Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe (5 December 1924 – 27 February 1978) Pan African Revolutionary

Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe was born. Sobukwe founded, and led the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), an anti-apartheid movement.

A fervent Pan-Africanist, anti-apartheid fighter and revolutionary, Sobukwe first worked with the African National Congress (ANC), and espoused a Pan-African strategy to fight colonialism.

He later left the ANC to form the PAC, and he was elected its first President in 1959.

Robert Sobukwe Affectionately known as the Professor or simply “Prof”, Sobukwe spent much of his time developing his ideas on Pan Africanism, and envisioned a free and united Africa.

Sobukwe dedicated is life to fighting racial inequality and the Apartheid regime’s racial segregation policies. After leading a series of protests, Sobukwe’s political activism (he led a nationwide protest against the unjust Pass Law) culminated in his arrest on several occasions and imprisonment. After serving a three year prison sentence Sobukwe was kept in solitary confinement at Robben Island, and was released in 1969. However, his movements and political activities were heavily curtailed by restrictions imposed by the apartheid government.

A Pan-Africanism proponent, Sobukwe is undoubtedly one of Africa’s foremost freedom fighters, a remains a respected nationalist, writer and thinker who later influenced a generation of Pan-African nationalists and freedom fighters.

Sobukwe passed away on 27 February 1978, at the age of 53.

1. “Beside the sense of a common historical fate that we share with the other countries of Afrika, it is imperative, for purely practical reasons that the whole of Afrika be united into a single unit, centrally controlled. Only in that way can we solve the immense problems that face the continent people”. PAC Inaugural Speech, April 1959.

2. “We take our stand on the principle that Afrika is one and desires to be one and nobody, I repeat, nobody has the right to balkanise our land”. PAC Inaugural Speech, 6th April 1959.

3. “The wheel of progress revolves relentlessly and all the nations of the world take their turn at the field-glass of human destiny. Africa will not retreat! Africa will not compromise! Africa will not relent! Africa will not equivocate! And she will be heard! Remember Africa!”.

4. “we admire, bless and identify ourselves with the entire nationalist movements in Afrika. They are the core, the basic units, the individual cells of that large organism envisaged, namely, the United States of Afrika”.

5. “In Afrika the myth of race has been propounded and propagated by the imperialists and colonialists from Europe, in order to facilitate and justify their inhuman exploitation of the indigenous people of the land. It is from this myth of race with its attendant claims of cultural superiority that the doctrine of white supremacy stems”.

6. “The Europeans are a foreign minority group, which has exclusive control of political, economic, social and military power. It is the dominant group. It is the exploiting group, responsible for the pernicious doctrine of White Supremacy, which has resulted in the humiliation, and degradation of the indigenous African people. It is this group which has dispossessed the African people of their land and with arrogant conceit has set itself up as the “guardians”, the “trustees” of the Africans”.

7. “We regard it as the sacred duty of every African state to strive ceaselessly and energetically for the creation of a United States of Africa from Cape to Cairo and Madagascar to Morocco”.

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI 1-27-53ADM


Class Struggle in Africa Quotes – Dr Kwame Nkrumah

Nkrumah was later to write in Class Struggle in Africa, “Imperialist aggression has expressed itself not only in coups d’état, but in the assassination of revolutionary leaders, and the setting up of new intelligence organisations”

They in turn have since sunk into oblivion. Across Africa he is revered as an international symbol for freedom. His ideology for a United Africa lives in the hearts and minds of true African Revolutionaries.

Nkrumah was central to the founding of the Organisation of African Unity and his support for the liberation movements striving to free themselves from the colonial powers during the decolonisation of the continent made him a hero right across Africa and the Black Diaspora.

Nkrumah’s ideology continues to live in young and old across Africa and the Black Diaspora.

Black Panther – Movie Review, Critical Analysis, Black Panther Party, PPs POWs, – Haki Kweli Shakur


His words remain relevant to an awakening generation of revolutionaries. 30 Quotes From Class Struggle in Africa.

1. Workers are workers, and nationality, race, tribe and religion are irrelevancies in the struggle to achieve socialism.

2. In Africa there should be no African “alien”. All are Africans. The enemy-wall to be brought down and crushed is not the African “alien” worker but Balkanisation and the artificial territorial boundaries created by imperialism.

3. It is the task of the African urban proletariat to win the peasantry to revolution by taking the revolution to the countryside.

4. It is the indigenous bourgeoisie who provide the main means by which international monopoly finance continues to plunder and to frustrate the purposes of the African Revolution.

5. The exposure and the defeat of the African bourgeoisie, therefore, provides the key to the successful accomplishment of the worker-peasant struggle to achieve total liberation and socialism, and to advance the cause of the entire world socialist revolution.

6. Colonialism, imperialism and neocolonialism are expressions of capitalism and of bourgeois economic and political aspirations.

7. There is not one country in Africa today where the political consciousness of the worker-peasant class has resulted in the establishment of of a socialist state.

8. The worker-peasant class even though it has assisted in the winning of independence, has not yet assumed leadership in Africa as a conscious class.

9. Imperialist aggression has expressed itself not only in coups d’état, but in the assassination of revolutionary leaders, and the setting up of new intelligence organisations.

10. As long as African States continue to be dependent in any degree for training, and for arms and supplies on capitalist sources, the African Revolution is in jeopardy.

11. Historically, professional armies of the capitalist world have a tradition of suppression of socialist and revolutionary movements. They are the instruments of the ruling class or classes for maintaining bourgeois power.

12. There is little justification for the enormous sums of money spent on the armies of Africa. Africa is not threatened territorially by any outside power. The border disputes which exist between certain African States, most of them legacies from the colonial period, are all capable of peaceful resolution.

13. Inequality can only be ended by the abolition of classes.

14. Ideologies reflect class interests and class consciousness. Liberalism, individualism, elitism, and bourgeois “democracy” – which is an illusion – are examples of bourgeois ideology. Fascism, imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism are also expressions of bourgeois thinking and of bourgeois political and economic aspirations.

15. Those who for political reasons pay lip service to socialism, while aiding and abetting imperialism and neocolonialism, serve bourgeois interests. Workers and peasants may be misled for a time, but as class consciousness develops the bogus socialists are exposed, and genuine socialist revolution is made possible.

16. The principles of scientific socialism are universal and abiding, and involve the genuine socialisation of productive and distributive processes.

17. For race is inextricably linked with class exploitation, in a racist-capitalist power structure, capitalist exploitation and race oppression are complementary; the removal of one ensures the removal of the other.

18. A non-racial society can only be achieved by socialist revolutionary action of the masses. It will never come as a gift of the minority ruling class.

19. Elitism is an ideology tailor-made to fit capitalism and bourgeois de facto domination in the capitalist society. Furthermore, it intensifies racism, since it can be used to subscribe to the myth of racial superiority and inferiority.

20. In general, intellectuals with working class origins tend to be more radical than those from the privileged sectors of society.

21. Intelligentsia and intellectuals, if they are to play a part in the African Revolution, must become conscious of the class struggle in Africa, and align themselves with the oppressed masses. This involves the difficult, but not impossible, task of cutting themselves free from bourgeois attitudes and ideologies imbibed as a result of colonialist education and propaganda.

22. Socialist revolutionary struggle, whether in the form of political, economic or military action, can be ultimately effective if it is organised, and it has its roots in the class struggle of workers and peasants.

23. The total liberation and the unification of Africa under an All-African socialist government must be the objective of all Black revolutionaries throughout the world.

24. The core of the Black Revolution is in Africa, and until Africa is united under a socialist government, the Black man throughout the world lacks a national home.

25. It is around the African peoples’ struggles for liberation and unification that African or Black culture will take shape and substance.

26. The African Revolution is not an isolated one. It not only forms part of the world socialist revolution, but must be seen in the context of the Black Revolution as a whole.

27. Socialism can only be achieved through class struggle.

28. What In Africa, the internal enemy – the reactionary bourgeoisie – must be exposed as exploiters and parasites, and as collaborators with imperialists and neo-colonialists on whom they largely depend for the maintenance of their positions of power and privilege.

29. The rural proletariat are workers in the Marxist sense of the word. They are part of the working class and the most revolutionary of the African rural strata.

30. The basis of a revolution is created when the organic structure and conditions within a given society have aroused mass consent and mass desire for positive action to change or transform that society.

Panaf Books is the Publishing House specializing in academic and other general books on African affairs, offering . . .

The writings of pioneer Pan-Africanist KWAME NKRUMAH, the founder of Panaf Books.

Important texts by other authors concerning the life and work of this major figure in modern African history.
Further significant volumes concerning Pan-African history and political figures.
The Panaf Great Lives series, presenting autobiographies and biographies of distinguished individuals such as Kwame Nkrumah, Sékou Touré, Frantz Fanon, Patrice Lumumba, and Sam Nujoma among others.

Panaf Books provide both first-hand accounts and critical assessments of the work and lives of those who have made significant contributions to the continuing process of world revolution, and in particular to the African revolution. The writings of Kwame Nkrumah remain especially relevant for students of the contemporary panorama of the African continent and Diaspora.



When I got out of the Marine Corps, I knew I wanted to go home and join the NAACP. In the Marines I had got a taste of discrimination and had some run-ins that got me into the guardhouse. When I joined the local chapter of the NAACP it was going down in membership, and when it was down to six, the leadership proposed dissolving it. When 1 objected, I was elected president and they withdrew, except for Dr. Albert E. Perry. Dr. Perry was a newcomer who had set· tIed in Monroe and built up a very successful practice, and he became our vice president. I tried to get former members back without success and finally I realized that I would have to work without the social leaders of the community. At this time I was inexperienced. Before going into the Marines I had left Monroe, N.C., for a time and worked in an aircraft factory in New Jersey and an auto factory in Detroit. Without knowing it, I had picked up some ideas about organizing from activities around me, but I had never served in a union local and I lacked organizing experience. But I am an active person and I hated to give up on some-thing so important as the NAACP. So one day I walked into a Negro poolroom in our town, interrupted a game by putting NAACP literature on the table and made a pitch. I recruited half of those present. This got our chapter off to a new start. We began a recruit-ing drive among laborers, farmers, domestic workers, the unemployed and any and all Negro people in the area. We ended up with a chapter that was unique in the whole NAACP because of its working-class composition and its non·middle-class leadership. Most importantly, we had a strong representation of returned veterans who were very militant and who didn’t scare easily. We started a strug-gle in Monroe and Union County to integrate public facili· ties and we had the support of a Unitarian group of white people. In 1957, without any friction at all, we integrated the public library. It shocked us that in other Southern states, particularly Virginia, Negroes encountered such 70 violence in trying to integrate libraries.

50 Years of PGRNA, New Afrikan Citizenship, William X First Afrikan Child Birth – Haki Shakur  ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI 1-26-53 ADM Robert F. Williams Birthday

We moved on to win better rights for Negroes: economic rights, the rights of education and the right of equal protection under the law. We rapidly got the reputation of being the most militant branch of the NAACP, and obviously we couldn’t get this reputation without antagonizing the racists who are trying to prevent Afro-Americans from enjoying their inalienable rights as Americans. Specifically, we aroused the wrath of the Ku Klux Klan, and a show-down developed over the in tegration of the swimming pool. The Ku Klux Klan Swings Into Action The swimming pool had been built with federal funds under the WPA system and was supported by municipal taxation; yet Negroes could not use this pool. Neither the federal government nor the local officials had provided any swim· ming facilities at all for Negroes. Over a period of years several of our children had drowned while swimming in unsupervised swimming holes. When we lost another child in 1956 we started a drive to obtain swimming facili· ties for Negroes, especially for our children. First, we asked the city officials to build a pool in the Negro community. This would have been a segregated pool, but we asked for this because we were merely inter-ested in safe facilities for the children. The city officials said they couldn’t comply with this request, for it would be too expensive and they didn’t have the money. Then, in a compromise move, we asked that they set aside one or two days out of each week when the segregated pool would be reserved for Negro children. When we asked for this they said that this too would be too expensive. Why would it be too expensive, we asked. Because, they said, each time the colored people used the pool they would have to drain the water and refill it.

They said they would eventually build us a pool when they got the funds. We asked them when we could expect it. One year? They said no. We asked, five years? They said no, they couldn’t be sure. We asked, 10 years? They said that they couldn’t be sure. We asked finally if we could expect it within 15 years and they said that they couldn’t give us any defmite promise. There was a wh.ite Catholic priest in the community who owned a station wagon, and he would transport the colored youth to Charlotte, North Carolina, which was 25 miles away, so they could swim there in the Negro pool. Some of the city officials of Charlotte saw this priest swimming in the Negro pool and they wanted to know who he was. The Negro supervisor explained that he was a priest. The city officials replied they didn’t care whether he was a priest or not, that he was white and they had segregation of the races in Charlotte; so they barred the priest from the colored pool. Again the children didn’t have any safe place to swim at all -so we decided to take legal action against the Monroe pool. First we started a campaign of stand-ins of short dura-tion. We would go stand for a few minutes and ask to be admitted and never get admitted. While we were prepar-ing the groundwork for possible court proceedings, the Ku Klux Klan came out in the open. The press started to carry articles about the Klan activities. In the beginning they mentioned that a few hundred people would gather in open fields and have lheir Klan rallies.

Then the numbers kept going up. The numbers went up to 3,000, 4,000, 5,000. Finally the Monroe Illquirer estimated that 7,500 Klansmen had gathered in a field to discuss dealing with the integrationists. described by the KJan as the “Communist-Inspired National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.” They started a campaign to get rid of us, to drive us out of the community, directed primarily at Dr. Albert E. Perry, our vice president, and at myself. The Klan started by circulating a petition. To gather signatures they set up a table in the county courthouse square in Monroe. The petition stated that Dr. Perry and I should be permanently driven out of Union County because we were members and officials of the Communist·NAACP. The Klan claimed 3,000 signatures in the first week. In the following week they claimed 3.000 more. They had no basis for any legal action, but they had hoped to frighten us out of town just by virtue of sheer numbers. In the his· tory of the South, in days past, it was enough to know that so many people wanted to get rid of a Negro to make him take off by himself.

One must remember that in this community. where the press estimated that there were 7,500 Klan supporters, the population of the town was only about 12,000 people. Actually, many of the Klan people came in from South Carolina. Monroe being only 14 miles from the state border. When they discovered that this could not intimidate us, they decided to take direct action. After their rallies they would drive through our community in motorcades and they would honk their horns and fire pistols from the car windows. On one occasion, they caught a colored woman on an isolated street corner and they made her dance at pistol point. At this outbreak of violence against our Negro commu-nity. a group of pacifist ministers went to the city offi-cials and asked that the Klan be prohibited from forming these motorcades to parade through Monroe. The officials of the county and the city rejected their requests on the grounds that the KJan was a legal organization having as much constitutional right to organize as the NAACP. Self-Defense is Born of Our Plight Since the city officials wouldn’t stop the KJan, we decided to stop the Klan ourselves. We started this action out of the need for defense, because law and order had completely vanished -because there was no such tiling as a Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in Monroe, North Carolina. The local officials refused to enforce law and order and when we turned to federal and state officials to enforce law and order they either refused or ignored our appeals. Luther Hodges, who was later Secretary of Commerce, was the Governor of North Carolina at that time. We first appealed to

He took sides with the Klan; they had not broken any laws, they were not disorderly. Then we appealed to President Eisenhower but we never received a reply to our telegrams. There was no response at all from Wash.ington. So we started arming ourselves. I wrote to the National Rifle Association in Washington, which encourages veterans to keep in shape to defend their native land, and asked for a charter, which we got. In a year we had 60 members. We had bought some guns too, in stores, and later a church in the North raised money and got us better rifles. The Klan discovered we were arming and guarding our community. In the summer of 1957 they made one big attempt to stop us. An armed motorcade attacked Dr. Perry’s house, which is situated on the outskirts of the colored community.

We shot it out with the Klan and repelled their allack and the Klan didn’t have any more stomach for this type of fight. They stopped raiding our community. After this clash the same city officials who said the Klan had a constitu-tional right to organize met in an emergency session and passed a city ordinance banning the Klan from Monroe without a special permit from the police chief. At the time of our clash with the Klan only three Negro publications -the Afro-American, the Norfolk Jour-nal and Guide, and Jet Magazine -reported the fight. Jet carried some pictures of the self-defense guard. Our fight occurred two weeks before the famous clash between the Indians of Robeson County and the Klan. We had driven the Klan out of our county into the Indian territory. The national press played up the Indian-Klan fight because they didn’t consider this a great threat -the Indians are a tiny minority and people could laugh at the incident as a senli-mental joke -but no one wanted Negroes to get the im-pression that this was an accepted way to deal with the Klan. So the white press maintained a complete blackout about the Monroe fight. After the Klan learned that violence wouldn’t serve their purpose Uley started to use the racist courts. Dr. Perry. OUf vice president, was indicted on a trumped·up charge of abortion. He is a Catholic physician, and one of the doctors who had been head of the county medical department drove 40 miles to testify in Dr. Perry’s behalf, declaring that when Dr. Perry had worked in the hospital he had refused to file sterilization permits for the County Welfare Department on the ground that titis was contrary to his religious beliefs. But he was convicted, sentenced to five years in prison, and the loss of his medical license. 0 This account of how the black community in Monroe, North Carolina, armed for its defense is excerpted from Negroes With Guns by Robert F. Williams. As president of the Monroe NAACP, Williams organized a heated and pro-tracted struggle, beginning in the mid-1950s, to end dis-crimination in housing, employment and public facilities.

Those organizing drives soon made Monroe’s black commu-nity the target of Ku Klux Klan attacks. Police often accompanied the night riders, leavltlg no legal protection for the town’s black citizens. The community armed for its defense, although Williams’ rhetoric of self-defense was often mistaken and distorted to meali meeting Klan violence with violence. But he spread his message far and near with his own publication, The Crusader. Williams’ leadership soon drew tile attention of both the media and established civil-rights figures including Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Roy Wilkins, Executive Secretaty of the NAACP. During a Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee-led demonstration at the county courthouse in 1961, an angry mob of several thousand whites attacked demonstra-tors and followed protestors into the black community. A white couple, caught by armed blacks inside the black community, was rescued by Williams, given refuge in his home and later released unharmed. Charged with kidnapping the couple, Williams fled to Q./ba. He later traveled to Al-geria and China, where he published The Crusader in exile. Williams returned to the United States in 1969 and to North Cllrolina after a lengthy extradition proceeding which ended in 1976. The charges against him were dropped. He now resides in Michigan and is a campus lecturer.


Igbo Ancestral Communication, Ifenta, Ala Muo, Your Millions of Years of Evolution & Ancestors

🕯Yagazie (May we prosper)!! The New Afrikan Diaspora & The Afrikan Continent Are forever connected spiritually, Nothing is granted without Communicating with The Ndichie ( Ancestors ) in Ala Muo ( Land of The Spirits/Ancestors ) through Ancestral Communication. the most important thing to remember is your ancestors are you; they are part of your genetic make up. Every memory, experience and characteristic exist within your DNA. Everything i do is communicated between me and my Known and Unknown Blood 💉💉💉 Ndichie ( Ancestors ) first. If you go back just one generation, you have two ancestors. Go back two, and that number becomes six. Skip to ten generations and now you can have up to 2046 ancestors . Mind boggling isn’t it? You are a combination of millions of years of evolution. You contain traits from every one of your ancestors, starting from the first divine seed that humanity sprang from (Ifenta, which means “small light” was the name of the first human in Igbo cosmogony).

Building Ancestral Memorial Shrines: Use your imagination! Utilize pictures, personal possessions, candles, historical memorabilia, etc. to create your ancestral shrine. If you want, you can also include an alter where you can place water, plants, seeds, as well as articles of food or alcohol from time to time. Traditional Igbo ancestral altars typically contained sacred objects such as an Ofo stick (passed down from generation to generation) and an Ikenga. Kola nuts were broken at it every morning accompanied by a prayer for good favor. As you continue your journey, in time you will start to become aware of your ancestors speaking to you through signs, symbols, dreams, as well as through other people. you will learn the language that they speak, and be able to communicate more effectively with them. If at any time you feel isolated or in need of guidance, become very still and remember that your ancestors live in you, and they will always be there to support you. Your body is a living shrine to them and your positive actions are better than any type of sacrifice you could offer them or libation you could pour. One should not fall into the trap of elevating your ancestors above ones self. Some people use the term “ancestor worship” to describe what a lot of Africans do to those that came beforehand. While I feel that back in the day, it was a misnomer, from my observations, today many people of African descent do tend to put to put their ancestors on a pedistool that they are unable to reach. Rather than elevating them to a high place, think of them as people in a relay race who have passed their torch to you. Your job is to run faster than they did. As long as you are caught up in worshipping them, you can never outdo them.

Biafra: Igbo Ancestral Communication, Ifenta, Ala Muo, Your Millions Years of Ancestry – Haki Shakur



The notion of giving offerings is a global concept found in many spiritual traditions, religions and cultures. In African communities offerings can take many forms including leaving a small portion of food for ancestors at meal times, pouring palm oil to the earth, adding flowers to an ancestral altar etc. There are various ways to reflect this gesture, which is ultimately to show respect and acknowledge the energies you are trying to connect with. The symbolic act of giving spiritually opens up the pathway to receiving your intent requested in the ritual, in a reciprocating cycle.

The relationship between the departed and the living never ceases to exist and just like any other relationship, respect is key. When communicating with a loved one show respect and gratitude. Call them by name, if you do not know any of your ancestors’ names ask for the positive ancestors within your lineage to come through to help, protect and guide you. Start by building up a relationship with them, you may need to do a few sessions before you can recognise the signs of communication in return, but they will come, be patient.


Libation is a traditional form of prayer, which can be found all over the ancient world particularly across African cultures. This tradition can be found on temple walls in Egypt and still is prevalent across the various communities on the continent today. Traditionally libation was carried out using water. This primordial element represents purity, cleansing and vitality as it is one if the major aspects which makes up the planet and our bodies.

The act of libation is usually done outside, pouring water gently onto the earth in short bursts accompanied by prayer. You can call the name of the ancestor(s) you would like to acknowledge whilst pouring the liquid and stating your prayer. Some people pour libation in the morning to give thanks for the new day or to commemorate a special occasion. You can incorporate libations in your life as a way of invoking the energy of ancestors and energies of the cosmos. Over time other liquids have been used for libation including alcohol; usually gin or palm wine. I would recommend starting with water.


Haki Kweli Shakur August Third collective NAPLA NAIM MOI 1-24-53 ADM


Abdul Olugbala Shakur/ James Earl Harvey For Strategic Release 2018 Sign Petition

Click link and sign petition please and share sometime in 2018 Comrad, Brother, Abdul Shakur will be up for Parole

The concept of “Strategic Release” has been developed by the New Afrikan Independence Movement (NAIM). As opposed to “compassionate release” which can occur for reasons of terminal illness or disability, so that the person poses no threat to society, “Strategic Release” refers to parole, pardon or clemency based on the positive impact the prisoner has already had on their community and society, and will continue to have upon release. It is based on a prisoner’s work and proven record of service to the community and society as a whole from within the prison. Petition for such release is based on a prisoner’s demonstrated commitment to solving the ills of society by working directly with the people and community. Experience has shown that success flows from working with the People rather than the government and law-enforcement, building restorative justice among the people. For the past 25 years, Brotha Abdul has consistently served the Afrikan-Amerikan community, and has been at the forefront in combatting gang violence and other criminality in the Black community. This is Brotha Abdul’s first time in prison. He has served 33 1⁄2 years, the last 32 years in solitary confinement due to his political activities, which have not stopped despite his isolation. Strategic Release will reflect the highest threshold of rehabilitation by the individuals released insofar as the social justice programs fostered and built by such a Prisoner will already have constituted the height of social restitution to the communities wronged by their past transgressions. His work with the black community through his contribution have had a direct impact on reducing crime, and on reducing the social inequities at the root of criminality. We call upon people to support for Strategic Release by signing this petition. Abdul Olugbala Shakur represents the best role model for Strategic Release, both in his tireless commitment to improving the daily lives of people in his community, but more so through the broad body of creative and instructive work he has developed and to which he has contributed. His body of work is the best proof we can offer to support this assertion. His release will have a major positive impact on the Black community, and on society as a whole.
Here is a link to one of many of Brotha Abdul’s projects, the George Jackson University.


Malcolm X – On Our Own Land We Can Set Up Farms, Factories, Businesses, We Can Establish Our Own Government & Become a Independent Nation

This racial dilemma poses a serious problem for white America. Civil war between whites on the one hand, a race war between the whites and their 20 million ex-slaves on the other hand. And the entire dark world is watching, waiting to see what the American government will do to solve this problem once and for all.

We must have a permanent solution. A temporary solution won’t do. Tokenism will no longer suffice. The Honorable Elijah Muhammad has the only permanent solution. Twenty million ex-slaves must be permanently separated from our former slavemaster and placed on some land that we can call our own. Then we can create our own jobs. Control our own economy. Solve our own problems instead of waiting on the American white man to solve our problems for us.

The Honorable Elijah Muhammad teaches us that on our own land we can set up farms, factories, businesses. We can establish our own government and become an independent nation. And once we become separated from the jurisdiction of this white nation, we can then enter into trade and commerce for ourselves with other independent nations. This is the only solution.

The Honorable Elijah Muhammad says that in our own land we can establish our own agricultural system. We can grow food to feed our own people. We can raise cattle and use the hides, the leather, and the wool to clothe our people. We can dig the clay from the earth and make bricks to build homes for our people. We can turn the trees into lumber and furnish the homes for our own people.

50 Years of PGRNA, New Afrikan Citizenship, William X First Afrikan Child Birth – Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM 2-21-53 ADM

He says that we can dig the natural resources from the earth once we are in our own land. Land is the basis of all economic security. Land is essential to freedom, justice, and equality. Land is essential to true independence. And the Honorable Elijah Muhammad says we must be separated from the American white man’ returned to our own land where we can live among our own people. This is the only true solution.

The government is deceiving our people with false promises so we won’t want to return to our own land and people.

So I say in my conclusion, the Honorable Elijah Muhammad’s message and solution is simple. He says: “Since we are not wanted in this country, let’s pack our bags and go home to our own people, to our own land.” The propaganda of the American government is skillfully designed to make our people think that our people back home don’t want us. Government propagandists tell us constantly, “Africa is a jungle. Africans are savage and backward. They have no modern conveniences and you’re too much like us white folks. How could you live comfortably back there?”

This propaganda is government strategy against the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, realizing that his mission is to teach our people the truth about our own kind, clean us up, and then return us to our own land and unite us with our own people.

The American government turns us against our own kind in order to keep us from making a mass exodus out of this country where we can live at home among our own people.

Therefore, the Honorable Elijah Muhammad says, American propaganda is designed to make us think that no matter how much hell we catch here, we’re still better off in America than we’d be anywhere else. They want us to think we have no place else to go. And many of our so-called intellectuals who pose as our leaders and spokesmen actually believe that we have no place else to go. So their solution to our problem is that we stay here and continue to catch hell from the American white man.

But the only permanent solution is complete separation or some land of our own in a country of our own. All other courses will lead to violence and bloodshed. It will lead to the destruction of America, and it will also lead to the destruction of our people who fall for it. So his message is flee for your lives and save yourselves. And I thank you.

The Malcolm X Doctrine The Republic of New Afrika and National Liberation on U.S. Soil ( 300 Years of Slave Labor Was a Investment , The Struggle is For Land , Self Defense , Violation of Human Rights to U.N. , The Mission Continues )

I for one believe that if you give people a thorough understanding of what confronts them and the basic causes that produce it, they’ll create their own program, and when the people create a program, you get action. – Omowale Malcolm X ( New Afrikan Proverb )

Three of Malcolm’s most influential speeches “Message to the grassroots,” “The Ballot or the Bullet,” and his Feb-ruary 14, 1965, talk—were given at gOAL sponsored events in Detroit. Imari Obadele dedicated his 1966 pamphlet War in America: The Malcolm X Doctrine to “the Malcolmites,” and an early draft to the RNA ’s New Afrikan creed staked its authority “by the Grace of Malcolm.” Setting itself up to Govern an internal colony, the RNA rallied around a demand to “Free the Land.” And that is what it tried to do, especially after the organization moved to Mississippi in 1970. The decision to organize in the rural South was as much for defence as ideology: based on his analysis of how Ghetto Rebellions were crushed in the mid-1960s, Obadele had long argued that Northern cities were strategically untenable. Even if majority Black, the cities of the urban North were surrounded by white people, making them easy to repress. The post-1960s Growth of suburbs only exacerbated this process of racially infected spatial separation. In the South, Obadele argued, the sizable Black rural popu-lation would provide useful cover. His position won out in contentious struggle! #MalcolmXDay #HappyBirthdayMalcolmX #elhajjmalikshabazz #elhajjmalikelshabazz #TribeofShabazz #Malcolmites #newafrikan77wordpress #Malcolmite #RNA #RepublicofNewAfrika #PGRNA #Omowale92 #Omowale #ideologicalfatherofnewafrika #thestruggleizforland #wegovernourselves #selfgovernance #seedofgabrielprosser #weourownliberators #WeFaughtBack #FreeTheLand #rebuildtowin



Leopard Men Society of The Congo, Killmonger Jaguar & Leopard, Resistance to Colonialism, Misconception through Fiction Literature

Killmonger is a revolutionary leader, well-known to all Wakandans, and even supported by some. The village he grew up in has even been renamed N’jadaka Village. His revolutionary charisma, his mastery of politics and economics, his tactical cunning, and his access to the Altar of Resurrection would likely make him Black Panther’s greatest foe, even if his physical abilities were not as amazing as they are.

In addition to Killmonger’s own abilities, Killmonger is always served by his deadly Leopard cat, Preyy and the Death Regiments, zombie-like soldiers created by the Altar of Resurrection. Killmonger has also been known to use many agents to accomplish his missions. Not only has he worked with the agents of his original revolution, Venomm, Malice, Lord Karnaj, Baron Macabre, King Cadaver, Salamander K’ruel, and Sombre.

The Leopard society of The Congo and Other Regions of Africa Killmonger the Jaguar and His Leopard Side Kick Resembles

The Anyoto leopard-men, a society from eastern Congo, operated between approximately 1890 and 1935. Until now the history of the leopard-men has inspired representations of Central Africa as a barbaric and disorderly place, and the idea that a secret association of men attacked innocent people and ate their limbs remains dominant in western culture. Since the early 20th century this image has been rather faithfully perpetuated in colonial ethnography and official reports and in popular representations of Africa. The Anyoto costumes in the collection of the Royal Museum for Central Africa have in particular inspired leopard-men iconography in western sources until today. There are certain striking similarities between western fictional literature on the Anyoto society and the factual sources, such as eyewitness reports from colonists and missionaries. Both share the historically rooted and culturally-specific representation of people from outside their own areas.

The Total Goal is Independence For Oppress People

Biafra: Biafra, New Afrika, Catalonia, Aztlan, Struggle For Total Independence – Haki Kweli Shakur

Leopard-men societies existed in several parts of Africa.1 The Anyoto society operated in the eastern Congo where they attacked and murdered people, leaving traces, which gave the impression that leopards attacked their victims. “Anyoto” was the local term for this society. Different authors mention that the word derives from the word “nyoto” which means “to scratch” without specifying whether the language of origin is Swahili or Kibali. So far no linguistic proof has been found in either language to confirm this. In several European sources at the time the term “leopard men” (French: hommes-léopard, German: Leopardenmenschen, Dutch: luipaardmannen) was generally used together with the term “Anyoto” (or Anyota; Anioto, Aniota) to designate this society in the east of the Congo. Both terms are used interchangeably until today by westerners and Congolese. It seems that from its origin the term “leopard men” in European sources was meant to be descriptive and did not necessarily have more negative connotations than “Anyoto.” Both terms will be used in this article.

The Anyoto society consisted of different chapters, which were generally controlled by village chiefs. In this article I generally write about the Anyoto society in singular as the different chapters, which at times were rivals, seemed to be interlinked in a larger network. It was particularly active in the 1920s and 1930s. In the colonial archives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belgium, most of the documentation and reports on this society are classified under the heading Sectes et Assocations Subversives (Sects and Subversive Organizations). Official investigations led to the execution of members but the colonial authorities never managed to come to grips with this society before its stopped operations in the 1930s. The colonial authorities’ prosecutions and these executions probably caused the Anyoto to end their activities.

Ever since the first reports on the society’s activities, leopard-men have played a prominent role in European and American popular literature and representations of Africa. Through the images of the leopard-men, the Congo and Africa were represented as barbaric, uncivilized places, characterised by cannibalism and brutal murders. These stereotypes have stood in the way of understanding the real purposes of this society. In recent years, particularly in Belgium, the continued use of leopard-men in images of Africa has caused polemical reactions among academics and Congolese concerned with the representation of Africa. The leopard-men images contribute to stereotypical and racist representations, with the violent aspects of past African societies being overemphasized in a similar way as contemporary war and violence in Africa is overemphasized. Such stereotypes suggest that there is a historical and cultural predestination for war and violence in Africa.

In Belgium the best-known example of the representation of leopard-men is the comic Tintin au Congo (Tintin in the Congo) by Hergé, first published in serialised form in 1931 and later adapted and renamed Tintin en Afrique (Tintin in Africa). Leopardmen are the adversaries of the comic’s hero Tintin. Critiques of the representation in this comic are not really taken seriously by many in public opinion and are sometimes ridiculed on public discussion fora

50 Years of PGRNA, New Afrikan Citizenship, William X First Afrikan Child Birth – Haki Shakur … Afrikans Born In Amerikkka

A representation of leopard-men, which is not generally known, is the sculpture group in one of the large exhibition halls of the Royal Museum of Central Africa, Tervuren, commissioned by the Belgium Ministry of Colonies from artist Paul Wissaert and acquired by the museum in 1913. The costume originally worn by the leopard-man figure on the photograph is part of the ethnographic collection and was acquired between 1890 and 1908 by Commander Charles Delhaise of the Force Publique. The original costume is now replaced by a replica. In 2003 the museum hosted an exhibition of the work of the Congolese painter Chéri Samba. A painting called Musée Royal de l’Afrique centrale. Réorganisation (Royal Museum for Central Africa. Reorganisation), especially produced for this exhibition represented Congolese people removing the sculpture group from the museum. Recently the painting was displayed next to the sculpture. In 2003 the label documenting the sculpture group was amended to stress the significance of leopard-men societies as a reaction against colonial oppression. In the wake of postcolonial and subaltern studies there has been a tendency to place the onus for the activities of such societies on colonialism and to shed a somewhat milder light on the violent reactions of colonized people.

Interpretation of the sources

What strikes me when reading some of the western fictional literature on Anyoto societies are the quite obvious similarities to the reports of colonists and missionaries who, at different places and times, were confronted directly or indirectly with members or victims of the Anyoto society. These similarities can be attributed to their being rooted in western (American or European) narrative traditions and sharing historically rooted and culturally specific representations and stereotypes of others in general, and of Africa in particular. In the course of this article I will point out particular similarities and divergences between the fictional and factual writings on the Anyoto.

Factual sources

Factual sources are dated mostly between the 1920s and 1950s, during which time the Anyoto society was much discussed in articles in colonial and missionary journals and ethnographic writings, in unpublished official reports and in the popular press. The majority of the articles were written between 1920 and 1936.

The Swedish researcher Birger Lindskog (1954: 179) wrote a comparative study of reports on leopard-men societies throughout Africa in the 1950s, highlighting the little variation among such reports. This he attributed to the stereotyping of the understanding of the leopard-men societies among westerners, to the extent that it is hard to distinguish elements derived from eyewitness reports and those from the questioning of the accused and their victims on the one hand, and elements of colonial imagination on the other. The authors do not always quote their sources and they constantly take over aspects from each other’s stories. Furthermore, one can assume that much of what is written is influenced by hearsay or oral stories circulating about the society. These reports blended into a consensus, filtered through the lenses of their authors. The territorial agent Bouccin, whom I will refer to later, is one of the few colonial administrators who really did a thorough investigation and interrogated one of the main Anyoto chiefs known as Mbako, about their practices.

In general, these sources on the Anyoto reveal a quest to understand, unmask and dismantle a society that seems to remain untouchable despite large-scale official investigations and continued public execution of its members. Some authors are personally confronted by the society through their work and involved themselves in official investigations (see for example Absil 1934, Bouccin 1935, Libois 1936, Christen 1937). Others who do not deal with the society directly nevertheless feel concerned and in their reports they make strategic suggestions about how to destroy it (see for example Jadot 1928, Vindevoghel 1930, Moeller 1936). While there is a general consensus of ideas on the society in colonial ethnography and official reports, their authors’ hypotheses as to the origin, organisation and purposes of the Anyoto are often contradictory. This adds up to the elusive and mysterious impression that the Anyoto leaves on western observers, a mystery that is used by some authors, especially journalists, to captivate their readers.

Fictional literature

The fictional sources are not intrinsically linked to the time-span during which the society existed. The leopard-men theme has started leading its own life, disconnected from its historical context, in fictional literature and contemporary popular cultural phenomena like toys and Internet games. In fact, there are not that many examples of leopard-men representations in fictional literature, but they have certainly had a significant impact on popular representations of Africa until today.

In this article, I will focus particularly on the novel Tarzan and the Leopard Man by Edgar Rice Burroughs, the author of the Tarzan series. This novel is the most important predecessor of leopard-men stories and popular representations worldwide. Tarzan and the Leopard Men was also published in 1935 around the time that one of the most important trials against Anyoto chiefs was being carried out in the Congo. The fact that Tarzan stories were very popular and translated into many languages must have had an impact on the dissemination of the Anyoto theme in literature. In 1946 the film Tarzan and the Leopard Woman appeared, also based on this story.

This novel and others of its kind are adventure stories in which the Anyoto society is the evil adversary of the protagonist. In it the warrior Orando finds Tarzan, who is suffering from amnesia, and his monkey N’kima in the forest and believes Tarzan to be his guardian spirit. Because of a conflict in Orando’s village community, Orando and Tarzan are confronted by the leopard-men, an evil sect worshipping a speaking leopard and practising cannibalism.

In a parallel storyline, American ivory hunter, Old Timer, meets the young girl Kali Bwana (Jessy Jerome) looking for her brother who had gone missing in the jungle. The girl is seized by the leopard-men and forced to serve as their high priestess. Later she is abducted by one of the leopard-men to become his wife. When this man hides her in a “Pygmy” village she risks being eaten by the local population. Old Timer manages to rescue her with the help of Tarzan.

Another novel of this kind is La Griffe du Léopard (The claw of the leopard) by André Villers published in 1950.3 This novel won the Victor Rossel prize in 1950, which is one of the bigger literary prizes in Belgium. The story is based on autobiographic details of the author, who had been a journalist working in the Congo. A journalist goes to the Congo to write a story about the Anyoto society. He meets a girl who is looking for her missing father who has been declared dead, probably abducted by the Anyoto. The girl joins forces with the journalist and he has to protect her during their subsequent trip.

The stories by Burroughs and Villers (and also the Tintin comic) remain quite closely linked to the original Anyoto context as an eastern Congolese colonial society. More generally, popular cultural expressions involving leopard-men do not always have a direct link with Africa even though the leopard man figure, representing evil, remains at least vaguely associated with Africa. This is the case, for example in the novel Black Alibi (1942) by Cornell Woolrich on which the film The Leopard Man (1943) by Jacques Tourneur was based. Even though no mention is made of Africa in this novel, there is a continuous reference to the colour “black”. In this story, situated in Nevada, USA, the leopard-man is a serial killer. He is described as “something black” and he is associated with the vengeance of an Indian (non-white) population for a past wrong. This is a similar theme to that in Burroughs’s novel.

A comparison of the factual and fictional writings

I will discuss the following stereotypes, namely the white male crusade against a society that represents evil, the wildness and animal-like nature of Africans and the nature of African religious experience. There appear to be similarities in factual and fictional writings on the stereotypical perceptions of Africans and their culture. However, there are also some differences: the sexual lives of Africans seem to be almost absent from missionary and colonist’s reports, but “the promiscuity of the African” features prominently as a theme in the fictional literature I have investigated.

The white male crusade against a society that represents evil

Like the fictional stories, the reports of colonisers and missionaries are essentially stories in which the author is trying to contribute to the elimination of the Anyoto society. Through investigation and ethnograpic study, colonial administrators try to find out how the society works and what can be done about it. In an article in L’Illustration Congolaise in 1936, the District Commissioner of Stanleyville, Libois states that the authorities have harmed the society greatly by enforcing a public celebration of the ceremonies of the mambela, a secret society restricted to men, to which the Anyoto was linked. In this way the secrets of the society were revealed to women and children. District Commissioner Absil at Irumu writes in an administrative note in October 1934 that there are several possible ways to eliminate the Anyoto. Firstly, he suggests a peaceful way by trying to settle all the local disputes, but also envisages military repression. At times a certain frustration can be noticed in the personal reports, as fighting the Anyoto was not an obvious task. More generally, their own accomplishments are accentuated and also exaggerated. This includes accounts by missionaries who describe how, before executions took place, the condemned were initiated into the Christian faith and baptized in prison. As shown in the following quote, authors narrate in the third person to represent the category of people for whom they stand. Father Joseph Christen (1936: 29-30) from the Prêtres du Sacré-Coeur, Stanleyville, writes about “the missionary” – this seems to make self-glorification somewhat more modest and acceptable:

More than once appears in front of us, modest and discreet, the silhouette of the missionary: […] it is most of all the image of the messenger of God who appears at the right moment to bereave Satan of a prey he already considered his, for the remission of sins and reconciliation, to make of the leopard-men the most gentle and harmless lambs, of these murderers newborn people. These wolves, suddenly turned into lambs, have received the Missionary with the greatest joy, happy to enjoy the consolations of his sacred service […] After having desired and called out for baptism with all their heart.4
Much like in the fictional stories, the missionaries and colonials represent themselves more or less heroically. The more gruesome their enemy, the greater were their own accomplishments. In many cases, the men serving in the colony came from ordinary backgrounds, and it would seem that they deliberately used their presence in the colony to increase their social status back in Belgium, by portraying themselves as civilizing heroes. Much like acquiring ethnographic objects as trophies, committing one’s adventures to writing was a way of highlighting one’s colonial career.

The wildness and animal-like nature of Africans

The Anyoto society is taken to be an example of the “wildness” of the population that uses violence without a valid and clear cause. Cannibalism is taken to be an expression of this wildness. Fictional literature, in particular, stresses the irrationality and viciousness of the leopard society. In the Tarzan novel the agendas of the Anyoto men include petty motives of personal greed. Even though there are elements in the writings of missionaries and colonists pointing to a certain understanding of the powerrelations that the Anyoto embodied, it was never really acknowledged by anyone that these were acts of political emancipation and empowerment with reference to the colonial society. With regard to the motives of murder, a lot of attention focuses on revenge, personal rivalries and the regaining of power without specific goals. Local chiefs were by definition vicious and evil and chasing their own rewards.

In Europe there has been a long tradition of representing “heathens” and non-Europeans as liminal beings that cross the border between humanity and bestiality. Several publications have shown how deformed humans and animals serve to represent evil or pagans in the arts and literature of medieval European Christianity and folk religion (see Gregg 1997, Mason 1990 and Salisbury 1994). The best example of this is the devil, which is represented with hooves and horns. In the Middle Ages Jews and Muslims were depicted with dogs’ heads and pigs’ noses. They were also sometimes accused of eating their own species, like certain animals do. In old European literary sources, evil, animal-like beings are often defeated by male heroes or Christian elements, which bring us back to the first point, the white male crusade against evil. Even though these tales have lost their religious meaning, they have remained quite popular, for example in thriller stories.

Racist representations of non-Europeans, non-Christians and non-white Americans as animal-like beings have unfortunately survived until today. Even if these representations have changed over time and the comparison to animals may have become less obvious, people from other cultures have continuously been represented as less civilized (or human) in both behaviour and physical features. To demonstrate the animal-like nature of such people has been a key element in the evolutionist discourse, more particularly in physical anthropology and in related colonial discourses. Based on certain physical features people were classified in races of which one was one step ahead in evolution than the other. Colonial propaganda used the science of the time to legitimize the colonial projects. (For a historical overview of physical anthropology in Belgium, see Couttenier [2005].)

In negative representations or stereotyping, aspects of anti-social behaviour are attributed to one’s adversaries, whether this is based on reality or not. In European traditions animal-like characteristics such as wildness, violence and cannibalism are viewed as expressions of irrationality and insanity which oppose and threaten the societal order normally maintained through mechanisms like social and self-control and certain taboos (e.g. on incest, bestial and extra-marital sexual relations, arbitrary violence and random killing, consumption of human flesh).

In the fictional writings all of these anti-social aspects are ascribed to the Anyoto and their accomplices. They behave like animals, are promiscuous and unpredictable, eat human flesh, smell badly, get drunk to the point of passing out and so on. In reality the Anyoto men were a threat to the colonial societal order and they could not be controlled.

Reports that the Anyoto sometimes imitated leopard attacks, and the existence of their costumes, played on the European imagination. Reports often mention the Anyoto killing innocent victims without any apparent reason. The cannibalistic aspect also receives a great deal of attention in the reports, even if it does not generally seem correct. Bouccin (1935: 258) mentions that limbs or organs were cut off (or cut out) and were sometimes eaten. He adds that this is proven, despite the repeated denial of the Anyoto accused, and Bouccin does not reveal the source of his certainty. In other sources it is written that amputated limbs, which were not found, were eaten.

Stereotypes about African religious experience

In western perceptions there are two dominant interpretations of the African religious experience related to the Anyoto society. Firstly, there is the idea that Africans worship animals, like leopards, seeing them as gods. This is clearly illustrated in the Tarzan story where the leopard god is a speaking leopard. Linked to this is the western interpretation of totemism, which is that the Anyoto members consider themselves to be descendants of the animal. The occurrence of animals as mythical ancestors is quite common in the creation of myths, not only in Africa but in other parts of the world as well. Western observers have taken this quite literally. In Central Africa the leopard is a symbol of chiefly and of occult powers, which I will elaborate on further. Secondly, the idea that leopard-men are basically men who believe they become leopards fits in with western imaginations of African religious experience. In missionary and colonist writings, Anyotism is regularly compared to the European notion of the werewolf where a man, in this case unintentionally, takes the shape of a wolf and kills people.

Father Joseph Christen (1936: 31) sums up both of these ideas:

One encounters sometimes in Africa, where the pathology is more dominant than elsewhere, curious cases of delirium where the patient imagines himself to have metamorphosed into one of the animals feared by the population. Tribes and families placed under the protection of the animal to which they imagine themselves to be blood-related, live in this belief that runs in a certain way through their veins and arteries.5
Finally there is the representation of the Anyoto as a sect. As mentioned earlier, most of the official reports on the society were classified under the heading of Sectes in the colonial archives. In the Tarzan story too the society is a sect, even though it is a completely fictitious organization, which bares no similarity to the real Anyoto at all. The leopard god has a hidden temple and so-called high-priestesses and priests are kept prisoners there.

Promiscuity of the African in the fictional literature

References to sexuality are practically completely absent in missionary and colonist’s reports, whereas they are prominent in the fictional literature. In reality the white woman is completely absent, whereas in the fictional sources she plays a key role, where she is the object of desire for both the white protagonist and African men. The white man protects her and starts falling in love with her. The love between them is repressed and the relationship is never consummated. The man has to protect her constantly from the sexual greed of the African adversaries. In the Tarzan story, drunken orgies are an essential part of ceremonies at the temple of the leopard god. Several of the Anyoto men make plans to abduct Kali Bwana and to take her as their wife. Such sexual promiscuity is seen as an important example of animal-like behaviour and loss of self-control. In the history of western morality the loss of self-control has been symbolized by an imaginary beast within the human being that breaks loose. A being such as a werewolf is a metaphor for the loss of self-control as the transformation into a werewolf takes place in moments of extreme emotional and sexual desire.6 Sexual repression is also a very important, if not the most important, aspect of this selfcontrol maintained by the white protagonist in these stories.

In the following quote from Tarzan and the Leopard Men by Edgar Rice Burroughs (1935: 166), African promiscuity is clearly juxtaposed to the virtuousness of the white couple:

The girl was standing very close to the white man. He could feel the warmth of her almost naked body. He trembled, and when he tried to speak his voice was husky with emotion. He wanted to seize her and crush her to him. He wanted to cover her soft, warm lips with kisses. What stayed him, he did not know. They were alone at the far extremity of the temple, the noises of the savage orgy in the main chamber of the building would have drowned any outcry that she might make; she was absolutely at his mercy, yet he did not touch her.
Whereas the sexual repression here is a reference to the maintenance of social order, it nevertheless retains an element of desire. The attraction between the protagonists is used to keep a certain tension in the story with the forbidden or restricted element of desire. In a parallel way the “ungraspability” and secrecy of the society makes up part of its attraction both in reality and in fiction.

History and meaning of the society

With reference to the representation of leopard-men in fictional sources I would like to add that more sympathetic (or even idealistic) representations of leopard-men also exist. In two comics in the Flemish Baekelandt series, a sympathetic stance is taken towards leopard-men, even though it is in a different cultural and historical setting than the Belgian Congo. The hero of the comic is the leader of a gang of robbers and murderers that existed at the time of the Napoleonic wars in Europe. In the comic they are a gang of social outlaws who take the side of the leopard-men and fight with abolitionists against slavery in Great Britain. The leopard-men in the comic are an anachronism, as the first reports of leopard-men from West Africa date from the middle of the 19th century, whereas the gang of Baekelandt truly existed around 1800. The Anyoto from east Africa have never been represented in such a favourable way.

The Baekelandt comic points to certain parallels between European and African “gangs”. One could say that the authors of the comic perceived them as “social bandits”. The concept of social banditry was introduced by the historian Eric Hobsbawm (1969) in the study of European social history. It has enabled historians to make distinctions within a larger category of bandits lumped together by the law. Social bandits are criminals according to the state or leading classes and, from the information in court records; a historian could not distinguish them from ordinary crooks. Social bandits are perhaps best known through romanticized stories and Hobsbawm has given these peasant heroes a place in history with Robin Hood as his most famous example. In the book Banditry, Rebellion and Social Protest edited by Donald Crummey (1986), the social banditry concept was adapted to study similar movements against the established colonial or state order in African history. Despite Africanists’ critical attitudes towards the essentially Eurocentric concept it has proven very useful for acknowledging the existence of and studying the early local anti-colonial movement. These early movements generally occurred during the first decades of colonization between the1890s and the 1920s and are different in character from later anti-colonial independence movements and post-independence rebellions. Early anti-colonial movements started as tentative efforts to fight colonial control, but the fight was still underground, not aimed directly at the colonial government, mainly because repressions were feared. Contrary to later larger mass movements of a national character the early colonial movements are not really taken seriously by the colonial government. Even if these movements had any effect on the established order, they were downplayed as criminal, irrational and barbaric.7

In the case of the Anyoto society, the dehumanization and demonization of the leopard-men has, until recently, precluded their recognition as an anti-colonial movement. The European traditions of dehumanization or demonisation of non-Europeans have been an important strategy in the legitimization of Christian or political imperialism, slavery and colonization, especially since the Middle Ages.

Up to now studies of early colonial social banditry in Africa have been rather scarce. Even though the movements are very different, secret societies similar to the Anyoto existed throughout Africa and all of them indirectly opposed colonialism. In an article by Allen F. Roberts (1986) the lion-men of the Tabwa (on the western shore of Tanganyika lake) are shown as an example of social banditry. The lion-men cases are very similar to those of the leopard-men and Roberts makes numerous comparisons between them. Roberts does not agree with Hobsbawm, who does not consider the social bandit capable of criminal activities. Like the Anyoto society, lion-men opposed the colonial and missionary intruders but, as accomplices of local chiefs, they also used murder and terror in the fight for authority and power among rival leaders. Roberts makes it clear that Tabwa lion-men were purveyors of violence and in some ways also heroic criminals. Their attacks could happen for very different reasons, some less heroic than others. Roberts (1986: 68) writes about the criminalization of lion-men in historical records in words that could apply equally to the Anyoto:

Reporting in missionary diaries, travelogues or other nineteenth-century sources is neither consistent nor disinterested. “Disorder” is often only a matter of perspective. Furthermore, as both Lindskog and Joset note, cases of leopard or lion-men attacks had particular explanations, including revenge, vendetta, ritual or “gangsterism”. Close scrutiny of the Tabwa data, such as it is, suggests that all these are possible explanations. However, these do not obviate a general correlation between incidents and their historical contexts (lion-men attacks as a product of disorder); rather, particular case studies allow an understanding of the process or dynamics of the incidents. One can suggest, then, that there is an explanation of the instrumentality of lion-man murder, a kind of functionalist “bottom line” to all the various incidents.
The Anyoto society apparently first appeared in the eastern Congo region as a resistance movement against Swahili-speaking slave trading chiefs controlling the region in the 1890s. It peaked in the 1920s and 30s when colonial government control was increasingly establishing itself in the region. Political power-holders of the region commissioned assassinations, which were carried out by the Anyoto men. Local chiefs mainly used terror to maintain their own power relations and to perform indigenous justice in secret while circumventing colonial government control. Attacks were quite often directed towards people working for the colonists. Furthermore the Anyoto were also used for sorting out private animosities such as fights between men about their lovers and wives, or the revenge taken against a midwife in 1931 after a woman had died in childbirth. Adversaries were often hit through attacks on their loved ones, which explain why so many of the victims were the most innocent people such as children.

Administrators investigating the murders were confronted with an unwillingness to cooperate from the local population. Family members of victims would give false statements or even deny that the Anyoto committed the murders. It was certainly the case that this terror had its effect on the population and that the stories circulating about the society engendered more fear and prevented local victims from collaborating with the official murder investigations. On the other hand the assassins were also supported by the community, which enables us to identify them as social bandits. Bouccin (1936) mentions for example that family members brought them food while they were in prison and Joset (1954: 5-6) specifies that the interrogated leopard-men did not show any sign of guilt.

Obviously, the perception of the Anyoto society depends strongly on the way you look at it. We must envision that colonization was a crisis for the local community, creating a war-like situation, which in many cases caused pre-existing rivalries to escalate. Probably the chiefs pulling the strings of the Anyoto did use terror to protect their own communities as well as their personal interests. To really understand the society it is important to take a “history from below” approach and accept its complexity.

The Anyoto society can be seen as an example of the empowerment of the oppressed, and among the oppressed populations there are also power relations at play. Clearly the secrecy and concealment contributed to the power of the Anyoto society and its leaders. The strength of the society must have lain at least partially in its mystical aspect in which the symbolism of the leopard certainly played its role. The meaning of the leopard symbolism within the Anyoto society has remained unclear due to a lack of available sources on this topic. More generally, the leopard was an important symbol of chiefly powers and witchcraft. In the traditional notion of chieftaincy throughout the Congo, the chief was not only supposed to take care of his community but he was also the possessor of occult powers which he could use to harm his enemies or those of his community. In the novel Ngando (1972) by the Congolese novelist Lomami Tchibamba, leopard-men are quite literally a metaphor for the opposition against colonialism with the protagonist and his community turning into leopards and killing all their white opponents.8 The spotted skin of the leopard is symbolic of the journey between the village and the forest, between the world of people and the world of spirits. Leopard hides, teeth and claws were the sacred regalia of chiefs and these have remained so until more recent times. Mobutu Sese Seko used the symbolic reference to the leopard as a claim to traditional power. Particularly among Bali and Budu populations, in which most of the Anyoto activities originated, the leopard cap and the necklace with teeth were part of chiefly dress. The leopard imagery of the Anyoto must have had a strong psychological effect on the local people. In fact, one could say that for the local community the Anyoto murders were the occult or political powers of the chief at play.

The Anyoto society also had a psychological effect on the colonial establishment, which was unable to get a grip on the society despite its investigations and the strength with which it was fought. The secrecy surrounding the society and its ritual approach, imitating attacks of a leopard, played very much on the imagination of colonizers and missionaries and engendered awe. I do believe that the characteristics attributed to the Anyoto society in western oral and literary sources might have influenced its mode of operation and even contributed to its influence on the colonial society. This becomes much clearer when we look at their costumes.

Role of costumes

Anyoto costumes in the collection of the Royal Museum for Central Africa (RMCA) lie at the basis of the iconography of leopard-men appearing in different kinds of western sources throughout time. These costumes consist of bark-cloth capes, iron claws with which the leopard-men supposedly scratched their victims and wooden sticks with which a leopard paw impression could be made in the soil. Except for a few rare pieces in other European ethnographic museums, these costumes are unique in the world. Reproductions of, and images based on, the Anyoto costumes of the RMCA have been used in the past to illustrate literature on other similar societies. The iconography also started leading its own life, disconnected from its historical context, in fictitious literature and contemporary popular cultural phenomena like toys, video games, etc. There is no doubt that these have played an important role in making the stories about the Anyoto society appear more truthful. The authenticity of the costumes has never until now been questioned and they have never been thoroughly investigated for traces of usage. When one takes a good look at them one wonders how a man can kill swiftly and unseen while wearing such a costume? Some sources suggest however, that the RMCA costumes, or at least some of them, were made especially to be given or sold to interested colonists. One man accused of Anyoto murders because he had claws in his possession declared that he intended to give them to a colonial administrator. The fact that most of the costumes in the RMCA collection have indeed been acquired this way suggests that this man could have spoken the truth. Museum conservators actively urged colonial administrators to collect and ask the populations for objects to add to the collection. Until now there has not been one piece from the collection in the RMCA that can be linked directly to a crime. Bouccin writes that these kinds of objects were found in the houses of Anyoto members or their families, but that they were not usually worn for the murders because they were not practical. Victims were usually killed simply with a knife. According to Bouccin’s major informant, Mbako, the leopard claws were also used to imitate a leopard attack, while most Anyoto convicts denied the use of the leopard claw forks. Bouccin (1936c: 257) ascribes this denial to the fear of having to name the owner of the claws who usually was the commissioner of the murders. One of the costumes in the RMCA collection was brought to Adjoint supérieur a.i. Coclet in Basoko in 1912 by a man from the village of Yapandja and according to several local informants the costume was used for hunting monkeys. There is therefore, a need for detailed research on the costumes to find out whether they were really worn or not. Information with reference to costumes suggests that the ethnographic pieces in the museum might have been made to cater for the particular taste of colonial collectors and that in a very direct way they have affected the mythmaking on the part of westerners.

Concluding remarks

Representing social resistance movements like the Anyoto simply as random violence or as a reaction against oppression denies an active role in history to those represented. At certain moments in time the Anyoto had a powerful grip on colonized society, both colonizers and colonized communities. To gain an idea of what the real purposes of the Anyoto society were, western sources need to be analysed and deconstructed further and sources representing the insider’s view need to be considered. This article reflects a work in progress and much work remains to be done. To get an idea of the insider’s point of view I will focus on both interviews with descendants and archival research. Accounts of members of the society and eyewitness reports are difficult to access, as penal files have to be 100 years old before they can be consulted. This is done to protect the people concerned, such as the relatives of the accused. However, is this concealment really in their interests? Or does the history of the Congo remain colonized in European bureaucratic institutions? In the end the Belgian ex-colonial government seems to have mastered the Anyoto by ensuring that primary sources representing emic perspectives on the society are concealed in the secrecy of its archives.

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM 2-19- 52 ADM



Igbo New Year, February, 13th Month Calendar, Spiritual, Culture Traditions Subscribe my YouTube channel Now! New Videos Coming!

The Igbo calendar (Ògụ́àfọ̀ Ị̀gbò) is the traditional calendar system of the Igbo people of Nigeria which has 13 months in a year, 7 weeks in a month, and 4 days in a week plus an extra day at the end of the year. The calendar has its roots steeped in ritualism and symbolism; many parts of the Igbo calendar are named or dedicated to certain spirits (|Mmuo) and deities (Alusi) in the Igbo mythology. Some of the spirits and deities were believed to have given the Igbo people knowledge of time. The days, also known as market day, also correspond to the four cardinal points, north, south, east, west.

The Ogam/Igbo Ukwu /Kwa Ancestors (Catherine Acholonu Rip) -Haki Kweli Shakur

The proclamation of the Igbo Lunar Calendar is done in February which is the first month on the Igbo Calendar. Lunar Months approximate the mean length of the synod month of approximately 29.53059 days (29 days, 12 hours, 44 minutes and 3 seconds). A lunar calendar is a calendar that is based on cycles of the moon phase. For some lunar calendars, the first day of the month is the day when eclipse moon appears in a particular time zone. Many other lunar calendars are based on the first sighting of a lunar crescent.

Igbo Lunar calendar is based on the 13 lunar months of 28 days each plus one extra day known as “a year and a day”. Each of these months is made up of seven Igbo weeks “izu asaa”, each “izu” is made up of four market days-Eke, Orie, Afo and Nkwo. All these market days are deities-(alusi) and have their originating shrines in Nri. Eze Nri introduced these four deities in Igboland, hence, Nri priests (agents) traveled all over Igboland consecrating the Shrines of these deities. The proclamation of the Igbo Lunar Calendar from year to year is the prerogative of Eze Nri. It is interesting that the Igbo New Year starts in February, same as does the Chinese, Koreans, Indian and other cultures in Asia , Far East. These cultures use the moon appearing in the sky to calculate their months and determine their seasons and time.

Igbo akpkpala & Ifa divinations are the origin of the Computer & Technology -Haki Kweli Shakur

The Lunar system of calculating the year with a system of adjustment was known to the Nri priests of Alụsị Arọ and the knowledge of the movement of the heavenly bodies were employed in calculation the lunar year. Nri elders had clear knowledge of these stars and others which helped them in calculating the intervals between each Lunar period and finding their directions during their sojourn from one Igbo Village to another in both the semi – forest and the forest zones.

Although worship and spirit honoring was a very big part in the creation and development of the Igbo calendar system, commerce also played a major role in creating the Igbo calendar. This was emphasized in Igbo mythology itself. An example of this is the Igbo market days of which each community has a day assigned to open its markets, this way the Igbo calendar is still in use. The Nri-Igbo yearly counting festival known as Igu Aro marked March 10, 2012 as the beginning of the 1013th year of the Nri calendar.

In the traditional Igbo calendar a week (Izu) has 4 days (Ubochi) named Eke, Orie, Afọ, Nkwọ. Seven weeks make one month (Ọnwa). A month has 28 days, and there are 13 months a year. In the last month an extra day is added. The traditional time keepers in Igboland are the priests or Dibia

No. Months (Ọnwa) Gregorian equivalent
1 Ọnwa Mbụ (3rd week of February)
2 Ọnwa Abụo (March)
3 Ọnwa Ife Eke (April)
4 Ọnwa Anọ (May)
5 Ọnwa Agwụ (June)
6 Ọnwa Ifejiọkụ (July)
7 Ọnwa Alọm Chi (August to early September)
8 Ọnwa Ilo Mmụọ (Late September)
9 Ọnwa Ana (October)
10 Ọnwa Okike (Early November)
11 Ọnwa Ajana (Late November)
12 Ọnwa Ede Ajana (Late November to December)
13 Ọnwa Ụzọ Alụsị (January to Early February)
The names of the days have their roots in the mythology of the Kingdom of Nri. Eri, the mythological sky-descended founder of the Nri kingdom, was said to have gone on to break the mystery of time and on his journey he had saluted and counted the four days by the names of the spirits that governed them, hence the names of the spirits eke, orie, afọ and nkwọ became those of the days of the week. The days also correspond to the four cardinal points, Afọ corresponds to north, Nkwọ to south, eke to east, and orie to west.

An example of a month: Ọnwa Mbụ

Eke Orie Afọ Nkwọ
1 2
3 4 5 6
7 8 9 10
11 12 13 14
15 16 17 18
19 20 21 22
23 24 25 26
27 28
Naming after dates

Newborn babies are sometimes named after the day they were born on, though this is no longer commonly used. Names such as Mgbeke (maiden [born] on the day of Eke), Mgborie (maiden [born] on the Orie day) and so on were common among the Igbo people. For males Mgbo is replaced by Oko (male child [of]) or Nwa (child [of]). An example of this is Nwankwo Kanu, a popular footballer.

The following months are in reference to the Nri-Igbo calendar of the Nri kingdom which may differ from other Igbo calendars in terms of naming, rituals, and ceremonies surrounding the months.

Ọnwa Mbụ
The first month starts from the third week of February making it the Igbo new year. The Nri-Igbo calendar year corresponding to the Gregorian year of 2012 was initially slated to begin with the annual year-counting festival known as Igu Aro on February 18 (an Nkwọ day on the third week of February), but was postponed to March 10 due to local government elections in Anambra State where the Nri kingdom is located. The Igu Aro festival which was held in March marked the lunar year as the 1013th recorded year of the Nri calendar.
Ọnwa Abụo
This month is dedicated to cleaning and farming.
Ọnwa Ife Eke
Is described as the hunger period.
Ọnwa Anọ
Ọnwa Anọ is when the planting of seed yams start.
Ọnwa Agwụ
Ịgọchi na mmanwụ come out in this month which are adult masquerades. Ọnwa Agwu is the traditional start of the year. The Alusi Agwu, of which the month is named after, is venerated by the Dibia (priests), of which Agwu is specifically worshiped by, in this month.
Ọnwa Ifejiọkụ
This month is dedicated to the yam deity ifejioku and Njoku Ji and yam rituals are performed in this month for the New Yam Festival.
Ọnwa Alọm Chi
This month sees the harvesting of the yam.
Ọnwa Ilo Mmụọ
A festival called Önwa Asatọ (Eighth Month) is held in this month.
Ọnwa Ana
Ana (or Ala) is the Igbo earth goddess and rituals for this deity commence in this month, hence it is named after her.
Ọnwa Okike
Okike ritual takes place in this month.
Ọnwa Ajana
Okike ritual also takes place in Ọnwa Ajana.
Ọnwa Ede Ajana
Ritual Ends
Ọnwa Ụzọ Alụsị
The last month sees the offering to the Alusi.


RAM, SNCC, Lowndes County Alabama, Watts Freedom City, Black Panther Party & Logo Origins

Power of the Panther: The Origins of the Black Panther’s Black Power Logo In recent months, a couple people have told me that, “The Black Panthers started in Los Angeles .” Many Oakland-natives would know the above statement to be untrue, considering the role the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense played in the city. The Black Panther iconography holds a special place in Oakland history. For example, in 2007, upon restarting the Laney College Black Student Union (Laney BSU), the community college students incorporated the Black Panther into its organizational logo. However, many people do not know that the origins of the Black Panther and Party lay in Alabama. Student-led efforts for political empowerment of in Jim Crow Alabama led to the adoption and dissemination of the Black Panther as a revolutionary icon that would come to symbolize Black Power against white oppression. After emerging in Alabama in 1965-1966, the Black Panther came west to Los Angeles and Oakland. After the formation of the Black Panther Party in Oakland, the Black Panther later became an internationally recognized icon of “Black Power” and revolution.

The K.Kinte Show Season 6 Origin of The Term “ Black Power “ in RVA 1919 The Richmond Planet Paper John Mitchell Jr. wit Guest Haki Kweli Shakur

The Alabama Origins of Black Power and the Black Panther

In 1965, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), led by then activist Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Toure)–who later became SNCC’s chair–organized a voter registration project in Lowndes County, Alabama. Although 80 percent of County residents were Black, the white power structure kept all from voting. The LFCO adopted the Black Panther as the organization’s logo. The organization was also known as “The Black Panther Party.”[1] The LFCO registered voters, organized health clinics, and also ran candidates for county offices. Explaining the logo in 1966, the LFCO wrote: “Their symbol is the “Black Panther” which stands for courage, determination, and freedom. It was chosen as an appropriate response to the racist Alabama Democratic Party symbol, the white rooster and its slogan, “White Supremacy/For the Right.”[2] The Black Panther rose as a fierce defender of Black Alabamans. Faced with the white dominated political economy–white sheriffs, coroners, education boards, and landowners–the LFCO fought for political rights. Despite evictions and terrorist intimidation, the LFCO ran candidates and brought candidates out to vote.[3]. Out of this struggle also led Willie Ricks (Baba Mukasa) to coin the phrase “Black Power.”[4] The symbolism of Black Power, embodied in the Black Panther, led to two different efforts in Northern and Southern California: Freedom City and the Black Panther Party.

The Black Panther and Watt’s ‘Freedom City’

Out of the ashes of the fiery Watts Rebellion of August 1965, In Los Angeles, Black Angelenos sought to incorporate the Watts section as “Freedom City.”[5] After the creation of the Temporary Alliance of Local Organizations, a Black united front, the group created the Community Alert Patrol (CAP), a police monitoring organization. TALO later led the drive to enact an idea proposed by SNCC: “Freedom City.” Watts would secede from Los Angeles and “exist as a separate city with powers of incorporation.”[6] The Freedom City movement adopted the Black Panther as its logo [7]. TALO declared: “For a generation we have vainly protested against a system and a society which have held us in de facto slavery. We have been exploited by the majority of society. We fear the police and the criminal equally. Our votes are overwhelmed by the majority of the electorate, a substantial segment of which has even denied us a public hospital… “We shall build a city, as the Jews have built a state, where the rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness will be guaranteed…”[8] As many white-majority cities in the Los Angeles area engaged in defensive incorporation for tax-benefits and to maintain racial exclusiveness, TALO sought political power by creating a city in which New African people would control the political structure and policing and public health institutions. Black Angelenos sought an independent municipality to govern themselves and control their lives. The efforts for self-determination and freedom of Black communities in California also occurred in Northern California.

The Black Panther and Community Control in Oakland

In October 1966, Huey Newton and Bobby Seale formed the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in Oakland. The revolutionary organization also utilized the Black Power framework with the first point of its Ten Point Plan declaring: 1. WE WANT FREEDOM. WE WANT POWER TO DETERMINE THE DESTINY OF OUR BLACK AND OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES. We believe that Black and oppressed people will not be free until we are able to determine our destinies in our communities ourselves, by fully controlling all the institutions that exist in our communities.[9]
As West Oakland became the “Black Ghetto” section of the city, the Black Panther’s platform call for full-employment, housing, health, education, and an end to the colonial relationship maintained by the capitalist class symbolized a bold response for independence. The organization’s seventh–and most well known–platform against police brutality and containment led to armed patrols of police. The group later organized other “survival” programs tending to the basic, every day needs of the Black community.[10]

As the symbol of the Black Panther traveled west from Alabama to Los Angeles and Oakland, so did the spirit of “courage, determination, and freedom.” Lowndes County efforts at political control and empowerment through the ballot box and elected office inspired other actions in California. In Los Angeles, the Panther symbolized “Freedom City,” and the Black California Dream of an independent city, for and by Black folks. Not unlike Allensworth, California, formed some 60 years prior. In Freedom City, the people would control the police and political institutions, and would have access to health facilities. In Oakland, the Panther symbolized freedom from the “occupying army” called the po-lice. The Panther would ‘Defend the Ghetto’ [12] and empower Wretched of the Earth [13, ref] to control their own lives. As the Panther traveled west with SNCC, the call for “Black Power” resonated with young people throughout California and later the nation. As the Oakland-based Black Panther Party emerged from student groups at Merritt College and UC Berkeley[14], as many members of TALO and later LA’s Black Congress were students[15]. The organization that launched the Black Panther and Black Power, SNCC, has its origins with students who went beyond the walls of the academy and ultimately altered the course of history, challenged the American Empire[16], and changed the world.

The Black Revolutinary Action Movement 1962

After a year (1963) of local and regional mobilization for jobs and resisting police brutality, RAM organizers went into the South, working with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), in Greenwood, Mississippi. From 1964-1965 RAM worked closely with Minister Malcolm X, who joined RAM and served as its secret international spokesman in conjunction with Robert F. Williams, it’s International Chairman.
RAM developed a twelve-point-program in July 1964, when it became a national organization It read Development of:
1.A National Black Student Organization Movement.
2.Ideology (Freedom) Schools.
3.Rifle Clubs.
4.A Liberation Army.
5.Propaganda, Training Centers and a National Organization.
6.An Underground Vanguard.
7.Black Workers “Liberation Unions.”
8.Block Organization (Cells).
9.A Nation within a Nation Concept, Government in Exile.
10.A War Fund (Political Economy).
11.Black Farmer Co-operatives.
12.An Army of the Black Unemployed.


The K.Kinte Show BLACK PANTHER PARTY 50th Anniversary, Politcal Prisoners, Free Mutulu Shakur with Haki Kweli Shakur


Notes Erica Lee Anderson, “Lowndes County Freedom Organization”, . [Accessed May 28, 2013]. “Origins of the Black Panther Logo,” examples of sources from the H.K. Yuen Social Movement Archives at UC Berkeley, . [Accessed May 28, 2013]. Anderson, “Lowndes County” “48 Years of Struggle for the Liberation of African People,” Uhuru News, . [Accessed May 28, 2013]. Donald Wheeldin, “The Situation in Watts Today,” 1967. [Accessed May 28, 2013]. Further reading: Gerald Horne, Fire This Time: The Watts Uprising and the 1960s, De Capo Press, 1997; Scott Brown, Fighting for US: Maulana Karenga, the US Organization, and Black Cultural Nationalism, NYU Press, 2005. Keith Hayes, Kwanzaa: Black Power and the Making of the African American Holiday Tradition, Routledge, 2009. “Will Watts Secede?”, The Movement, Publication of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee of California, July 1966. . [Accessed May 28, 2013].


Ibid. “The Ten Point Program,” , The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. [Accessed May 28, 2013]. “Community Survival Programs” of the Black Panther Party, PBS, 2002. . [May 28, 2013]. Stephen, Hill, “Allensworth, California,” . [Accessed May 28, 2013]. James A. Tyner, “‘Defend the Ghetto’: Space and the Urban Politics of the Black Panther Party,”Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 96(1), 105–118, March 2006. Frantz Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth was required reading for Black Panther Party members. Donna Murch, Living for the City: Migration, Education, and the Rise of the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California, University of North Carolina Press, 2005, documents the origins of the Black Panther Party and its connection to student organizations at Merritt College and UC Berkeley.
Brown, Fighting for Us, connects the US organization with Donald Warden’s (Khalid Al-Monsour) Afro-American Association. Joshua Bloom and Waldo Martin, Blacks Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party, UC Press, 2012.



Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM MOI 2-16-52 ADM



Slave Codes, Black Codes, Economic-Based Gun Bans Used To Prevent The Arming Of African Americans, 1640-1995

Before the Civil War ended, State “Slave Codes” prohibited slaves from owning guns. After President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, and after the Thirteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution abolishing slavery was adopted and the Civil War ended in 1865, States persisted in prohibiting blacks, now freemen, from owning guns under laws renamed “Black Codes.” They did so on the basis that blacks were not citizens, and thus did not have the same rights, including the right to keep and bear arms protected in the Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, as whites. This view was specifically articulated by the U.S. Supreme Court in its infamous 1857 decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford to uphold slavery.

The Great Dismal Swamp Maroons (Virginia) & Ann Wood Lady Outlaw – Haki Kweli Shakur

The United States Congress overrode most portions of the Black Codes by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1866. The legislative histories of both the Civil Rights Act and the Fourteenth Amendment, as well as The Special Report of the Anti-Slavery Conference of 1867, are replete with denunciations of those particular statutes that denied blacks equal access to firearms. [Kates, Handgun Prohibition and the Original Meaning of the Second Amendment, 82 Mich. L. Rev. 204, 256 (1983)] However, facially neutral disarming through economic means laws remain in effect.

After the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1868, most States turned to “facially neutral” business or transaction taxes on handgun purchases. However, the intention of these laws was not neutral. An article in Virginia’s official university law review called for a “prohibitive tax … on the privilege” of selling handguns as a way of disarming “the son of Ham”, whose “cowardly practice of ‘toting’ guns has been one of the most fruitful sources of crime … .Let a negro board a railroad train with a quart of mean whiskey and a pistol in his grip and the chances are that there will be a murder, or at least a row, before he alights.” [Comment, Carrying Concealed Weapons, 15 Va L. Reg. 391, 391-92 (1909); George Mason University Civil Rights Law Journal, Vol. 2, No. 1, “Gun Control and Racism,” Stefan Tahmassebi, 1991, p. 75] Thus, many Southern States imposed high taxes or banned inexpensive guns so as to price blacks and poor whites out of the gun market.

Outlaw Maroon Bob Ferebee, Blue Ridge Maroons, Casual Killing Act Of VA 1669 – Haki Kweli Shakur

In the 1990s, “gun control” laws continue to be enacted so as to have a racist effect if not intent:

Police-issued license and permit laws, unless drafted to require issuance to those not prohibited by law from owning guns, are routinely used to prevent lawful gun ownership among “unpopular” populations. Public housing residents, approximately 3 million Americans, are singled out for gun bans. “Gun sweeps” by police in “high crime neighborhoods” whereby vehicles and “pedestrians who meet a specific profile that might indicate they are carrying a weapon” are searched are becoming popular, and are being studied by U.S. Department of Justice as “Operation Ceasefire.”


Year Jurisdiction Statute
1640 Virginia Race-based total gun and self-defense ban. “Prohibiting Negroes, slave and free, from carrying weapons including clubs.” (Los Angeles Times, To Fight Crime, Some Blacks Attack Gun Control, January 19, 1992)
1640 Virginia Race-based total gun ban. “That all such free Mulattos, Negroes and Indians … shall appear without arms.” [7 The Statues at Large; Being a Collection of all the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619, p. 95 (W. W. Henning ed. 1823).] (GMU CR LJ, p. 67)
1712 Virginia Race-based total gun ban. “An Act for Preventing Negroes Insurrections.” (Henning, p. 481) (GMU CR LJ, p. 70)
1712 South Carolina Race-based total gun ban. “An act for the better ordering and governing of Negroes and slaves.” [7 Statutes at Large of South Carolina, p. 353-54 (D. J. McCord ed. 1836-1873).] (GMU CR LJ, p. 70)
1791 United States 2nd Amendment to the U. S. Constitution ratified. Reads: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”
1792 United States Blacks excluded from the militia, i.e. law-abiding males thus instilled with the right to own guns. Uniform Militia Act of 1792 “called for the enrollment of every free, able-bodied white male citizen between the ages of eighteen and forty-five” to be in the militia, and specified that every militia member was to “provide himself with a musket or firelock, a bayonet, and ammunition.” [1 Stat. 271 (Georgetown Law Journal, Vol. 80, No. 2, “The Second Amendment: Toward an Afro-Americanist Reconsideration,” Robert Cottrol and Raymond Diamond, 1991, p. 331)]
1806 Louisiana Complete gun and self-defense ban for slaves. Black Code, ch. 33, Sec. 19, Laws of La. 150, 160 (1806) provided that a slave was denied the use of firearms and all other offensive weapons. (GLJ, p. 337)
1811 Louisiana Complete gun ban for slaves. Act of Apr. 8, 1811, ch. 14, 1811 Laws of La. 50, 53-54, forbade sale or delivery of firearms to slaves. (Id.)
1819 South Carolina Master’s permission required for gun possession by slave. Act of Dec. 18, 1819, 1819 Acts of S. C. 28, 31 prohibited slaves outside the company of whites or without written permission from their master from using or carrying firearms unless they were hunting or guarding the master’s plantation. (Id.)
1825 Florida Slave and free black homes searched for guns for confiscation. “An Act to Govern Patrols,” 1825 Acts of Fla. 52, 55 – Section 8provided that white citizen patrols “shall enter into all Negro houses and suspected places, and search for arms and other offensive or improper weapons, and may lawfully seize and take away such arms, weapons, and ammunition …” Section 9 provided that a slave might carry a firearm under this statute either by means of the weekly renewable license or if “in the presence of some white person.” (Id.)
1828 Florida Free blacks permitted to carry guns if court approval. Act of Nov. 17, 1828 Sec. 9, 1828 Fla. Laws 174, 177; Act of Jan. 12, 1828, Sec. 9, 1827 Fla. Laws 97, 100 – Florida went back and forth on the question of licenses for free blacks; twice in 1828, Florida enacted provisions providing for free blacks to carry and use firearms upon obtaining a license from a justice of the peace. (Id.)
1831 Florida Race-based total gun ban. Act of Jan. 1831, 1831 Fla. Laws 30 – Florida repealed all provision for firearm licenses for free blacks. (Id. p. 337-38)
1831 Delaware Free blacks permitted to carry guns if court approval. In the December 1831 legislative session, Delaware required free blacks desiring to carry firearms to obtain a license from a justice of the peace. [Herbert Aptheker, Nat Turner’s Slave Rebellion, p. 74-75 (1966).](GLJ, p. 338)
1831 Maryland Race-based total gun ban. In the December 1831 legislative session, Maryland entirely prohibited free blacks from carrying arms. (Aptheker, p. 75) (GLJ, p. 338)
1831 Virginia Race-based total gun ban. In the December 1831 legislative session, Virginia entirely prohibited free blacks from carrying arms. (Aptheker, p. 81) (GLJ, p. 338)
1833 Florida Slave and free black homes searched for guns for confiscation. Act of Feb. 17, 1833, ch. 671, Sec. 15, 17, 1833 Fla. Laws 26, 29 authorized white citizen patrols to seize arms found in the homes of slaves and free blacks, and provided that blacks without a proper explanation for the presence of the firearms be summarily punished, without benefit of a judicial tribunal. (Id. p. 338)
1833 Georgia Race-based total gun ban. Act of Dec. 23, 1833, Sec. 7, 1833 Ga. Laws 226, 228 declared that “it shall not be lawful for any free person of colour in this state, to own, use, or carry fire arms of any description whatever.” (Id.)
1840 Florida Complete gun ban for slaves. Act of Feb. 25, 1840, no. 20, Sec. 1, 1840 Acts of Fla. 22-23 made sale or delivery of firearms to slaves forbidden. (Id. p. 337)
1840 Texas Complete gun ban for slaves. “An Act Concerning Slaves,” Sec. 6, 1840 Laws of Tex. 171, 172, ch. 58 of the Texas Acts of 1850 prohibited slaves from using firearms altogether from 1842-1850. (Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, Northwestern University, Vol. 85, No. 3, “Gun Control and Economic Discrimination: The Melting-Point Case-In-Point”, T. Markus Funk, 1995, p. 797)
1844 North Carolina Race-based gun ban upheld because free blacks “not citizens.” In State v. Newsom, 27 N. C. 250 (1844), the Supreme Court of North Carolina upheld a Slave Code law prohibiting free blacks from carrying firearms on the grounds that they were not citizens. (GMU CR LJ, p. 70)
1845 North Carolina Complete gun ban for slaves. Act of Jan. 1, 1845, ch. 87, Sec. 1, 2, 1845 Acts of N. C. 124 made sale or delivery of firearms to slaves forbidden. (GLJ, p. 337)
1847 Florida Slave and free black homes searched for guns for confiscation. Act of Jan. 6, 1847, ch. 87 Sec. 11, 1846 Fla. Laws 42, 44 provided that white citizen patrols might search the homes of blacks, both free and slave and confiscate arms held therein. (Id. p. 338)

1848 Georgia Race-based gun ban upheld because free blacks “not citizens.” In Cooper v. Savannah, 4 Ga. 68, 72 (1848), the Georgia Supreme Court ruled “free persons of color have never been recognized here as citizens; they are not entitled to bear arms, vote for members of the legislature, or to hold any civil office.” (GMU CR LJ, p. 70)
1852 Mississippi Race-based complete gun ban. Act of Mar. 15, 1852, ch. 206, 1852 Laws of Miss. 328 forbade ownership of firearms by both free blacks and slaves. (JCLC NWU, p. 797)
1857 United States High Court upholds slavery since blacks “not citizens.” In Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U. S. (19 How.) 393 (1857), Chief Justice Taney argued if members of the African race were “citizens” they would be exempt from the special “police regulations” applicable to them. “It would give to persons of the Negro race … full liberty of speech … to hold public meetings upon political affairs, and to keep and carry arms wherever they went.” (Id. p. 417) U. S. Supreme Court held that descendants of Africans who were imported into this country and sold as slaves were not included nor intended to be included under the word “citizens” in the Constitution, whether emancipated or not, and remained without rights or privileges except such as those which the government might grant them, thereby upholding slavery. Also held that a slave did not become free when taken into a free state; that Congress cannot bar slavery in any territory; and that blacks could not be citizens.
1860 Georgia Complete gun ban for slaves. Act of Dec. 19, 1860, no. 64, Sec. 1, 1860 Acts of Ga. 561 forbade sale or delivery of firearms to slaves. (GLJ, p. 337)

1861 United States Civil War begins.
1861 Florida Slave and free black homes searched for guns for confiscation. Act of Dec. 17, 1861, ch. 1291, Sec. 11, 1861 Fla. Laws 38, 40provided once again that white citizen patrols might search the homes of blacks, both free and slave, and confiscate arms held therein. (Id. p. 338)
1863 United States Emancipation Proclamation President Lincoln issued proclamation “freeing all slaves in areas still in rebellion.”
1865 Mississippi Blacks require police approval to own guns, unless in military. Mississippi Statute of 1865 prohibited blacks, not in the military“ and not licensed so to do by the board of police of his or her county” from keeping or carrying “fire-arms of any kind, or any ammunition, dirk or bowie knife.” [reprinted in 1 Documentary History of Reconstruction: Political, Military, Social, Religious, Educational and Industrial, 1865 to the Present Time, p. 291, Walter L. Fleming, ed., 1960.] (GLJ, p. 344)
1865 Louisiana Blacks require police and employer approval to own guns, unless in military. Louisiana Statute of 1865 prohibited blacks, not in the military service, from “carrying fire-arms, or any kind of weapons … without the special permission of his employers, approved and indorsed by the nearest and most convenient chief of patrol.” (Fleming, p. 280) (GLJ, p. 344)
1865 United States Civil War ends May 26.
1865 United States Slavery abolished as of December 18, 1865. 13th Amendment abolishing slavery was ratified. Reads: “Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or in any place subject to their jurisdiction. Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.”
1866 Alabama Race-based total gun ban. Black Code of Alabama in January 1866 prohibited blacks to own or carry firearms or other deadly weapons and prohibited “any person to sell, give, or lend fire-arms or ammunition of any description whatever” to any black. [The Reconstruction Amendments’ Debates, p. 209, (Alfred Avins ed., 1967)] (GLJ, p. 345)
1866 North Carolina Rights of blacks can be changed by legislature. North Carolina Black Code, ch. 40, 1866 N. C. Sess. Laws 99 stated “All persons of color who are now inhabitants of this state shall be entitled to the same privileges, and are subject to the same burdens and disabilities, as by the laws of the state were conferred on, or were attached to, free persons of color, prior to the ordinance of emancipation, except as the same may be changed by law.” (Avins, p. 291.) (GLJ, p. 344)
1866 United States Civil Rights Act of 1866 enacted. CRA of 1866 did away with badges of slavery embodied in the “Black Codes,” including those provisions which “prohibit any Negro or mulatto from having fire-arms.” [CONG. GLOBE, 39th Congress, 1st Session, pt. 1, 474 (29 Jan. 1866)] Senator William Saulsbury (D-Del) added “In my State for many years … there has existed a law … which declares that free Negroes shall not have the possession of firearms or ammunition. This bill proposes to take away from the States this police power …” and thus voted against the bill. CRA of 1866 was a precursor to today’s 42 USC Sec. 1982, a portion of which still reads: “All citizens of the United States shall have the same right, in every state and territory, as is enjoyed by white citizens thereof to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal property.”
1866 United States Proposed 14th Amendment to U. S. Constitution debated. Opponents of the 14th Amendment objected to its adoption because they opposed federal enforcement of the freedoms in the bill of rights. Senator Thomas A. Hendricks (D-Indiana) said “if this amendment be adopted we will then carry the title [of citizenship] and enjoy its advantages in common with the Negroes, the coolies, and the Indians.” [CONG. GLOBE, 39th Congress, 1st Session, pt. 3, 2939 (4 June 1866)]. Senator Reverdy Johnson, counsel for the slave owner in Dred Scott, opposed the amendment because “it is quite objectionable to provide that ‘no State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States’.” Thus, the 14th Amendment was viewed as necessary to buttress the Civil Rights Act of 1866, especially since the act “is pronounced void by the jurists and courts of the South,” e. g. Florida has as “a misdemeanor for colored men … and the punishment … is whipping …” [CONG GLOBE, 39th Con., 1st Session, 504, pt. 4, 3210 (16 June1866)].

1866 United States Klu Klux Klan formed. Purpose was to terrorize blacks who voted; temporarily disbanded in1871; reestablished in 1915. In debating what would become 42 USC Sec. 1983, today’s federal civil rights statute, Representative Butler explained “This provision seemed to your committee to be necessary, because they had observed that, before these midnight marauders [the KKK] made attacks upon peaceful citizens, there were very many instances in the South where the sheriff of the county had preceded them and taken away the arms of their victims. This was especially noticeable in Union County, where all the Negro population were disarmed by the sheriff only a few months ago under the order of the judge … ; and then, the sheriff having disarmed the citizens, the five hundred masked men rode at nights and murdered and otherwise maltreated the ten persons who were in jail in that county.” [1464 H. R. REP. No. 37, 41st Cong., 3rd Sess. p. 7-8 (20 Feb. 1871)]
1867 United States The Special Report of the Anti-Slavery Conference of 1867. Report noted with particular emphasis that under the Black Codes, blacks were “forbidden to own or bear firearms, and thus were rendered defenseless against assaults.” (Reprinted in H. Hyman, The Radical Republicans and Reconstruction, p. 219, 1967.) (GMU CR LJ, p. 71)
1868 United States 14th Amendment to the U. S. Constitution adopted, conveying citizenship to blacks. Reads, in part: “Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” “Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.”
1870 Tennessee First “Saturday Night Special” economic handgun ban passed. In the first legislative session in which they gained control, white supremacists passed “An Act to Preserve the Peace and Prevent Homicide,” which banned the sale of all handguns except the expensive “Army and Navy model handgun” which whites already owned or could afford to buy, and blacks could not. (Gun Control: White Man’s Law, William R. Tonso, Reason, December 1985) Upheld in Andrews v. State, 50 Tenn. (3 Heisk.)165, 172 (1871) (GMU CR LJ, p. 74) “The cheap revolvers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries were referred to as ”Suicide Specials,“ the ”Saturday Night Special“ label not becoming widespread until reformers and politicians took up the gun control cause during the 1960s. The source of this recent concern about cheap revolvers, as their new label suggest, has much in common with the concerns of the gun-law initiators of the post-Civil War South. As B. Bruce-Briggs has written in the Public Interest, ”It is difficult to escape the conclusion that the “Saturday Night Special” is emphasized because it is cheap and being sold to a particular class of people. The name is sufficient evidence — the reference is to “niggertown Saturday night.” (Gun Control: White Man’s Law,William R. Tonso, Reason, December 1985)
1871 United States Anti-KKK Bill debated in response to race-motivated violence in South. A report on violence in the South resulted in an anti-KKK bill that stated “That whoever shall, without due process of law, by violence, intimidation, or threats, take away or deprive any citizen of the United States of any arms or weapons he may have in his house or possession for the defense of his person, family, or property, shall be deemed guilty of a larceny thereof, and be punished as provided in this act for a felony.” [1464 H. R. REP. No. 37, 41st Cong., 3rd Sess. p. 7-8 (20 Feb. 1871)]. Since Congress doesn’t have jurisdiction over simple larceny, the language was removed from the anti-KKK bill, but this section survives today as 42 USC Sec. 1983: “That any person who, under color of any law, … of any State, shall subject, or cause to be subjected, any person … to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities to which … he is entitled under the Constitution … shall be liable … in any action at law … for redress … .”

1875 United States High Court rules has no power to stop KKK members from disarming blacks. In United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U. S. at 548-59 (1875) A member of the KKK, Cruikshank had been charged with violating the rights of two black men to peaceably assemble and to bear arms. The U. S. Supreme Court held that the federal government had no power to protect citizens against private action (not committed by federal or state government authorities) that deprived them of their constitutional rights under the 14th Amendment. The Court held that for protection against private criminal action, individuals are required to look to state governments. “The doctrine in Cruikshank, that blacks would have to look to state government for protection against criminal conspiracies gave the green light to private forces, often with the assistance of state and local governments, that sought to subjugate the former slaves and … With the protective arm of the federal government withdrawn, protection of black lives and property was left to largely hostile state governments.” (GLJ, p. 348.)
1879 Tennessee Second “Saturday Night Special” economic handgun ban passed. Tennessee revamped its economic handgun ban nine years later, passing “An Act to Prevent the Sale of Pistols,” which was upheld in State v. Burgoyne, 75 Tenn. 173, 174 (1881). (GMU CR LJ, p. 74)
1882 Arkansas Third “Saturday Night Special” economic handgun ban passed. Arkansas followed Tennessee’s lead by enacting a virtually identical “Saturday Night Special” law banning the sale of any pistols other than expensive “army or navy” model revolvers, which most whites had or could afford, thereby disarming blacks. Statute was upheld in Dabbs v. State, 39 Ark. 353 (1882) (GMU CR LJ, p. 74)
1893 Alabama First all-gun economic ban passed. Alabama placed “extremely heavy business and/or transactional taxes“ on the sale of handguns in an attempt ”to put handguns out of the reach of blacks and poor whites.“ (Gun Control: White Man’s Law, William R. Tonso, Reason, December 1985)
1902 South Carolina First total civilian handgun ban. The state banned all pistol sales except to sheriffs and their special deputies, which included the KKK and company strongmen. (Kates, ”Toward a History of Handgun Prohibition in the United States“ in Restricting Handguns: The Liberal Skeptics Speak Out, p. 15, 1979.) (GMU CR LJ, p. 76)
1906 Mississippi Race-based confiscation through record-keeping. Mississippi enacted the first registration law for retailers in1906, requiring them to maintain records of all pistol and pistol ammunition sales, and to make such records available for inspection on demand. (Kates, p. 14) (GMU CR LJ, p. 75)
1907 Texas Fourth ”Saturday Night Special“ economic handgun ban. Placed ”extremely heavy business and/or transactional taxes” on the sale of handguns in an attempt “to put handguns out of the reach of blacks and poor whites.” (Gun Control: White Man’s Law, William R. Tonso, Reason, December 1985)
1911 New York Police choose who can own guns lawfully. “Sullivan Law” enacted, requiring police permission, via a permit issued at their discretion, to own a handgun. Unpopular minorities were and are routinely denied permits. (Gun Control: White Man’s Law, William R. Tonso, Reason, December 1985) “(T)here are only about 3, 000 permits in New York City, and 25, 000carry permits. If you’re a street-corner grocer in Manhattan, good luck getting a gun permit. But among those who have been able to wrangle a precious carry permit out of the city’s bureaucracy are Donald Trump, Arthur Ochs Sulzburger, William Buckley, Jr., and David, John, Lawrence and Winthrop Rockefeller. Surprise.” (Terrance Moran, Racism and the Firearms Firestorm, Legal Times)
1934 United States Gun Control Act of 1934 (National Firearms Act) passed.
1941 Florida Judge admits gun law passed to disarm black laborers. In concurring opinion narrowly construing a Florida gun control law passed in 1893, Justice Buford stated the 1893 law “was passed when there was a great influx of Negro laborers … The same condition existed when the Act was amended in 1901 and the Act was passed for the purpose of disarming the Negro laborers … The statute was never intended to be applied to the white population and in practice has never been so applied … .” Watson v. Stone, 148 Fla. 516, 524, 4 So. 2d 700, 703 (1941) (GMU CR LJ, p. 69)


The Following Historical Events Are Included as Context for Passage of the Gun Control Act of 1968:

Year Jurisdiction Statute

1954 United States Supreme Court held racial segregation of schools violates 14th Amendment.
1955 United States Alabama bus segregation ordinance held unconstitutional after boycott and NAACP protest.
1956 United States Massive resistance to Supreme Court desegregation ruling called for by 101 Southern congressmen.
1957 United States Congress approved first civil rights law for blacks. Governor ordered National Guard troops to prevent nine blacks from entering all-white high school in Little Rock; President Eisenhower had to send federal military troops to enforce court order that Guardsman be removed.
1960 United States Sit-ins began February 1 when four black college students in Greensboro, NC, refused to move from a lunch counter after being denied service; by 1961, more than 700, 000 students, black and white, had participated in sit-ins.
1962 United States 3,000 troops were required to quell riots after University of Mississippi accepted first black student.
1963 United States 200, 000 people participated in March on Washington, at which Dr. Martin Luther King gave his famous “I have a dream” speech. President John F. Kennedy assassinated in November.
1964 United States Omnibus civil rights bill barring discrimination in voting, jobs, discrimination, etc.; three civil rights workers reported missing in Mississippi, found buried two months later, 21 white men arrested, seven of whom an all-white federal court jury convicted of conspiracy only.
1965 California 34 dead in race riot in Watts area of Los Angeles, CA.
1966 United States First black U. S. senator in 85 years elected (Edward Brook, R-MA)
1967 United States Race riots in Newark, NJ, kill 26, injure 1, 500, with over 1, 000 arrested. Race riots in Detroit, MI, killed at least 40, injured 2, 000 and left 5, 000 homeless; was quelled by 4, 700 federal paratroopers and 8, 000 National Guardsmen. Thurgood Marshall sworn in Oct. 2 as first black justice of the U. S. Supreme Court.
1968 United States Martin Luther King assassinated in April. Robert F. Kennedy assassinated in June.
1968 United States Gun Control Act of 1968 passed. Avowed anti-gun journalist Robert Sherrill frankly admitted that the Gun Control Act of 1968 was “passed not to control guns but to control Blacks.” [R. Sherrill, The Saturday Night Special, p. 280 (1972).] (GMU CRLJ, p. 80) “The Gun Control Act of 1968 was passed not to control guns but to control blacks, and inasmuch as a majority of Congress did not want to do the former but were ashamed to show that their goal was the latter, the result was they did neither. Indeed, this law, the first gun-control law passed by Congress in thirty years, was one of the grand jokes of our time. First of all, bear in mind that it was not passed in one piece but was a combination of two laws. The original 1968 Act was passed to control handguns after the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., had been assassinated with a rifle. Then it was repealed and repassed to include the control of rifles and shotguns after the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy with a handgun … The moralists of our federal legislature as well as sentimental editorial writers insist that the Act of 1968 was a kind of memorial to King and Robert Kennedy. If so, it was certainly a weird memorial, as can be seen not merely by the handgun/long-gun shell game, but from the inapplicability of the law to their deaths.” (The Saturday Night Special and Other Guns, Robert Sherrill, p. 280, 1972)

1988 Maryland Fifth “Saturday Night Special” economic handgun ban passes. Ban on “Saturday Night Specials,” i.e. inexpensive handguns, passes.
1988 Illinois Poor citizens singled out for gun ban in Illinois. Starting in late 1988, the Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) and the Chicago Police Dept. (CPD) enacted and enforced an official policy, Operation Clean Sweep, which applied to all housing units owned and operated by the CHA. The purpose was the confiscation of firearms and illegal narcotics and consisted of warrantless searches and of a visitor exclusion policy severely limiting the right of CHA tenants to associate in their residences with family members and other guests, tenants had to sign in and out of the building, producing to the police or CHA officials photo Id. Relatives, including children and grandchildren, were not allowed to stay over, even on holidays. CHA tenants who objected or attempted to interfere with these warrantless searches were arrested. The ACLU filed a lawsuit seeking declaratory and injunctive relief on behalf of the CHA tenants against the enforcement of Operation Clean Sweep. The complaint was filed in the United Sates District Court for the Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division, on December 16, 1988, as Case No. 88C10566 and is styled as Rose Summeries, et al. v. Chicago Housing Authority, et al. A consent decree was entered on November 30, 1989 in which the CHA and CPD agreed to abide by certain standards and in which the scope and purposes of such “emergency housing inspections” were limited. (GMU, p. 98)
1990 Virginia Poor citizens singled out for gun ban in Virginia. U. S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia upheld a ban imposed by the Richmond Housing Authority on the possession of all firearms, whether operable or not, in public housing projects. The Richmond Tenants Organization had challenged the ban, arguing that such requirement had made the city’s 14, 000 public housing residents second-class citizens. [Richmond Tenants Org. v. Richmond Dev. & House. Auth., No. C. A. 3:90CV00576 (E. D. Va. Dec. 3, 1990).] (GMU, p. 97)
1994 United States President seeks to single out all poor citizens residing in federal housing for gun ban. The Clinton Administration introduced H. R. 3838 in 1994 to ban guns in federal public housing, but the House Banking Committee reject edit. Similar legislation was filed in 1994 in the Oregon and Washington state legislatures.
1995 Maine Poor citizens singled out for gun ban in Maine. Portland, Maine, gun ban in public housing struck down on April 5, 1995.