and fired a gunshot. William Salmon, of Granby, yelled, “Open the Way! Old Oswego is coming!” as a battering ram was used to break down the jail door New Afrikan Abolitionist & White Storm The Jail and Freed Henry. Henry’s shackles were removed at the home of Susan Watkins, a 16-year-old black girl, and he hid in the home of Caleb Davis for four days.

Newspapers across the state denounced the civil disobedience and 677 Syracuse area residents signed a petition protesting it. But the storming of the jail sent a clear message to the White House and the Southern slave states that Syracusans were not going to abide by the Fugitive Slave Act.

Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA 10-1-52ADM MOI Video



After four days, abolitionists spirited Henry by cart to Mexico, and then to Oswego, where he boarded a ship to Kingston, Ontario. Henry died two years later, 41 and free, in Kingston. A federal grand jury indicted 13 men, including four blacks, on charges of participating in the Jerry Rescue. Only three men were tried.


Among the more interesting events in Syracuse history is the story of the Jerry Rescue. The event was originally commemorated with the renaming of a building (The Jerry Rescue Building) and now is now memorialized with a monument in Clinton Square in downtown Syracuse. The event occurred on October 1, 1851, while the anti-slavery Liberty Party was holding its New York State Convention.

Leaders of the local Abolition movement, including Underground Railroad Stationmaster Jermain Loguen and others, had organized a local committee to thwart enforcement of the recently adopted Fugitive Slave Law. The previous May, then Secretary of State Daniel Webster repeated his previous criticism of the Abolitionists and their promise to thwart the law. Webster proclaimed from a balcony facing Syracuse City Hall that the law “will be executed in all the great cities – here in Syracuse – in the midst of the next Anti-Slavery Convention, if the occasion shall arise.” And so it did.

Around noon on October 1, federal marshals from Rochester, Auburn, Syracuse, and Canandaigua, accompanied by the local police, arrested a man who called himself Jerry. also known as William Henry. Jerry was working as a barrel maker, and was arrested at his workplace. He was originally told the charge was theft until after he was in manacles. On being informed that he was being arrested under the Fugitive Slave Law, he put up substantial resistance, but was subdued.

Word of the arrest quickly reached the Convention, then in session at a nearby church. There are reports that the wife of Commissioner Sabine, who would hear the case, had already leaked plans of the arrest. By pre-arranged signal, church bells began ringing, and a crowd gathered at Sabine’s office, where Jerry had been taken for arraignment. An immediate effort to free the prisoner was unsuccessful, and though he escaped to the street in irons, he was rapidly recaptured. The arraignment was put off until evening and relocated to a larger room. A large crowd gathered in the street, this time equipped for a more serious rescue attempt.

Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA 10-1-52ADM Video

With a battering ram the door was broken in and despite pistol shots out the window by one of the deputy marshals, it became clear that the crowd was too large and determined to be resisted. The prisoner was surrendered, and one deputy marshal broke his arm jumping from a window to escape the crowd. The injured prisoner was hidden in the city for several days in the home of a local butcher know for his anti-abolitionist sentiments, and later taken in a wagon to Oswego, where he crossed Lake Ontario into Canada.

1964 Mal­colm X Seeks U.N. to Bring United States up on Human Rights Charges Over 50 Years Ago ( Don’t Take A Knee He Shed Blood )

World heavyweight champion Mohammed Ali, formerly Cassius Clay, is interviewed by a reporter in front of the United Nations with his brother, Rudolph Valentino Clay, Black Muslim leader Malcolm X, and Nigerian ambassador to the UN S.O. Adebo (l to r).

By M. S. HANDLER; Special to The New York Times
August 13, 1964
WASHINGTON, Aug. 12 —The State Department and the Justice Department have begun to take an interest in Malcolm X’s campaign to convince Afri­can states to raise the question of persecution of American Ne­groes at the United Nations.

The Black Nationalist leader started his campaign July 17 in Cairo, where the 33 heads of independent African states held their second meeting since the Organization of African Unity was founded in Addis Ababa 14 months ago.

Before leaving for Cairo, Mal­colm told friends in New York that it was his intention to add a new dimension to the civil rights struggle in the United States. This, he said, could be achieved by “internationaliz­ing” the Negro question at the United Nations in the manner that South African apartheid was transferred into an inter­national problem.

Haki Kweli Shakur – Conversation Reparations The Historic Struggle , August Third Collective NAPLA 10-1-52ADM MOI


Malcolm’s eight‐page memo­randum to the heads of state at the Cairo conference request­ing their support became avail­able here only recently. After studying it, officials said that if Malcolm succeeded in convinc­ing just one African Govern­ment to bring up the charge at the United Nations, the United States Government would be faced with a touchy problem.

The United States officials here believe, would find itself in the same category as South Africa, Hungary and other coun­tries whose domestic politics

In a letter from Cairo to a [friend Malcolm wrote:

“I have gotten several prom­Uses of support in bringing our| plight before the U. N. this year.”

According to one diplomatic report, Malcolm had not met with success, but the report was not documented and officials’ here today conceded the pos­sibility that Malcolm might have succeeded.

Passages in Malcolm’s memo­randum indicated that he had encountered resistance to his idea.

“Some African leaders at this conference,” he said in his memorandum, “have implied that they have enough problems here on the mother continent without adding the Afro‐Amer­ican problem.

“With all due respect to your esteemed positions, I must re­mind all of you that the good shepherd will leave 99 sheep at home to go to the aid of the one who is lost and has fallen into the hands of the imperial­ist wolf.

“We, in America, are your long lost brothers and sisters, and I am here to remind you that our problems are your problems.” The memorandum continued:

“The American Government is either unable or unwilling to protect the lives and property of your 22 million African­American brothers and sisters. We stand defenseless, at the mercy of American racists who murder us at will for no rea­son other than we are black and of African descent.

“Our problems are your prob­lems. We have lived for over

Malcolm also warned the heads of the African states that their countries would have no future unless the American Negro problem was solved. He said:

“Your problems will never be fully solved until and unless ours are solved. You will never be fully respected until and un­less we are also respected. You will never be recognized as free human beings until and unless we are also recognized and treated as human beings.”

Asstering that the Negro problem is not one of civil rights but of human rights, Malcolm said:

“If United States Supreme Court Justice Arthur Gold­berg a few weeks ago, could find legal grounds to threaten to bring Russia before the Unit­ed Nations and charge her with violating the human rights of less than three million Russian Jews—what makes our African brothers hesitate to bring the United States Government be­fore the United Nations and charge her with violating the human rights of 22 million African‐Americans ?

“We pray that our African brothers have not freed them­selves of European colonialism only to be overcome and held in check by American dollarism. Don’t let American racism be ’legalized’ by American dollar­ism.”

Malcolm argued that “if South African racism is not a domestic issue, then American racism also is not a domestic issue.”

The Black Nationalist, who quit the Chicago‐based Black Muslim movement led by Elijah Muhammad to form his non­sectarian Organization of Afri­American Unity, said it was the intention of his group in coali­tion with other Negro groups ”to elevate our freedom strug­gle above the domestic level of civil rights.”

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