State of a Nation, Republic of New Afrika From Washington D.C. 1986

State of a Nation By Courtl and Milloy
March 30, 1986

The Republic of New Afrika had a revolutionary idea when it was formed in 1968: The U.S. government would set aside six Southern states for black Americans as a “payback” for slavery.

The RNA went so far as to establish “the first African capital in the northern Western Hemisphere” in Hinds County, Miss., but police and FBI raids on the headquarters left the group in disarray. By 1971, the RNA had been dissolved, or “destabilized” as some members claim.

The Preamble We Govern Ourselves, New Afrika is The Only Solution

Today, a reformed and relocated Republic of New Afrika marks the passage of 18 years since its founding with a “humanitarian” plea to President Reagan for the release of RNA members and other “political activists” who were arrested and jailed during those turbulent times.

But instead of issuing communiques from the embattled capital, consecrated El Malik, the group yesterday held a news conference in the new home town of the provisional RNA government: Washington.

It was a curious evolution for this once-feared group, which in some ways seems stuck in a time warp. Didn’t the failure of such small-time creations as “Soul City” prove that the idea of a black nation within America had lost its appeal? And didn’t the campaign of Jesse L. Jackson for president prove that most blacks had bought into the political life of these United States?

Imari Obadele, president of the RNA, remains adamant in his belief that blacks would demand a nation of their own if they knew that international law entitled them to one. “The 14th Amendment, an attempt to bestow citizenship on the Africans, newly freed from slavery, does not stipulate that the Africans had to become Americans,” he said. “It meant they were free — free to choose to return to Africa, stay here and become Americans or stay here and form a separate country. Integrationists like Jesse Jackson would be free to stay and become American.” And what would this new nation be like? The RNA held elections in November 1984, and they offered some insight.

Biafra: Biafra, New Afrika, Catalonia, Aztlan, Struggle For Total Independence – Haki Kweli Shakur


The elections were held on street corners in various cities, with fairly strong showings in Philadelphia, New York, Chicago and here in Washington.

“Because of our limited resources and the lack of access to the media, our efforts were restricted,” said Thomas Stanley, a Washington native who was elected minister of information. “But it was still an open and honest election, and people took it seriously.” Stanley says RNA membership today is between 5,000 and 10,000 people, although the group regards all black Americans as citizens. “We divide them into those who are conscious citizens or those who are unconscious,” Stanley said.

Republic of New Afrika, PGRNA 50th Year Commemoration, 3- 31-68 – 2018, Land, Independence, Ujamaa


Under the new government, judges were elected and empowered to perform marriages and divorces, and also to issue name-change certificates for those wishing to discard their “slave names” for African names.

A minister of interior was elected to issue passports, among other duties.

Also under the new rules, male citizens of the Republic of New Afrika would be allowed to have more than one wife — “because of the shortage of men,” says President Obadele, who is 55. Says Stanley, “I’d move back to Mississippi in a minute.”

Until that day, the RNA will be operating out of Washington, its traditional rhetoric about the “military viability” and “second-strike capabilities” of their new country significantly toned down in favor of drawing and educating new members. “I like D.C.,” said Obadele, who moved here from Philadelphia soon after his release from prison in 1983, where he had served five years on charges of conspiracy to assault federal officers who raided the Hinds County headquarters. “Washington has a long black nationalist population that is cohesive. I like the unity here.”

With a PhD in political science from Temple University, Obadele no doubt is aware of the uphill battle he faces. But surely he did not miss the irony of establishing a provisional national capital in the District of Columbia, a city that has tried but failed to become a state.




August 1995 L.A. Times Activist Is Harlem’s ‘Queen Mother’ Inspired by Marcus Garvey, Queen Audley Moore has struggled to lift up New Afrikans July 27, 1898 – May 2, 1996

Activist Is Harlem’s ‘Queen Mother’ Inspired by Marcus Garvey, Queen Audley Moore has struggled to lift up New Afrikans

NEW YORK — The woman known as “Queen Mother” sits in a wheelchair, staring blankly out the window of a nursing home on the edge of Harlem.

It seems, on this morning, that her 97 years have caught up with Audley (Queen Mother) Moore. Her memory is as irregular as the flecks of black in her long gray hair. She has difficulty swallowing her medicine.

But mention the quote from Nelson Mandela–“The struggle is my life”–on her wall, and the lifelong political activist slowly turns her head. Point out the framed photo of Marcus Garvey and the green, black and red African liberation flag, and she focuses her light brown eyes.

Queen Mother Audley Moore First Signer of The PGRNA Declaration of Independence 1985 Full Interview


In a slow, hoarse voice, she tells of her 75 years in “the struggle.” It’s a tale of lynching and rape in the rural South, of street preaching in Harlem, of organizing black workers, fighting for prisoners and even being a Communist.

Though she’s virtually unknown to most whites, Moore is a hero in Harlem and a familiar figure to historians. She has become the elder, elder stateswoman of black nationalism.

“Queen Mother Moore is a legend. Everyone knows her. Every one salutes her for the history she is involved in,” says Vivian Jones, district administrator for Harlem Rep. Charles B. Rangel (D-N.Y.).

At 97, Moore has outlasted a stroke, two mastectomies and a broken hip. She is generally healthy and still loves the beans and rice and collard greens of her youth, said Delois Blakely, a Harlem activist who takes care of her.

And Moore is still active, appearing at events ranging from Mike Tyson’s homecoming to the recent meeting between Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan and Betty Shabazz, Malcolm X’s widow.

As Blakely pushes her wheelchair, Moore is introduced to loud ovations, waving and smiling. She occasionally says a few words.

Before age slowed her, she was notably combative.

“In her younger days, she could be very rough on people who didn’t believe like she did,” said Percy Sutton, a former Manhattan borough president and longtime civil rights activist. He describes Moore as “a great lady.”

Moore’s aggressiveness was forged by violence: Her grandmother was raped by a white man and her grandfather was lynched.

According to “Black Women in America: An Historical Encyclopedia,” Moore was born in New Iberia, La., on July 27, 1898. Both parents died by the time Moore was in the fourth grade, so she dropped out of school and by age 15 became a hairdresser.

Black Extremist Identity? Queen Mother Said New Afrikan Identity – Haki Kweli Shakur

A few years later, Moore’s life changed when she heard a speech in New Orleans by Garvey, a Jamaican immigrant known as the “Black Moses” who founded a back-to-Africa movement.

The crowd was armed because Garvey had been arrested the night before. Moore brought two guns, one in her bosom, the other in her pocketbook.

“When Garvey started to speak, the police department tried to stop him and the people said, ‘Speak, Garvey, speak!’ ” Moore remembers.

Inspired by Garvey’s talk of African culture and pride, Moore moved to Harlem and became a leader of his Universal Negro Improvement Assn. Garvey’s movement collapsed when he was deported in 1927 after serving two years in prison for mail fraud.

But Moore’s path was set. A powerful speaker and organizer, she linked herself over the next 60 years to causes that ranged the political spectrum–always working outside the civil rights mainstream.

Moore joined the Communist Party in 1933, recalling today that “the Communists were the only ones interested in my revolutionary rights.” She ran as a Communist for New York’s state Assembly in 1938 but left the party in 1950. She later became a Republican, then a Democrat.

At various times, Moore organized domestic workers in New York City, fought evictions of black tenants and agitated for black political representation, prisoner rights and integrating the armed forces.

Jailed at least three times, she even organized her fellow inmates.

In the 1960s, Moore formed a committee to demand federal reparations for blacks as compensation for slavery, her primary issue for the last 30 years.

Taking the first of many trips to Africa in 1972, Moore was given the honorary title of queen mother of a tribe in Ghana. It became her informal name in the United States.

Howard Dodson, head of Harlem’s Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, says Moore’s career represents “a link between the best elements of the nationalists and radical left political traditions in Harlem over the past five, six decades.”

“At an advanced age, she’s still in the struggle. That means a lot to people,” he added.

And Moore plans to hang around awhile longer. She hopes to attend the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing next month and visit Africa again next year, says Blakely.

“I feel good. I feel young. My work isn’t complete,” says Moore, whose smooth cheeks make her look younger than her age.

Asked how she wants to be remembered, she laughs.

“I want to live forever.”


Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI 5-2-53 ADM

May 2 1973 The New Jersey Turnpike Ambush of B.L.A. Assata Shakur, Zayd Malik Shakur , Sundiata Acoli

On May 2, 1973, at about 12:45 a.m. Assata Shakur, along with Zayd Malik Shakur (born James F. Costan) and Sundiata Acoli (born Clark Squire), were stopped on the New Jersey Turnpike in East Brunswick for driving with a broken tail light by State Trooper James Harper, backed up by Trooper Werner Foerster in a second patrol vehicle. The vehicle was also “slightly” exceeding the speed limit. Recordings of Trooper Harper calling the dispatcher were played at the trials of both Acoli and Assata Shakur. The stop occurred 200 yards (183 m) south of what was then the Turnpike Authority administration building. Acoli was driving the two-door vehicle, Assata Shakur was seated in the right front seat, and Zayd Shakur was in the right rear seat. Trooper Harper asked the driver for identification, noticed a discrepancy, asked him to get out of the car, and questioned him at the rear of the vehicle.

It is at this point, with the questioning of Acoli, that the accounts of the confrontation begin to differ However, in the ensuing shootout, Trooper Foerster was shot twice in the head with his own gun and killed, Zayd Shakur was killed, and Assata Shakur and Trooper Harper were wounded.

Night of Resistance ( USU Students ) Mutulu Shakur, Assata Shakur, Afeni Shakur ft Haki Shakur

Unsilencing Stealth Histories of Armed Struggle and Shortcomings of Left Media Analysis.


On March 2nd 1973 when a New Jersey State Trooper stopped the car with Sundiata Acoli, Assata Shakur, and Zaid Malik Shakur heading south on the New Jersey Turnpike, it was not a random traffic stop. Though the NJ Turnpike and the State Troopers were long renown for harassing and stopping Black motorists this was no routine “driving while Black” episode.

Mutulu Shakur Speaks on Sundiata Acoli, Zayd Shakur, Kwando, Sekou odinga, Assata, Lumumba Shakur

Earlier the week before, the FBI led Joint Anti-Terrorist Task Force (JTTF) through one of its component Police Agencies, the NYPD “Major Case Squad”, had put out an APB (All Points Bulletin) to every law enforcement agency in the North East to be on the look out for a Black Woman with possibly two male companions – that woman was Assata Shakur, a known BLA soldier wanted by the police for armed robbery of several Banks and armed assaults on Policeman.

So it was that when this Trooper Foster, spotted what seemed like a vehicle fitting the APB description, he radioed for back up and hastily proceeded to pull the suspected car over. Gun drawn and adrenaline pumping the Cop exited his vehicle to confront the occupants of the “suspected” car. What happened next is not exactly clear, but shooting erupted: Zaid Shakur was killed instantly, Assata was shot and wounded with her hands raised while Sundiata Acoli managed to escape the scene into the surrounding country-side, only to be captured later.

The Police Killing of Zaydd Shakur, and Capture of Assata and Sundiata made national headlines and was celebrated by NYPD alumnae of the “Major Case Squad” (who weeks earlier had ambushed and killed BLA soldiers, Woody Green, Anthony Kimu White, and Twyman Myers in two separate ambushes targeting the BLA. The FBI led and funded Joint Terrorist Task Force, or JTTF, a bastard offspring of the FBI’s “Racial Matters” Desk and post COINTELPRO ‘s “ NEWKILL investigation that targeted NY Panther 21 for the shooting of several New York cops, and the NYPD’s Intelligence Unit “BOSSI”. The FBI acronym “NEWKILL” stands for “New Killing of Police Officers” and was concocted in 1971 by the Nixon White House to “repress a “Black urban guerilla underground” in the wake of the urban rebellions (riots) that rocked America during the Vietnam war years.

Black Liberation Army (THE B.L.A.) History The Secretz of War: Mccreary, Shakur, Cleaver,

Zayd Shakur, was the Deputy Minister of Information for the NY Chapter of the BPP. Always on the move, busily promoting the BPP programs in the “field” or the Hood without any concern for his personal safety Zayd was a devoted freedom fighter. The Brother of Lumumba Shakur, Harlem Branch Field Lieutenant, and named lead defendant in the NY Panther 21 indictment that charged NY Panthers with over 250 counts of conspiracy in a 1968 secret indictment, Zayd was one of the few original New York Panther leaders left in that city after the “21 Bust”.

Haki Kweli Shakur 5-2-53 ADM ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI


Kwame Nkrumah ( September 21 1909 – April 27 1972 ) 60th Year Anniversary of The Conference of a All Independent States April 1958 & All African People Conference ( AAP) December 1958 Hands off Africa

A year after Ghana gained Independence from Britain under the presidency of Kwame Nkrumah the All African People Conference was held in the capital city Accra in December 1958. Nkrumah felt that Ghana independence would be meaningless if other African states are still colonised by the European powers. In April 1958, Nkrumah as the pioneer of the ideology of Pan-Africanism convened the Conference of All Independent African States (Libya, Ethiopia, Liberia, Morocco, Tunisia, Sudan United Republic of Egypt and Ghana), which was followed by the historic A A P Conference. The A A P Conference was attended by all independent and non-independent African states, liberation movements and public organisations. One of African prominent political figure attended this conference was Patrice Lumumba. Lumumba was appointed a member of a permanent organisation established at the conference.

Africans Demand Liberation (1958)

The slogan for the conference was “Hands off Africa”. The A. A. P Conference met to chart a way forward on how to achieve continental freedom. The agenda of the conference entailed anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism, anti-racialism, African Unity and non-alignment. Other issues discussed at the conference included colonial boundaries, the role of the traditional and religious leaders and regional groupings. The Conference emerged with some few resolutions. The Conference undertook to use no violence in all endeavours to achieve independence in African continent. This commitment was put into practice when the conference refused to support the Algerian armed struggle to achieve its independence from France.

Hey Kwame Nkrumah – All-African People’s Conference – 1958

The African National Congress, which was South Africa leading liberation movements at the time, supported this Conference but failed to attend however had a representative present who was already in Ghana. In spite of the government refusal the ANC succeeded in sending memorandum to the conference. This Conference was followed by series of other conferences held in the continent to achieve independence and African Unity until Organisation of African Unity was born in May 1963

This year marks 60 years since the historic 1958 All-African People’s Conference held in Accra, Ghana. It was the first major Pan-African gathering organized on African soil. Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s first president hosted the conference. The organizing of the conference was led by long-time Pan Africanist and friend of Nkrumah, George Padmore in his capacity as Advisor to the Prime Minister on African Affairs.

The overarching theme of the 1958 conference was “Hands Off Africa.” The conference organizers issued a call to nationalist organizations, women’s groups, trade union groups, and youth groups all over Africa to come to Ghana in December to discuss the final overthrow of colonialism and imperialism. Today we are calling on the global African family to continue the fight for a free, liberated and self-determined Africa in the spirit of the 1958 All-African People’s Conference.

Conferences of Independent African States

The Accra Conference of 1958, which was held in Accra, Ghana, on April 15–22, was attended by leaders of eight independent African countries: Ghana, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Egypt, the Sudan, Tunisia, and Ethiopia. It was the first experiment in cooperation among all the independent states of the continent.

First Conference of Independent African States (1 of 3)

The Accra Conference adopted a declaration, a number of political resolutions (on peace and security, the end of colonialism, the Algerian question, a standing conference body, and the coordination of the policies of the member-countries), and several resolutions on social and economic questions. Its decisions proclaimed the determination of the African states to serve the cause of peace in cooperation with other peace-loving countries. The delegates expressed their intention to press for an end to the production and testing of nuclear weapons and a limitation on the number of conventional armaments. They pledged to remain faithful to the UN Charter and the principles of the Bandung Conference, to strengthen solidarity with the dependent peoples of Africa, and to defend their own independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. The conference urged the eradication of all forms and manifestations of racial discrimination.

First Conference of Independent African States (2 of 3)

The delegates to the Accra Conference agreed to hold conferences of foreign ministers and other representatives of African states periodically to discuss common problems. In addition, they decided to make their permanent representatives at the UN responsible for forming an African group that would be a standing conference body for coordinating the policy of the independent African states on problems involving their common interests and for preparing future conferences. Held on June 14–24 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the Addis Ababa Conference of 1960 was attended by representatives of nine independent African states (Ghana, Guinea, Cameroon, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Egypt, Tunisia, and Ethiopia), as well as by representatives of the Algerian FLN.

Conference of All African States April 1958

The representatives of Nigeria, Somalia, and the Congo (Léopoldville) had the right to cast consultative votes. The Addis Ababa Conference was preceded by two preparatory meetings. On July 15–19, 1959, the heads of state and government of Ghana, Guinea, and Liberia met in Sanniquellie, Liberia, and on Aug. 4—8, 1959, the foreign ministers and other representatives of the member-countries of the Accra Conference met in Monrovia, Liberia. At Sanniquellie the Declaration of the Principles of a Future Community of Independent African States was drawn up and signed, and at Monrovia the delegates agreed on common positions at the UN.

At the Addis Ababa Conference important international and pan-African problems were discussed, and a number of resolutions condemning any nuclear weapons tests in Africa were adopted. For the first time in history, the Addis Ababa Conference drew the attention of the African states to the danger of neocolonialism, recommended the establishment of effective control over foreign firmly, and demanded that the colonial powers set dates for granting independence to dependent colonial territories. The conference postponed consideration of the question of creating a political organization of African states until the next conference of independent African states. At the same time, however, it reaffirmed the need to maintain the African group at the UN as the standing body of the conference and to establish African councils for cooperation in economics, education, culture, and science.

Biafra: Biafra, New Afrika, Catalonia, Aztlan, Struggle For Total Independence – Haki Kweli Shakur

In 1961 and 1962 disagreements among African states frustrated all attempts to call a pan-African conference. Instead, separate groups of states took shape on the continent, including the Afro-Malagasy Union and the Casablanca group (Algeria, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Morocco, and Egypt). A pan-African conference of independent states was held in May 1963 in Addis Ababa—the Addis Ababa Conference of 1963, which was at-tended by representatives of 31 states. It established the Organization of African Unity.

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI APRIL 27 53 ADM 2018

Long Live Kwame Nkrumah Long Live The Afrikan Socialist Revolution to Free Afrika!!!


Sanyika Shakur ( Monster Kody ) Reflects on His Behind-Bars Conversations with Suge Knight 1997

In his first few days in prison, Suge Knight confided in fellow convict Sanyika Shakur (a.k.a. Monster Kody). Sanyika, now a free man, reveals what Suge told him really happened the night Tupac was shot.
I been in these stoops since i was fifteen. This is what i said to Suge as we ambled down the massive central corridor at the California Institute for Men (CIM, or Chino) in Chino, California. He and I both had our hands cuffed behind our backs as we were escorted by two correctional officers with P-24 battle batons.

“Face the fucking wall,” barked a jar-headed correctional officer in army fatigues. Prisoners who’d been traversing the corridor just prior to our exit from Segregated Housing Unit edged closer to the yellow wall while stealing glimpses in our direction.

“Man,” said Suge, swaggering in an attempt to look comfortable, “this shit is hectic.”.

Yeah, I responded, trailing behind his big frame. Welcome to the terror zone.

Constructed in 1941, Chino is not simply a prison but a complex of many prisons. A monument of razor wire and cinder block, it stands as one of the tightes maximum-security facilities in southern California. The archaic cell blocks that extend from the central cooridor stretch threee tiers above the floor with as many as thirty-six cells to a tier. Each eight-foot-by-nine-foot cells holds two men for up twenty-three hours a day.

On the east end of the corrior sits Plam Hall-or the Hole, as prisoners call it-CIM’s answer to disciplinary problems and security risks. The Guards in Palm Hall don’t wear the usual uniform; they floss around the block in army green jumpsuits, spear-proof flak jackets, and combat boots. As the guards’ gear suggests, the Hole has seen its share of warfare. It was under all this concrete, steel, and animosity that i met Suge Knight.

I knew he’d be coming to Palm Hall perhaps even before he did. I reasoned that as a celebrity he’d be held in Involuntary Protective Custody (IPC)-just as Makaveli, then known as Tupac Shakur (no relation to me), was in 1995 at the Clinton Correctional Facility in Dannemora, New York. Before my honorable discharge from the Eight Tray Gangster Crips (when i was known as Monster Kody), I had rund up a karmic debt myself-which i repaid during many years behind bars-but the poetic justice of Suge’s fate seemed even more profound.

Monster Kody aka Sanyika Shakur Beyond Hate ( 1991 Exclusive) Street Gangs


The last time I had seen Makaveli was in April of 1996 during the vidoe shoot for the X-rated version of “How Do U Want It.”. I was on the run, about to go back to prison for a parole violation, and Makaveli was blowing up. But even then his stress was evident. We both had our demons.

After Makaveli was shot, I procured an avenue for news clippings to trickle in so I could keep up with the case. On hearing of his death, my first thought was that Suge had him set up. I had no evidence but had heard that a feud was brewing over contractual matters, including Makaveli’s firing his lawyer, David Kenner, and his wanting to leave Death Row to start his own label. I read and reread all the news clippings about the shooting. Things kept fitting ill to me.

I’d read that he had no vest on and then saw a photo in VIBE to substantiate this fact. Yet in my experience, Makaveli went nowhere without a vest or his heat. And if his killers were the Southside Crips, with whom he’s supposedly fought that evening, why didn’t the shooter dump on every car in the caravan? Suge’s entourage was allegedly made up of top-ranking (Blood) Pirus, so why would a Crip pass up all those points to shoot someone who wasn’t even a Blood? These thoughts ran through my head before i met the man.

In December 1996, Suge came to Palm Hall as i predicted. On top of his never having been in prison-despite his numerous convictions-Suge was staying in the Hole, where he would find it hard to breathe. I knew I’d be able to extract some inside information on Makaveli’s shooting.

We’d never met on the streets. Although our sets don’t get along, we never had any combat because of the distance between South Central and Compton. Besides, we were both in our thirties and had no time for red and blue rivalries. Out on the street, I’d heard that Suge was “on some Piru shit.” But in here, neither his wealth nor my reputation mattered. We were equals, and that’s how I approached him.
I knew that coming from L.A. County Jail he would have nothing. I wrote him a brief letter introducing myself and explaining the politics of the Hole. With the letter I included soap, deodorant, lotion, and a few Top Ramen soups. I put all of this in a big envelope and had it rushed to him. The next day he replied:

A Monster,
Good looking out. I wish we could hook up on the streets but it is never to (sic) late. My homeboy Poc (sic) had love for you so you know how it go if he had love for somebody I did too. He told me he would have been playing you in your life story. When the time is right we will talk.

I couldn’t believe it. This man was the CEO of a hundred-and-twenty-five-million dollar company, yet his writing was no better, perhaps even worse, than my seven-year-old son’s. Perhaps the brotha was just stressed out and wrote the letter in haste. I sent him a kite-a letter weighted with soap and tied to a long strip of bedsheet that gets delivered by being thrown from cell to cell-acknowledging receipt of his note and advising him to push the issue of going to general population. The following day he responded with a note that said I should let Death Row do the soundtrack for a movie about my life. The writing, like before, was in clumsy stick fashion.

I used some prison connections to get Suge and I put on the law-library list together. This way we’d be next to one another for at least three hours a week. I was a bit apprehensive preparing for our first meeting. After all, I’d seen men in and our of prison actually tremble when speaking about him.

Tupac & Monster Kody Phone Conversation October 18, 1995

Before I’d be unarmed. I’m sure Suge had to go through the same routine: Lift your arms up; stick out your tounge; pull back your ears; lift up your nut sack; bend at the waist; spread your cheeks and cough; lift your right foot; now your left. Any false teeth, dentures, or partials? You either complied or never came out of the cell. On went the cuffs, open came the door. When I reached the bottom of the stairs, I saw Suge facing the wall to my left. I eased over to him, noting his dimensions-six foot four, 330 pounds-in case things got out of hand.

“What’s up, homie?” I was momentarily taken aback by his jovial greeting. I expected a harsher “I’m Suge Knight” type of response. I said I was well and just taking it one day at a time. We were escorted through two security doors and out into the law library, where we were put into gray, telephone booth-size cages. After the cages were secured with Yale padlocks, the handcuffs were removed. Suge was in his cage; I was in mine.

“Eh, Monster,” he said, breaking the ice, “I heard Geronimo Pratt was here too?” I told Suge that Pratt left the same day Suge came; in fact, he had taken Geronimo’s cell. It sort of irked me that he called me Monster after I had clearly signed each letter Sanyika. What if i used his banging name and called him Sugar Bear? I asked how he was doing so far.

“Man,” he said, exhaling a tremendous amount of air, “this whole thing is a trip. I’m losing weight. I can’t use no phone or get contact visits. And what’s up with that tier they got me on? Fools be yelling and shit.” Clearly, he was going through it. They had no shoes to fit him, so his man from VNG (Van Ness Gangsters) gave him some shower shoes. In return he gave the guy a photo of a half-naked woman taken at Makaveli’s birthday party in Vegas. Suge’s orange jumpsuit was two sizes too small. And on this day, he had only one side of his head shaved.

“Ain’t that cold,” he said when I asked about it. “The razor broke. I asked the police for another one, but they never came back. Plus, how I’m s’posed to shave and shower in ten minutes?”
Perhaps I’d been in these stoops too long. Most prisoners I knew could shower, shave, masturbate, and get their shoes on before the door opened again.

“I read your book,” he said, “and seen you and your family on that documentary. Your moms is a strong woman.” I thanked him for the compliment about moms and then asked about Makaveli.
“That’s my best friend,” he said, speaking in present tense. “We go everywhere together.” He started reminiscing about the wild times he and ‘Pac had at Suge’s Las Vegas nightclub. “We used to close up 662 at twelve, lock the doors, and give out free drinks and just get our freak on!”

How was my bo, though?

“He was the happiest he said he’s ever been. Did you see the lowrider I got him?”

No, I hadn’t seen it. Why all this talk about cars?

“Yeah, we got one just alike, 1961. He never drives it, thoug. I’m gonna get the engine and all that chromed up. “Why would you have his car?” I wanted to yell at him. And why would you still be working on it now? My mind was racing. So, y’all got some lo-lo’s, huh? I asked just to see where he’d go with it.

“Oh yeah, we got everything alike,” Suge replied. “The Jags, the Bentleys. We even had the contest to see who could get the most women to tattoo our name on them.” He chuckled at this for a long while.
When we met the following week, Suge’s jumpsuit was fitting slightly looser. No sooner had we made it through the door than the library clerk named Reverend Stern started yapping. “Hey, I just saw you on the news this morning.” Both Suge and I asked who.

“You,” he answered, indicating Suge with a nod.

“Oh yeah?” said Suge, his voice indicating more concern than he intended.

“The DA says he’s filing a three-strikes case against you for an old assault charge.” To this Suge said nothing, and the silence became pregnant.

“Whatcha think about that?” asked Rev. Stern, leaning over a graffiti-scarred banister.

“That’s noting,” replied Suge, his husky voice rising an octave. “Just the same old bullshit. I ain’t worried. You know, it’s like with this violation here: At first they said it was beause I lfet the country. Then they said I had a dirty test. When that didn’t work, they brought up the fight in Vegas. They just fuckin’ with me.”

The cage squeaked against his shifting body weight. The supposed third strike stemmed from the beating of a Bad Boy Records promoer at a 1995 Death Row Christmas party. The case was filed but never prosecuted. Now, all Suge’s prior infractions were being reviewed.

I’d heard that Afeni, Makaveli’s mom, had gotten a three-million-dollar royalty check from Interscope, so I asked about this. “Naw,” Suge said with a tone of disgust. “I gave here that money. She got some lawyer who says he’s been a friend of the family for twenty years, talkin’ ’bout ‘Pac had a bad contract. That’s bullshit. When he was on Interscope, he was only gettin’ four points. I got him eighteen points. And they talkin’ ’bout he was cheated. ‘Pac was happy. You seen all his jewelry, right?” I felt Suge was changing the subject again.

“Monster, listen, when I went out to New York to see ‘Pac, he was stressed out. He wanted to get out of prison. Don’t you know, he told me that I could have all of his songs for thirty thousand dollars if I just got him out of jail? I told him naw, to keep his songs, but I’d get him out. He said he’d always wanted a rag Benz, so I got him one. Plus, I got his mother a house. I’ll tell you this homie, God don’t like ugly. We’d all seen the black 500 droptop. And the house. Not one vehicle, however-not the Benz, the Jag, the Rolls, the Hummer, or the lolo-was in Makaveli’s name. All the jewelry, the limbo bills, and hotel accommodations were stacked against Makaveli like an advance. According to Suge, Makaveli left owing him-after sicty million dollars’ worth of album sales in 1996 alone. Imagine that.

Impatient, I asked about the shooting.

“Earlier that day,” Suge began in a solemn tone, “dude snatched a necklage with the Death Row coat of arms. ‘Pac was upset about that. You know how we gets: when it’s on, it’s on. Then, later that night, ‘Pac sees fool. So we touched him up a bit, you know. Still didn’t get that necklace, though. The we go on back to my spot, change, and hang out a bit; trying to find some freaks to come to the club. Tyson had won, and we was going to celebrate. ‘Pac was trippin’, though. All that day, he was talkin’ ’bout how he never wanted to go back to prison. Never.



“Anyway, we rollin’; everything is tight. We talkin’ ’bout this and that when all of a sudden, boom, boom, boom, boom! We start takin’ heavy hits. I punch it; bust a U-turn, but realize I got a flat. Then I see ‘Pac is hit. But he still talkin’, like it ain’t nothing. My head was bleedin’, and ‘Pac said I should be the one sweatin’ it ’cause I got shot in the head. Then the Vegas police come and draw down on us; they f’in to shoot us! We trying to tell ’em that we the victims, but they make us get down on the ground anyway.”

He fell silent, as it overwhelmed by the rush of memories. I too was still talking after the shooting. Who shot him? I asked, feeling myself getting angry.

“You know who did it?” Suge said, grittin’ his teeth. “Them niggas that’s catchin’ heel right now.” I knew he was talking about the Southside Crips. In the days following Makaveli’s shooting, their ‘hood was practically overrun by shooters. Yet his answer was insufficient, and i pressed again: Who specifically dumped, though?

“Baby Lane,” he said and exhaled. I assumed he meant Orlando Anderson, the Compton resident who’d already been named as a suspect in the shooting. By the end of our conversation, Suge’s legendary bravado was gone. A humble respect descended over him that reminded me of a defeated man who’d lost his most prized possession in the game of life. For some of us, there just ain’t no sunshine.


Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI 4-22-53 ADM 2018 Free Sanyika Shakur

Agnewville aka ChinnTown Virginia , Settled by Freed Slaves, 500 Acres of Land Purchased , Self Determination

Agnewville aka ChinnTown flourished from 1890 to 1927.

The land that became Agnewville was purchased and settled by freed slaves. The Chinn Family, freed by Henny Fielder Roe after the American Civil War, was given enough money to purchase about 500 acres of land in 1889. The U.S. Post Office in Agnewville was established in 1891, and was closed in March 1927, with the mail services transferred to the Woodbridge Post Office. The Mount Olive Baptist Church was founded in 1915 on Telegraph Road, with land donated by William Wallace Chinn. Agnewville was located along the main stage road out of Occoquan, Virginia. The decline of Agnewville came with the relocation of the main highway from Telegraph Road to the present day U.S. Route 1 through Woodbridge, Virginia. Farming and logging were the main economic activities.

Near this site lived six generations of the Chinn family. One of Prince William County’s early African-American families. The family traces its heritage to Nancy, a slave born in 1794 on the William Roe farm in Fauquier County. William Roe’s nephew, Henry Fielder Roe, who owned land near present-day Lake Ridge, eventually became the owner of Nancy and her children through inheritance. One of Nancy’s daughters, Mary Jane, married Thomas Chinn, another slave, and they had eight sons. After Emancipation, the Chinns bought several hundred acres of land along Telegraph and Davis Ford Roads (now Minnieville Road). They built homes in the area known as Agnewville, or sometimes known as Chinntown. The family has a long history of service to the County. John Chinn owned a general store, and Robert and William Chinn donated land on which Mt. Olive Baptist Church stands. Several Chinns are buried in that church’s cemetery.

The Struggle iz For Land Pt II (Organize The South / Black Belt) – Haki Kweli Shakur


Ala-Ani The Mother Earth Goddess of Them All, Igbo Odinani


Ala (also known as Ani, Ana, Ale, and Ali in varying Igbo dialects) is the Earth Mother Goddess; female Alusi (deity) of the earth, morality, death, and fertility in Odinani. She is the most important Alusi in the Igbo pantheon. The Igbo people of Nigeria call her the mother of all things, but she is both the fertile earth and the empty field after the harvest. She is present at the beginning of the cycle of life, making children grow in their mother’s womb, and she is there at the end of the cycle, to receive the souls of the dead into her own womb. Her name literally translates to ‘Ground’ in the Igbo language, denoting her powers over the earth and her status as the ground itself. Ala is considered the highest Alusi in the Igbo pantheon and was the first Alusi, daughter of Chukwu, the supreme god. Ala’s husband is Amadioha, the sky god.

As the Goddess of morality, Ala is involved in judging human actions and is in charge of Igbo law and customs known as ‘Omenala‘. Taboos and crimes among Igbo communities that are against the standard of Ala are called nsọ Ala. Army ants, who serve the Goddess, attack those who break such rules. But first, they appear in nightmares so that the wrongdoer might rectify his behavior. All ground is considered ‘Holy land’ as it is Ala herself. With human fertility, Ala is credited for the productivity of land. Ala’s messenger and living agent on earth is the python (Igbo: éké), it is and animal especially revered in many Igbo communities.

Indigenous Afrikan Spiritual Science (Spirituality didn’t Start with a Book) – Haki Kweli Shakur


“Ala’s shrine is at the center of a village, people offer sacrifices at planting, first fruits, and harvest. In the Owerri region, building called Mbari honor the Goddess. They are never occupied, the ritual of building being more important than the structure. The square Mbari are filled with painted figures of Ala, who balances a child on her knees while she brandishes a sword and is surrounded by the images of other gods and animals. Due to poverty and war, Mbari are built less frequently and are smaller than in the past.”

Earth Healing Ritual to Ala

This earth healing ritual is to Ala, the earth Mother, the highest Goddess of the Ibo pantheon of Nigeria. She is responsible for many aspects of civilization, as well as guardianship of women and children in general.

Visualise the following with me. We stand together on a rolling African plain. Behind us is a typical village, the huts made from natural, locally available materials. We can hear the laughter and voices of the inhabitants. Before us, the plain stretches as far as the eye can see. Acacia trees, dot the landscape forming little oases of shade. Herds of zebra and wildebeest are grazing. A group of hyenas circles the herds, hoping for an easy meal, and below one of the acacias, a pride of lionesses relaxes in the heat. By the powers of the four elements, our circle is raised. Let us work together within its bounds to bring healing to the Earth.

Biafra: Igbo Ancestral Communication, Ifenta, Ala Muo, Your Millions Years of Ancestry – Haki Shakur

Guardian to the element of air, powers of the East, the glory of the sun rising above the African plains. We welcome you to our circle this night and ask you to share your powers as we work to heal the Earth. In love and trust we bid you Hail and Welcome! Guardian to the element of fire, powers of the South, the strength of the noon-time sun shining down on the African plains. We ask you to join our circle this night and lend your power to our work. We bid you hail and welcome!

Guardian to the element of water, powers of the west, the life-giving drinking holes in the parched African lands. Come to our circle this night we ask, and lend your powers and emotion to our work. We bid you Hail and Welcome!

Guardian to the element of earth, powers of the north, the graceful silhouettes of the giraffes against the setting sun. Join us this night with our love, and lend your powers of healing to our work. With love and trust we bid you Hail and welcome!

Great Mother Goddess Ala, creator of the living and Queen of the dead; Lady of the Earth, we ask you to grace our circle with your presence this night as we raise power to heal the Earth. We bid you Hail and Welcome!

Ala is the Earth Mother Goddess of the Ibo tribe in Nigeria. She is Creator of the living and Queen of the dead, provider of communal loyalty and Lawgiver of society. The highest Goddess in the Ibo pantheon, She is the daughter of the High God and is considered to be the mother of all things. She is both the goddess of fertility and the goddess of death. She gives birth in the beginning and welcomes the dead back to her womb. She is the Divine Mother who gives life, provides all that is life sustaining, establishes laws, guides morality and finally claims her children in death. If her children live peacefully, there will be bountiful harvests from the earth and womb. She rules the Underworld, and it is believed that the souls of the dead rest within her sacred womb. Her symbol is the crescent moon and she is often depicted in works of art as a seated woman holding a small child in her arms. Each year her followers pay homage to her with an event known as the Yam Festival. In Nigeria, where she is still worshipped, she has temples situated in the centre of the villages, where she has a statue surrounded by the images of other gods and animals. She is one of the most popular Goddesses of the Ibo.

Come with me now to the Yam festival. Picture yourselves in the middle of an African Village way back in time at the dawn of civilisation. Before us stands the statue of Ibo, decorated for the day with garlands of flowers. Around us the people of the village are laughing and talking excitedly, busy preparing for the feast that will follow. Take a moment to understand the lives of these people, their closeness to the Earth, their affinity for the patterns of our world, the turn of the year, the cycle of the moon, their respect for the land around them.

A movement catches your eye. Where the statue of Ibo once stood is the living Goddess. She looks with pleasure at the festivities in her honour, and then she turns and smiles at us. She knows why we have come and it pleases her. She claps her hands, and all gather around her, including us in their circle, and we all begin to dance, moving gradually faster and faster around the Goddess Ala. Feel the happiness of the people, feel the power of the love of Lady Ala, feel the pure energy that we are raising in our dance and through our love for the land. Feel this energy as a pulsing band within our circle. Feel it grow stronger as we continue our dance. Mother Ala claps her hands again and as we end our dance we release this band of energy. See it rising now above us, a shimmering silver/white band pulsing with power. Send your love for the Earth into this band. See it grow brighter and stronger as it rises and grows until it circles the entire Earth. See it release its healing energies, restoring the damage caused by man. Hold this image for a few moments more and then turn again to the Lady Ala who smiles at us in love as she merges back with her statue.

Let us now thank the Mother Ala by offering a chalice of wine.

Lady of the living and dead, we ask that you accept this small gift as a token of our love and thanks. Iseee!!! Blessed be!

Let us now start to close our ritual

Mother Ala, Lady of the Earth, we thank you for your presence this night. Let us part now in love till we meet again. We bid you Hail and Farewell!

Guardian of Earth, Lord of the North, we give thanks for your presence this night. As the full moon

Guardian of Water, Lord of the West, we give thanks for your presence this night. As the setting sun shines on the savannah we bid you hail and farewell.

Guardian of Fire, Lord of the South, we give thanks for your presence this night. As the noon sun burns down upon the African lands we bid you hail and farewell

Guardian of Air, Lord of the East, we give thanks for your presence this night. As the rising sun sheds light on the grasslands we bid you hail and farewell.

As we release the circle, let the excess energy return to the earth. Our circle is now open but never unbroken. Let us part in love till we meet again.

Iseee!!!! Blessed be!!!!

Prison Lives Matter Assata Shakur April 20 1977 Led From Federal Court After Requesting a Transfer of Prisons

April 20, 1977 Assata Shakur (Joanne Chesimard) is led from federal court in Trenton, New Jersey, April 20, after requesting she be transferred from a medium security prison to the minimum security Clinton prison where she had been previously housed. after the Maximum Security Unit at Alderson was closed, Shakur was transferred to the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women in New Jersey. According to her attorney Lennox Hinds, Shakur “understates the awfulness of the condition in which she was incarcerated”, which included vaginal and anal searches. Hinds argues that “in the history of New Jersey, no woman pretrial detainee or prisoner has ever been treated as she was, continuously confined in a men’s prison, under twenty-four-hour surveillance of her most intimate functions, without intellectual sustenance, adequate medical attention, and exercise, and without the company of other women for all the years she was in custody”

Assata Shakur Aspirations of a New Afrikan Nation with True Freedom, There Has to Be a Revolution


Shakur was identified as a political prisoner as early as October 8, 1973 by Angela Davis, and in an April 3, 1977, New York Times advertisement purchased by the Easter Coalition for Human Rights. An international panel of seven jurists were invited by Hinds to tour a number of U.S. prisons, and concluded in a report filed with the United Nations Commission on Human Rights that the conditions of her solitary confinement were “totally unbefitting any prisoner”. Their investigation, which focused on alleged human rights abuses of political prisoners, cited Shakur as “one of the worst cases” of such abuses and including her in “a class of victims of FBI misconduct through the COINTELPRO strategy and other forms of illegal government conduct who as political activists have been selectively targeted for provocation, false arrests, entrapment, fabrication of evidence, and spurious criminal prosecutions.” Amnesty International, however, did not regard Shakur as a former political prisoner.

Assata Shakur Case is a attack on New Afrikan Black Women – Haki Kweli Shakur



PG-RNA New Certified Population Districts: Gabriel Prosser District Richmond VA, Fort Worth District TX , Harriet Tubman District MD, Olentangy Washitaw District Columbus OH, Free The Land!


At a Special Election Meeting held Sunday, April 15, 53ADM (2018), the following population districts received district certifications:

1. Gabriel Prosser District ( richmond, va)

2. Olentangy Washitaw District (columbus,oh)

3. Harriet Tubman District (eastern shore, worchester county, md)

4. ft. worth, tx

Congratulations to all conscious citizens in our newly certified districts. We all look forward to strengthening our National Territory and to involve the district in the active participation in all areas of PG-RNA affairs.

“I believe in the Malcolm X Doctrine: that We must organize upon this land, and hold a plebiscite, to tell the world by a vote that We are free and the land independent, and that, after the vote, We must stand ready to defend ourselves establishing the nation beyond contradiction.

Free the Land,

Mama Ayo
PCC Secretary

Republic of New Afrika, PGRNA 50th Year Commemoration, 3- 31-68 – 2018, Land, Independence, Ujamaa


The Preamble We Govern Ourselves, New Afrika is The Only Solution

Haki Kweli Shakur ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI 4-19-53 ADM 2018



The Martyrdom of Spurgeon Jake Winters & The Black Panthers and the Police: A Pattern of Genocide February 13 1971

The Black Panther newspaper reported the shootings this way:

Spurgeon (Jake) Winters, 19, member of the Illinois chapter of the Black Panther party, paid the most that one can pay towards the liberation of oppressed people in his life. At 3:30 AM, November 13, Jake was murdered in a shoot-out in Chicago where three Pigs were killed and seven were wounded. The shoot-out was precipitated by an ambush made by the standing Army of Chicago (Chicago Police Department) on an abandoned building at 5801 S. Calumet. Arriving on the scene with the armaments and men (more than 1,000 policemen equipped with .12-gauge shotguns, M-1 carbines, .357 magnums, billy clubs, mace, tear gas, paddy wagons, helicopters, and canine units) for domestic warfare against the people in the Black colony, these fanatical pigs started their attack by opening fire on the brother in the building. Party comrade, Lance Bell, 20, was wounded by the pigs as they shot wildly in that area…. Jake defended himself as any person should do. In essence, he had no choice; it was kill or be killed.

There may be some room for doubt whether the police were in fact mounting an “ambush,” as the Panthers claim, or were simply responding to a call originally issued in the belief that James Caldwell’s life was in danger, but the Panthers and the police agree that after the police arrived at least eight policemen were shot before Winters was shot.

Jake Winters, a brother, a much beloved brother, a revolutionary, a Black Panther made of red-hot nigger steel, and the baddest son of slaves that ever came from the womb of woman. I have said these things about Jake Winters, because they are already fact. It’s objective reality, proven by words and actions in defending the Black community.

Jake Winters stood face to face and toe to toe, his shotgun in hand, with pig Daley’s murderous task force. He defined political power by blowing away racist pig Frank Rappaport and racist pig John Gilhooley and retired 8 other reactionary racist pigs before he was shot down.

It is also a proven fact and reality that Daley’s task force makes daily and weekly raids on the Black community. They murdered little John Soto, 16 years old. They murdered Michael Soto, 20 years old, and shot wildly and unconcerned through every window in one of the buildings in the Henry Honer project, injuring scores of children. They murdered Jimmy Tucker and untold others.

Jake Winters understood that the only way to stop fascist pig forces from invading and slaughtering Black people and people, period, and that is by defending yourself with arms in hand! He didn’t talk about Black capitalism for surviving nor did he talk about teaching “pork chop” cultural nationalism for surviving like Ron Karenga US organization in L.A. Jake Winters was 18 years old and he made a far greater commitment than most men will ever make in their entire life time. This brother was an honor student, a graduate of Engleworth High School who turned down five scholarships to work for the people. He helped as much as he possibly could at the free breakfast for children centers, plus he worked 7 days a week at the post office to bring in money to keep the center operating.

Jake Winters is the highest personification of Huey P. Newton and Malcolm X. The spirit of these revolutionaries is manifested in each member of the Black Panther Party and we will always remember Jake Winters. Because of Jake Winters we will intensify the struggle, because of Jake Winters we will continue serving the poor oppressed people–the proletariat.

Long Live The Spirit of Jake Winters
All Power to the People
Right On Jake
Seize The Time

Deputy Minister of Information
R. Chaka Walls
Illinois Chapter Black Panther Party
2350 W. Madison, Chicago Illinois

1969 Special Report: Black Panthers vs Law Enforcement


Between 4:40 and 4:52 A.M. on December 4, 1969, plainclothes police in Chicago, while executing a search warrant for illegal weapons, shot to death Fred Hampton, the twenty-one-year-old chairman of the Black Panther Party of Illinois, and Mark Clark, a member of the Party, in Hampton’s apartment. Four days later, at about the same hour of the morning, the Los Angeles Special Weapons Tactics Team, dressed in black jumpsuits and black hats, moved on the Black Panther Party headquarters in that city with another search warrant for illegal weapons and, in a heated gun battle, shot and seriously wounded three more Panthers. Commenting on these events, in San Francisco, Charles R. Garry, chief counsel and spokesman for the Black Panther Party, whose membership at the time was estimated at between eight hundred and twelve hundred, declared to the press that Hampton and Clark were “in fact the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth Panthers murdered by the police,” and that the deaths and the raids were all “part and package of a national scheme by various agencies of the government to destroy and commit genocide upon members of the Black Panther Party.”

Garry’s assertion that twenty-eight members of the controversial black-militant group had been killed by the police was widely reported. On December 7 and December 9, 1969, the New York Times reported as an established fact, without giving any source for the figure or qualifying it in any way, that twenty-eight Panthers had been killed hy police since January, 1968. On December 9, 1969, the Washington Post stated flatly, “A total of 28 Panthers have died in clashes with police since January 1, 1968.” In a later article, the Post declared, “Between a dozen and 30 Panthers have been killed in these confrontations.”

On the basis of what had been reported about the police killings and predawn raids, civil-rights leaders expressed an understandable concern. Roy Innis, director of the Congress of Racial Equality, called for an immediate investigation of “the death of 28 Black Panther members killed in clashes with the police since January, 1968.” Ralph Abernathy, who succeeded Martin Luther King, Jr., as the chairman of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, attributed the death of Panther leaders to “a calculated design of genocide in this country.” Julian Bond, a member of the Georgia state legislature, said, “The Black Panthers are being decimated by political assassination arranged by the federal police apparatus.” And Whitney Young, executive director of the National Urban League, urgently requested the Attorney General to convene federal grand juries in those “jurisdictions where nearly 30 Panthers have been murdered by law-enforcement officials.”

Garry’s theory about “a national scheme … to destroy” the Black Panthers was also taken up by the press. Pointing to a “growing feeling (particularly in the black community)” that the “Federal Administration has had a hand in the recent wave of raids, arrests and shoot-outs,” an article in the Times by John Kifner concluded that statements made by officials of the Nixon Administration “appear to have at least contributed to a climate of opinion among local police . . . that a virtual open season has been declared on the Panthers.” Time reported, on December 12, 1969, that “a series of gun battles between Panthers and police throughout the nation” amounted to a “lethal undeclared war,” and concluded, “Whether or not there is a concerted police campaign, the ranks of Panther leadership have been decimated in the past two years.” In the very next issue, Time, repeating Garry’s claim that “28 Panthers have died in police gunfire,” asked, “Specifically, are the raids against Panther offices part of a national design to destroy the Panther leadership?”

The K.Kinte Show With Guest Haki Kweli Shakur “ The Origin of The Term Black Power 1919 “

The answer was more or less left open. That same week, Newsweek began a news report entitled “Too Late for the Panthers?” with the same question: “Is there some sort of government conspiracy afoot to exterminate the Black Panthers?” The article then proceeded to portray a guerrilla war between “the gun-toting Panthers and the police,” in which the Panther “hierarchy around the country has been all but decimated over the past year,” and concluded that “there is no doubt that the police around the nation have made the Panthers a prime target in the past two years . . .” A few weeks later, Newsweek reported that “the cop on the beat has been joined by Attorney General John Mitchell’s Justice Department, which believe the Panthers to be a menace to national security and has accordingly escalated the drive against them”– a drive that “has taken a fearful toll of the Panthers.” The Washington Post, noting in an editorial that the “carnage has been terrible” in the “urban guerrilla warfare” between Panthers and police, concluded that “recent events” had given “added currency” to the Panther charge that “there is a national campaign under way to eradicate them by any means, legal or extra-legal.” Picking up the theme in his syndicated column, Carl T. Rowan observed, “We have seen this nationally orchestrated police campaign to turn the guns on the Panthers and wipe them out,” and referred to an “obvious conspiracy of police actions across the country that has produced the alleged killings of 28 Black Panthers.” The Nation, in an editorial titled “Marked for Extinction,” asserted, “It is becoming increasingly apparent that a campaign of repression and assassination is being carried out against the Black Panthers.” Evcn a paper as cautious as the Christian Science Monitor, after a telephone interview with Garry, cited the Panther charge of “police murder” and “genocide” and expressed “a growing suspicion that something more than isolated local police action was involved.”

Confusion about the alleged murders began to set in early, and on December 21, 1969, the Times reported that Garry had put the number of Panthers killed by the police at twelve, although it later returned to the figure of twenty-eight. While an Associated Press dispatch in the San Francisco Examiner on December 9th reported that twenty-seven panthers had been killed by police in “Chicago, Denver, San Francisco, Detroit and Indianopolis,” a UPI dispatch, on December 12th, listed twenty Panthers killed in “cold blood” by police in Los Angeles, Oakland, Seattle, San Diego, New Haven and Chicago. Life, in a single issuethat of February 6, 1990, presented three figures: Eldrige Cleaver, a Black Panther official was quoted as saying that the police “ambush” had led to “28 murders of Panthers,” but, at another point, the magazine declared “at least 19 Panthers are dead,” adding parentheses, that “it is uncertan more than a dozen have died of police bullets.” While articles in the New Republic, Ramparts, and The New Statesman have, at various times, put the figure at twenty, an article in Newsday by Patrick Owens asserted that no more than ten Panthers had been killed by police. The executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union in Illinois declared, according to the Washington Post, that twenty-eight Panthers had died in clashes with police since January 1, 1968, while the Los Angeles branch of the same organization said that it was possible to document twelve cases in which Panthers had been killed in such encounters. In a column in the Post, a few days earlier, Nicholas von Hoffman had written “The Panthers alone claim that 28 of their top people have been murdered in the past couple of years and there is no stong prima facie reason to disbelieve them.”

Even one victim of deliberate police murder would be too many, but if twenty-eight Panthers had been murdered by the police in two years, as Garry claimed and many publcations reported, it might indeed represent a pattern of systematic destruction. The implications would be so dreadful that one would expect the figures to be checked out with the utmost scruple. Since the number of Panthers killed would seem to be an ascertainable fact, how can such widely differing figures be accounted for?

When A. M. Rosenthal, the managing editor of the Times, was asked about the discrepancies in his paper, he explained that the December 7th report, which stated, “Twenty-eight Black Panthers have been killed in run-ins with the police since January 1, 1968,” was taken from a December 5th story by the same reporter, which said, “According to Charles Garry … [Hampton and Clark] were the 27th and 28th Black Panthers killed in clashes with the police since January of 1968,” and which was itself based on a telephone conversation with Garry. In the December 7th story, the qualifying phrase “according to Charles Garry” had been deleted, Rosenthal said, because “the reporter probably felt the source was unimportant in the second story” although Rosenthal, in discussing the matter, said that he personally felt that the reporter should not have turned an assertion by an interested party into a fact. The figure of twenty-eight had subsequently been reported as fact because the reporter “inadvertently referred to the first figure,” and this had happened because “no flag was placed on the error.” (Whitney Young’s assertion that “nearly thirty Panthers have been murdered by law-enforcement officials” was based on the Times, according to his research assistant, and the Times was then able to report in a Sunday summary that the charge of a “national conspiracy” against the Panthers “has been echoed by more moderate civil rights leaders.”)

Ben Bagdikian, the national editor of the Washington Post, also named Garry as the source for his newspaper’s assertion that twenty-eight Panthers had been killed by police– though the only “specific documentation” on the subject was the UPI bulletin of December 12th. The bulletin, which went out to more than four thousand subscribing domestic newspapers and broadcasting stations, came from the news agency’s San Francisco bureau, which, according to its manager, H. Jefferson Grigsby, obtained the list of “victims of cold-blooded murder by the police” from Panther sources. “There was no further dispatch modifying the December 12th story,” Grigsby has noted. Garry’s list apparently provided publications such as the New Republic, Ramparts and the New Statesman with the “fact” that twenty Panthers had been killed by police, and Ramparts,in turn, furnished an organization called the Committee to Defend the Panthers with what the committee called the “grim statistic” of twenty Panthers dead.

And so it went. Although Garry was certainly an interested party in the controversy over what came to be called the war between the Panthers and the police, it is clear that his assertions were widely accepted at their face value, so even when modifications were made in the lists of casualties it was Garry’s story that was being modified, and practically no independent checking was done.

How, then, did Garry arrive at his figures? In September, 1970, Garry explained to me that he chose the number twenty-eight when newsmen called him for a statement after the shooting of Hampton and Clark because that “seemed to be a safe number.” He added that he believed the “actual number of Panthers murdered by the police is many times” that figure.” When pressed for the names, however, Garry found he could “document” only “twenty police murders” of Panthers.

The list of “twenty murders,” which was sent to me from Garry’s office, along with a warning that “facts are not necessarily empirical,” actually comprised only nineteen Panther deaths, and one of the deaths — that of Sidney Mille in Seattle, is attributed by Garry not to police but to “a merchant who claimed he thought Miller was going to rob the store.” In the coroner’s records, the statement of the Seattle police is that “the deceased and an unknown person were robbing the Seven-Eleven store at 8856 35th Ave. S.W., and in the progress of the robbery the deceased was shot with a .38-caliber snub-nosed Smith & Wesson by the store owner, Donald F. Lannoye.” Lannoye does not dispute the statement that he fired the fatal shot.

That leaves eighteen “documented” cases involving Black Panthers who Garry claims were murdered by police in pursuance of a policy to “commit genocide upon” the Black Panthers. Garry’s list of eighteen Panthers allegedly murdered by the police is as follows:


On May 21, 1969, John Mroczka, a twenty-three-year-old factory worker, stopped his motorcycle near a bridge on Route 147 outside of Middlefield, Connecticut, and while walking along the edge of a stream looking for trout saw a “set of legs” and “body” partly submerged. State police were called to the scene by Mroczka, and they recovered from the Stream the body of a black male whose wrists were tied with gauze and whose neck was encircled by a noose fashioned from a wire coat hanger. An autopsy, conducted immediately afterward, indicated that the man had been severely burned on wide areas of the chest, wrists, buttocks, thighs, and right shoulder and had also been beaten around the face, the groin, and the lumbar region with a hard object before he was shot in the head and chest. The victim, who was subsequently identified by his fingerprints as Alex Rackley, had died, a pathologist concluded, within the preceding twelve to twenty four hours.

Just after midnight on May 22nd, New Haven police acted on a tip supplied by an informant who identified a Polaroid photograph of the corpse as a man who had been tortured with scalding water in an apartment that served as the headquarter of the Black Panther Party. Around 12:30 A.M., they raided the apartment and arrested Warren Kimbro, thirty-five, one of the leaders of the New Haven chapter of the Black Panther Party, and five women members. Eventually, eight other Black Panthers, including Bobby Seale, the national chairman of the Party, were arrested, and all of those arrested, except two who were remanded to a juvenile court, were charged with complicity, in varying degrees, in the kidnaping or torture or murder of Alex Rackley, a twenty-four year old teenage member of the New York chapter of the Black Panther party.

Charles Garry immediately charged that “Rackley was killed by the police or by agents of some armed agency of the government.” Holding that the murder victim was in “good standing” in the Party, he further declared, as quoted in Newsweek, “We have every reason to believe, and we intend to prove, when the time comes, that Rackley was murdered by police agents.”

Even without proof, Garry’s version of the events gained wide currency. The U.P.I.’s listing of Panthers alleged by a Party spokesman to have been killed by the police cites “Alex Rackley” simply as ” ‘tortured and killed’ by the police in New Haven, Conn., in May, 1969.” At Yale, where a national May Day rally was held in the spring of 1970 to support the Panthers charged in the case, William Sloane Coffin, the Yale chaplain, described the trial of the accused Panthers as “Panther repression,” and said, “All of us conspired to bring on this tragedy by law enforcement agencies by their illegal acts against the Panthers, and the rest of us by our immoral silence in front of these acts.” At the same time, the president of Yale, King man Brewster, Jr., told striking students who were demanding, among other things, the release of the Black Panthers awaiting trial for Rackley’s murder, that he was “skeptical of the ability of black revolutionaries to achieve a fair trial anywhere in the United States,” adding, “in large measure, the atmosphere has been created by police actions and prosecutions against the Panthers in many parts of the country.”

At this point, the three Black Panther officers who were specifically accused of taking Rackley to the stream near Middlefield, Connecticut, where his body was found had long since admitted their participation in the killing. George Sams, Jr., a twenty-three year old Panther who had once held the rank of field marshal in the National Black Panther Party, pleaded guilty to second-degree murder, which In Connecticut carries with it a mandatory sentence of life imprisonment, and testified that in the early morning of May 21, 1969, he and Warren Kimbro and Lonnie McLucas, using a car that McLucas had borrowed, took Rackley, bound and gagged, from Black Panther headquarters in New Haven to a deserted spot off Route 147; there Kimbro, under Sams’ direction, shot Rackley in the head with a .45-caliber pistol, and a few minutes later McLucas fired another shot into the body. Sams testified that he was acting under orders from the “national” Party personally given to him by Bobby Seale. Kimbro pleaded guilty to second-degree murder in January, 1970, and testified in open court that he fired the first shot into the back of Rackley’s head after Sams said, “Now.” Kimbro, however, refused to implicate Seale in the crime, testifying that he himself was asleep at the time Seale was said by Sams to have visited the headquarters. McLucas, twenty-three, a captain in the Black Panther Party and a founder of the Bridgeport chapter, gave the same general account of the killing to New Haven police detectives and F.B.I. agents two days after he was captured in Salt Lake City in June, 1969. During his own trial, at which he pleaded not guilty to the charge of conspiracy, McLucas testified that he drove Rackley, bound and gagged, along with Sams and Kimbro, from New Haven to Middlefield; after Kimbro had shot Rackley, McLucas said, Sams ordered him, McLucas, “to make sure he was dead.” McLucas said he then fired a second bullet into Rackley. McLucas, like Kimbro, has not implicated Seale, although he acknowledged under cross-examination that at the time of the killing he believed be was acting under orders from “national headquarters.” (McLucas was found guilty of conspiracy to commit murder and sentenced to twelve to fifteen years in prison.)

The testimony of Sams, Kimbro, and McLucas was consistent with physical evidence that has not been contested in various legal proceedings having to do with the case: a .45-caliber pistol that the police found in Panther headquarters on the night of the raid ballistically matched the bullet and the bullet casing found at the scene of the murder, and fingerprints found on the car that McLucas borrowed that night matched those of Sams and Rackley and also with the statements of other Panthers who were present in the apartment on the night of the killing.

For example, Loretta Luckes, who had stood guard over Rackley while he was tied to a bed in the Panther headquarters for two days, described, in testimony during bail hearings, having helped to dress Rackley on the night of the murder while Sams and Kimbro stood over him with a pistol and rifle because, one Panther said, “he might go crazy”; then, she said, “Lonnie McLucas, Warren Kimbro, and George Sams” went out the door” with Rackley. If so, Rackley was shot not by the police but by two officers of the Black Panther Party, and since both have refused to implicate Seale, the suggestion that they might be “police agents” seems shaky at best. From what evidence has been established, police did not murder Rackley.


Nathaniel Clark, Jr., a nineteen year-old Black Panther, is listed by Garry as having been “killed by a police agent.”

He was in fact killed by his wife, who told investigating officers that she had shot her husband in self-defense with his revolver after he had, in her words, “shot up with heroin and beat me.”

Because of her age, seventeen at the time, the case was remanded to a juvenile court, which adjudged the death to have resulted from involuntary manslaughter.


On March 13, 1968, while out bail on a charge of conspiracy to commit murder, Arthur Glenn Morris (also known as Arthur Coltrale) was killed by a blast from a 12-gauge shotgun in a friend’s back yard. According to the friend’s wife, Mrs. Henry Daily, Morris and a companion, Donald Campbell, were in the back yard talking with her husband, who had taken his 12-gauge shotgun out there with him. She heard the men arguing, then heard a volley of shots. Rushing out, she found all three men fatally shot. Apparently, there had been a shootout, in which either Morris or Campbell had shot Daily with a .32-caliber automatic (the gun found at the scene) and he had shot both men with his shotgun. None survived to tell their stories. And there was no police involved prior to the shooting.


Of the fifteen remaining “homicides” on Garry’s list, four Panthers. John Jerome Huggins, Jr., Alprentice Carter, Sylvester Bell, and John Savage were actually shot to death, according to both the Black Panther Party and California authorities, by members of the US, a rival black militant organization, headed by Ron Karenga, with which the Panthers had once temporarily allied themselves in a lawsuit against the Los Angeles Police Department.

The dispute began at the University of California at Los Angeles in the fall of 1968, when Ron Karenga attempted to select the director of the Black Studies program through the Community Advisory Board, of which he was a director. A number of Black Panthers, including Huggins and Carter, who were at that time enrolled in the black section of the “high potential” program, vigorously opposed Karenga’s attempt, despite the warning of a Karenga spokesman, who said, that “this is not a decision that anybody is going to take out of our hands…. Anybody that is involved in this is going to have to come back to the community after dark.”

On January 17,1969, some hundred and fifty members of the U.C.L.A. Black Students Union met in Campbell Hall on the U.C.L.A. campus to resolve the dispute over the directorship. Five members of the elite guard of the US — known as Simbas, shortly after noon, in the student cafeteria, Huggins and Carter cornered a young Simba named Harold Jones, who had been accused of manhandling a female Panther earlier in the day, and began pummeling him. Suddenly another Simba, dressed in a dashiki, stepped up behind Huggins and fatally shot him in the back. A gun battle ensued, in which Carter was also shot to death before the Simbas fled.

Black Panthers who had been present at the meeting were reluctant to supply information at first, but they cooperated fully with the police and the prosecutor in identifying the assailants and finding witnesses after the prosecutor spoke to Garry, who, the prosecutor later reported, “instructed the local Panthers to help us in our investigation.” Two of the Simbas, George Phillip Stiner and Larry Joseph Stiner, were brought to trial on charges of conspiracy to commit murder, were convicted, largely on the basis of the testimony of five Black Panther witnesses, and sentenced to life imprisonment. A third Simba, Donald Hawkins, was also convicted of conspiracy to commit murder, and was sentenced to an indefinite term in the detention program of the California Youth Authority.

In the aftermath of the gun battle in Campbell Hall, two more Black Panthers were killed by members of the same US organization, according to both the Black Panther Party and the police. “At about 3:30 p.m. on May 23rd in San Diego, California, Lt. John Savage, Black Panther Party, was murdered by a white-washed Karangatang, a member of the US organization led by Ron (Everett) Karenga,” the Black Panther newspaper reported, and it went on, “Mr. Karenga, better known as pork chop, is leading his culturalized pork chops in a futile attempt to destroy the Black Panther Party.” The US member who shot Savage was eventually arraigned and pleaded guilty to a charge of manslaughter.

A few weeks after Savage’s death, another Panther, Sylvester Bell, who was selling the Black Panther newspaper in Otto Square in San Diego, was approached by three members of US, who, according to the Black Panther account of the incident, asked him, “Are you talking about us this week?” A fight broke out, during which Bell was joined by two fellow-Panthers, and one of the three members of US drew a gun and fatally shot Bell. The San Diego police arrested three members of US and indicted them for murder. One was convicted of murder, and the two others were convicted as accessories. Since Garry himself and the Panthers assisted the authorities in the identification and prosecution of some of those involved in the killings, his subsequent inclusion of these four names in his list of Panthers murdered by the police is, at best, erroneous.


Franko Diggs, forty, who was a captain in the Black Panther Party, was found fatally shot in the Watts section of Los Angeles on December 19, 1968. No witnesses to the shooting could be found, but the police identified the murder weapon from the bullets as a foreign-made 9-mm. automatic pistol. Almost a year later, when the Los Angeles police crime laboratory was doing routine ballistics tests on eighteen weapons seized in a raid on Black Panther headquarters early in 1969, it was found that one of the confiscated Panther automatics ballistically matched the bullet that had killed Diggs. The chain of ownership could not be established, however, so the owner at the time Diggs was shot could not be identified. According to the police, the crime remains unsolved, but Garry, almost a year after Diggs’ death, added his name to the list of Black Panthers killed by police. So 18 panthers on Garry’s list were not, according to evidence so far discovered, killed by the police.

The ten remaining Black Panthers on Garry’s list were in fact killed by the police: five in 1968 and five in 1969. Whether these deaths were deliberate murders carried out as part of what Garry called a “national scheme” to wipe out the Panthers depends, of course, on the circumstances under which each of the deaths occurred.


In summarizing the deaths of various Black Panthers, the Times quoted “sources in Chicago” as saying that Larry Roberson “died in jail after being wounded in [a] shoot-out during a police raid — a statement suggesting that he was shot during a planned police action against a Panther office.

The picture of what happened that can be pieced together from police records, independent witnesses, and even the Black Panther newspaper is very different. At 2:01 A.M. On July 16, 1969, the Chicago police received a “citizen’s complaint” that a fruit stand had been burglarized at 610 California Street, in the West Side ghetto. A radio dispatcher routinely recorded this information on a computer card used for statistical analysis of complaints and crime patterns, and dispatched the patrol car that his electronic map indicated was nearest to the scene Car No. 1124, manned by Officers Kenneth Gorles and Daniel Sampila. According to Sampila’s subsequent report, the officers arrived at the fruit stand at about 2:05 A.M. and were met by Mr. and Mrs. Burman Jenkins, friends of its owner, who pointed out a hole in the door of the stand. The two policemen, led by Mr. and Mrs. Jenkins, then followed a trail of apples and oranges to a passage way, where they found two empty fruit baskets. While the police were flashing a searchlight around, the group encountered Larry Roberson, twenty one, and Grady Moore, twenty-eight, who identified themselves as “community leaders, ”and were told by Sampila to “mind their own business.” The group, followed by Roberson and Moore, then returned to the fruit stand, where they were met by the Reverend Edmond Jones, who owned the fruit stand, and another of his friends, the Reverend Clarence Edward Stowers, who was the pastor at the nearby Mars Hill Missionary Baptist Church. A few minutes later, the two policemen and Jenkins were shot. In a statement Stowers made later, he described what happened this way:

“Reverend Jones, Jenkins, myself, and the two officers were standing there talking about boarding up the door. Two men walked up and started looking in the hole in the door and asking what had happened. The officers told them that every thing was taken care of and they should leave. One of the men had his hand in his pocket, and the officer shined his light on the man. The man asked him why was he shining the light on him and don’t be doing that. Then the shooting started. The officers had their guns in their holsters so it must have been the men that were shooting. One of the officers fell down and the other one got hit in the shoulder. I remember it was only one of the two men that was shooting. He turned and ran up the alley. I don’t know where the other one went to. Well, anyway the policeman that had fallen to the ground got up and started chasing the man that was shooting at us. They ran down the alley and I heard more shots.”

Mr. and Mrs. Jenkins agreed with this account, Mr. Jenkins adding:

“One man shouted something and started shooting … after the first shot one officer fell to his knees, the second shot hit officer Gorles, and the third shot hit me.”

Roberson, pursued through the alley, was shot in the ankle, in the thigh, and in the abdomen by Sampila before he surrendered. According to the Chicago crime laboratory, the bullets that struck Gorles (in the left shoulder and collarbone, Sampila (in the head), and Jenkins (in the right side) all came from a .38-caliber snub-nosed Smith & Wesson taken from Roberson. This turned out to be a stolen weapon. Roberson was arrested on charges of attempted murder and was admitted to the Cermak Memorial Hospital, where he underwent surgery. Seven weeks later, be contracted jaundice and died in the Cook County Hospital.

A somewhat different version of the incident was provided by the Black Panther newspaper, which reported, in August:

“On July 17, 1969, two brothers in the Illinois chapter of the Black Panther Party were returning to their community after finishing a day of revolutionary work for the people’s Party. On this particular night they noticed the pigs had nine brothers on the wall next to a storefront, harassing them. Five of the brothers were in ages ranging from 50-60 years old. The pigs claimed they were answering a burglary in process call. Can you imagine men 50-62 years old burglarizing a store in their own community? Well, after investigating the matter and coming to the conclusion that this was just another racist act of harassment committed by the pigs on the people, Larry Roberson and Grady Moore walked over to the scene where the majority of the people had gone and asked an officer what was going on. The pig then demagogically replied “This is none of your damn business.”

Larry then stated “I am a member of this community and even by your laws I have the right to know what’s going on.” The crazy pig then said “smart bastard, you’re under arrest for disorderly conduct.” The people of the community immediately got between Larry and the pigs, and the pig drew his gun and ordered them aside while his pig partner radioed for help. Larry then (with the instructions from the people) was told to go home because the people hadn’t seen him do anything, so he and Grady started away and the pig deliberately shot Larry in the leg. Grady grabbed Larry to help him to try to escape with his life. This whole area was sealed off with crazy, drunk, inhuman pigs. Larry was then cornered in an alley, unarmed and wounded. As the pig approached him, he oinked “I’ll teach you and your partner how to interfere with pig matters.” He then aimed at Larry’s head. It was true that Larry was unarmed, but being a Panther and a stone revolutionary, he had educated the true power— the people. As the pig was ready to squeeze the trigger, the power of the people was demonstrated. A voice quoted Huey: “You racist pigs must withdraw immediately from the black community and cease this wanton murder and brutality of black people or face the wrath of the armed people.” Then, the shots from the people rang out from everywhere for about 30 seconds: then it ceased. One pig shot in the head and one pig shot in the shoulder. Larry and Grady then started to make it when more pigs arrived. Larry and Grady turned and raised their hands. “The pig that was shot in the shoulder raised his gun and shot Brother Larry in the stomach, thigh and leg trying to kill him. Grady, evidently escaped death when the people in the community came out to witness the action.”

The statements that Roberson was unarmed and that the “people” did the shooting were contradicted by a subsequent report in the Black Panther newspaper, which said that “determined to defend himself even after he being shot, Larry managed to get his gun out and wound two of the attacking maniacs.” But the Panther version and the police version agree in a number of significant respects: the encounter was accidental, not planned; the Panthers approached the police rather than the other way around; and two police officers were shot before Roberson was seriously wounded in the abdomen.

Even accepting the Panther version, Roberson was wounded in an incident no one had planned.


According to Life, Bobby Hutton. the seventeen-year-old minister of Defense of the Black Panther Party, was killed and Eldridge Cleaver was wounded in an “Oakland police ambush” in 1968. The Times quoted Garry as attributing Hutton’s death to a “Police ambush.”

Shortly after 9 p.m. on April. 6, 1968, Officers Nolan R. Darnell and Richard R. Jensen, while on patrol in the area of Oakland, California, that is predominately inhabited by blacks, stopped their patrol car on Union Street next to a parked 1954 Ford when they caught a glimpse of a man crouching at the curb side of the car. In their report, they said that they suspected he might be trying to steal it. Moments later, while investigating the situation, both officers were hit by bullets fired from behind them. Afterward, forty-nine bullet holes were found in the police car, the rear window had “two large areas shot inward,” and the side windows and the open door, next to which Darnell was standing at the time, had also been hit numerous times. According to medical reports prepared by Dr. William Mills, Jr., of Samuel Merritt Hospital, Darnell was wounded in the “upper right back.” Jensen, apparently hit by a shotgun blast from a 12-gauge shotgun, suffered multiple wounds in the “lower right back,” in the “right arm,” and in the “right ankle and foot.” According to Darnell, a number of men armed with shotguns and rifles ran from cars parked behind and ahead of the 1954 Ford, some of them through an alley into the block across the street, while Darnell urgently called for help on the police radio.

An account of the incident in the Black Panther newspaper said, “Several Panthers in cars in West Oakland on Saturday night, April 6th, were approached by two pigs and menaced with guns. When the Panthers tried to defend themselves, shooting began, and the Panthers ran into a nearby house…. Two pigs were wounded slightly.” Four Black Panthers gave statements to the police in which they said that they had been patrolling the neighborhood with guns, in three cars, to protect Negroes against police brutality”‘ and had just parked their cars on Union Street in order to stow their weapons in a nearby house when the patrol car pulled up, but the four disclaimed any knowledge of how the shooting began. Cleaver later said in an interview that was published in the San Francisco Chronicle, “I don’t know how those cops got shot. There were so many bullets whizzing around they may have shot themselves.

In any event, after the two police men were shot, police from other parts of West Oakland and even from nearby Emeryville, responding to the radio alarm, surrounded a building on Twenty-eighth Street that the Panthers had entered, and there ensued a ninety-minute gun battle, in which a third policeman was wounded. Finally, after an exploding tear-gas canister had set fire to the building, two Panthers emerged: Cleaver, naked, and wounded by a tear-gas shell, and Hutton, fully clothed. According to police witnesses, Hutton suddenly bolted down Twenty-eighth Street, whereupon at least half a dozen policemen opened fire, fatally wounding him. Cleaver, in the Chronicle interview, gave a different version of the shooting of Hutton. He admitted that Hutton had fired some shots at the police, but said that he himself “took Bobby’s gun and threw it out” of the window, that is, and that they both came out unarmed. “The cops told us to get up and start running for the squad car,” Cleaver continued. “Bobby started running — he ran about ten yards — and they started shooting him.” The grand jury, after hearing thirty-five witnesses, concluded that the police had “acted lawfully,” shooting Hutton in the belief he was trying to escape.

Eight other Panthers, including Cleaver, who were allegedly involved in the shooting of the policemen were arrested that night and then were released on bail. Two of the eight were subsequently convicted of assault with deadly weapons; one was released to a juvenile court; one was tried and convicted for an unrelated armed robbery and sent to state prison; one, Cleaver, jumped bail and fled the country.


At about 4:45 p.m. on August 5, 1968, in a predominantly Negro section of Los Angeles, three Black Panthers were fatally shot and two policemen were wounded, one critically, in a shootout at Ham’s Mobil Service Station.

Fifteen minutes earlier, Police Officers Rudy Limas and Norman J. Roberge were on a routine patrol when, according to their reports, they saw a black 1955 Ford with four men in it start up a private driveway, stop suddenly, then back down the driveway.

Finding the movements suspicious, the policemen began following the Ford, whose occupants, Limas noted, kept “‘looking back.” Limas then called the police communications center on the patrol car’s radio and gave the Ford’s license number, to ascertain whether it had been reported stolen. Before a reply could be received, the Ford pulled into Ham’s service station and stopped by a gas pump. The police car stopped a few feet behind it, and Roberge, according to his statement, asked the driver of the Ford for his license. The driver, Roberge reported, “replied that they didn’t have a driver’s license,” whereupon Roberge “instructed the driver to go back to the police car and place his hands on top of the police car.” Roberge then ordered the three other suspects out of the Ford and over to the police car. “At this time,” Roberge stated, “the suspects were standing in a row facing the police vehicle” between the two police officers.

Limas gave the following description of what happened next: “Suddenly, the guy in front of me, who I think was wearing a yellow shirt and dark pants, spun around and pointed a gun at me, and the others moved at the same time. The guy in the yellow shirt said, ‘O.K., m-f-‘ and then he shot me.” According to medical reports and testimony, Limas was shot in the abdomen and the thigh, with a bullet lodging in the hip. Roberge stated, “As I walked toward the police vehicle, I saw my partner, Officer Limas, standing to the left rear of the police vehicle on the other side of the group, facing me. Suddenly I heard some shots and I was knocked to the ground.” According to the medical evidence, Roberge was shot in both legs. In the gun battle that followed, Limas fatally shot “the guy in the yellow shirt” and a second suspect, who was “trying to load a 9mm pistol,” and Roberge “emptied” his gun at a third suspect. The fourth man who had been in the car fled on foot.

There were two independent witnesses to the shooting — the service station attendants, Shoji Katayama and Eugene Oba. Katayama, who explained that he was standing US the pumps,stated in a deposition:

A black 4-door Ford pulled into the station, pursued by a police car. There were 4 Negroes in the Ford. The driver and front passenger both got out and opened the hood of the car. The two officers immediately got out and ordered all four to the police car with their hands leaning on it. The driver of the Ford looked like to me he hesitated a while and was smoking a cigarette. As the driver with the cigarette came to the car, the Mexican officer [Limas] ordered him not to put out the cigarette [near the pumps], and at that point I heard a couple of shots and I looked up and saw the Mexican officer on the ground and the male Negro with the khaki shirt (Army type) with the gun in his hand….

The other attendant, Oba, had been returning to the office when the shooting began. He gave a similar account of the incident, adding only that after the first round of shots, he”saw the Caucasian officer shooting at the Negro men.”

When the shooting stopped, a few minutes later, three men were dead or dying — Thomas Melvin Lewis, eighteen, “the guy in the yellow shirt;” Robert A. Lawrence, twenty-two; and Steven Kenneth Bartholomew, twenty-one. The Black Panther Party stated that they were all Black Panthers. The fourth suspect, who was subsequently identified by his palm prints on the police car as Anthony Reno Bartholomew, the nineteen-year-old brother of Steven, later surrendered voluntarily to a judge, and was arraigned on two counts of assault with intent to commit murder. Anthony Bartholomew’s lawyer, Gary Bellow, a well-known civil rights attorney who has handled a number of Black Panther cases in Los Angeles, noted in a memorandum filed with the court, “There is no dispute that the police officers, Norman Roberge and Rudy Limas, were criminally assaulted on August 5, 1968,” but went on to argue that his client had not in fact taken part in the gun battle. Anthony Bartholomew was found not guilty.


Walter Toure Pope, whom Garry listed simply as “killed by Metro Squad,” was shot to death by Officer Alvin D. Moen in a vacant lot across from the Jack-in-the-Box drive-in restaurant in Los Angeles on October 18, 1969.

On that night, Officer Moen and his partner, Officer Don Mandella, were assigned to a robbery stakeout of the Jack-in-the-Box, which had been robbed fourteen times in the previous seven months. Sitting in an unmarked car, which they had parked across the street from the restaurant, the officers began their watch shortly after dark.

At about 10:45 p.m., Moen later testified, he heard a noise behind him and “turned around and saw a man standing with what appeared to be a burp gun … pointed in my direction.” Shouting, “Look out!” to Mandella, Moen, who was sitting behind the wheel, drew his service revolver. Then, according to his testimony, the man fired a shot, and Moen returned the fire. Suddenly, from the other side of the car, there came what Moen called “another loud explosion,” which he identified as a shotgun blast. According to medical reports, Moen was hit in the back of the right shoulder and the back of the left hand by shotgun pellets. Although he was badly wounded, he managed to get out of the car, empty his revolver at the man with the burp gun, and then run to the restaurant for help. Mandella gave a similar account, testifying that after his partner shouted, “Look out! ” two shotgun blasts were fired into the car from the passenger side as the man with the burp gun approached from the opposite side. Mandella then turned and fired three shots at the assailant with the shotgun, who fled. Picking up the microphone, he urgently requested assistance, saying that he and Moen had been “ambushed.” When other policemen arrived, they found Walter Pope, twenty, who was subsequently identified by the Black Panthers as their “distribution manager” for Los Angeles, shot to death beside the police car. He had a two-inch revolver tucked in his belt, and there was a .30-caliber carbine, or “burp gun,” lying under his left arm. A sawed-off shotgun, both barrels of which had been fired, was found a few feet behind the police car.

The only witnesses to the shooting were those who took part in it, and thus the question of who shot first may be open to doubt. The medical evidence that Moen was hit by a shotgun blast in the back would seem to suggest that the police were approached from behind.


In Seattle, at about 4:10 p.m. on October 5, 1968, Welton Armstead, seventeen, was shot to death by a police officer in front of a house at 1706 Melrose Avenue. A few minutes earlier, Officers Erling Buttendahl and Charles Marshall, on a routine patrol, had received a radio message directing them to help car No. 128 in a stolen auto case at 1700 Melrose Avenue. When they arrived on the scene, they helped the policemen in Car No. 128 apprehend two of three suspects they had been pursuing. According to Buttendahl, while he was searching for the third suspect he came around the side of a house and was confronted by a man, later identified as Armstead, a Black Panther, standing next to the garage, “holding a rifle with both hands and pointing it” at him. According to the coroner’s report, the armed man was asked four times to “drop the rifle” but refused to do so; instead, with one hand he grabbed the barrel of Buttendahl’s revolver, raising his rifle with the other, whereupon, Buttendahl says he himself fired, hitting Armstead in the midsection. An inquest jury, after hearing fourteen witnesses and considering the medical evidence, ruled the shooting “justifiable homicide.” Garry does not dispute the fact that Armstead faced Buttendahl with a rifle.


On November 13, 1969, Spurgeon (Jake) Winters was shot to death by police on Martin Luther King Drive on Chicago’s South Side. Earlier that evening, James Caldwell, a black prison guard at the Cook County jail, had told his wife, Ruby, that he needed some money to rent a room for the night, because “some guys are looking for me and they want to kill me.” The night before, he had been in a brawl outside the Rumpus Room tavern with Lawrence (Lance), Bell, a Black Panther, and had taken Bell’s gun from him, and he feared reprisal from Bell and his friends. A few hours after Caldwell parted from his wife, someone entered the building where they lived and began pounding on apartment doors and calling Caldwell’s name. Looking out a front window after the pounding had stopped, Mrs. Caldwell saw what she subsequently described as “four or five men leaving my building … one of them … carrying a long gun.” She then went across a connecting porch to her sister-in-law’s apartment in an adjacent building where she asked a friend, Lee Wesley, for advice. Wesley said, she later told police investigators, that she “didn’t have any choice but to call the police,” because “if James came back they would kill hin.” Wesley himself then called the police.

At 2:49 A.M., a police dispatcher received a report that there were “men on the street with shotguns,” and at 2:53 p.m., according to the police computer cards and radio tapes, the dispatcher ordered the nearest patrol car, No. 226, manned by Officers John Gilhooly and Michael Brady, to 324 East Fifty-eighth Street, the sister-in-law’s apartment. Three other policemen joined them at the sister-in-law’s apartment, which was at the rear of the building, and all five were then taken, across the connecting porch, to Mrs. Caldwell’s apartment, where, from the front window, Mrs. Caldwell and Wesley pointed out to them three men lurking in an abandoned building across the street. Leaving by the front door, the policemen crossed over to the vacant building, and Gilhooly started to go in through a gangway. Mrs. Caldwell stated, “We could hear the policeman by the gangway shouting ‘Halt!’ about three times. Then we heard a loud shot, and it sounded louder than a pistol shot. Then we heard some more shots…. Then we saw the policeman come out of the gangway. He was saying ‘Oh! Oh!’ and he was holding his face.” Gilhooly was fatally wounded, a shotgun blast having severed his carotid artery and his jugular vein, Brady had suffered minor lacerations of the forehead from the ricochet of a shotgun blast.

Mrs. Caldwell called the police to report that a policeman had been shot. At 3:04 AM, the dispatcher issued an emergency call: “Police officer needs help.” Twenty-one patrol cars in the area immediately responded.

Another policeman was wounded almost immediately by shotgun blasts, according to police reports, and one police car was “demolished” by carbine fire. One of the gunmen, who was allegedly carrying a carbine, and who was later identified as Bell, was shot in cross fire, and was captured. Meanwhile, three policemen had chased another man, carrying a shotgun, down an alleyway paralleling Martin Luther King Drive. He wounded all three and, taking refuge under the porch of a house on the Drive, shot another policeman, Frank Rappaport, in the chest and head, killing him, and wounded another. Two policemen, including the one who had just been wounded, emptied their revolvers at him, fatally wounding him.

The dead gunman was later identified as Spurgeon (Jake) Winters. In all, two policemen were killed and seven wounded or hurt. Bell was indicted by a grand jury for murder.

The Black Panther version of the incident was similar to the police version in a number of respects. A “special news bulletin” put out by the Illinois chapter stated:

On November 13, 1969, Jake Winters stood face to face and toe to toe, his shotgun in his hand, with Pig Daley’s murderous task force. He defined political power by blowing away Frank Rappaport and racist pig John Gilhooly and retired 8 other reactionary racist pigs before he was shot down.


The final case on Garry’s listis certainly the most important one, since it is the one that prompted Garry to speak of a pattern of “genocide.” It involves the fatal shooting of Fred Hampton and Mark Clark by policemen attached to the State’s Attorney’s office in Chicago on December 4, 1969. While there may be varying degrees of uncertainty about dome of the other deaths on Garry’s list, these two unquestionably resulted from a deliberately planned raid on a Black Panther headquarters.

On December 3rd, Sergeant Daniel Groth, a twelve-year veteran of the Chicago Police Department who had been assigned to the State’s Attorney’s Special Prosecutions Unit, told Assistant State’s Attorney Richard S. Jalovec, who was in charge of the unit, that he had received information from a “confidential informer” that a cache of illegal weapons, including sawed-off shotguns, and also riot guns stolen from the Chicago police, was stored in a Black Panther apartment at 2337 West Monroe Street. Having received information from the Federal Bureau of Investigation just the day before that the Panthers had recently moved weapons to that address, Jalovec immediately ordered Groth to plan a raid on the Panther apartment, and Jalovec prepared a search-warrant complaint. Circuit judge Robert Collins signed a warrant later that afternoon.

Groth and thirteen other policemen assigned to the Special Prosecutions Unit assembled at the State’s Attorney’s office at four the next morning. They were heavily armed: five had shotguns, one had a Thompson submachine gun, and one — James Davis, one of five black members of the raiding party — carried with him a .30-caliber carbine of his own. The raid was planned for dawn, to achieve the maximum surprise and minimum potential for neighborhood interference, according to Groth’s later testimony.

The raiding party arrived at the West Monroe Street apartment in three cars and an unmarked panel truck, and Groth, Davis, and three of the other members proceeded to the front door of the apartment, which was on the first floor; six members went around to the back door; and the three remaining members were stationed at the front of the building. At approximately 4:40 a.m., Groth pounded on the apartment door with his revolver butt. There are markedly different versions of what happened next.

In the police version, which was published in the Chicago Tribune, Groth shouted, “This is the police! I have a warrant to search the premises!” After a delay, he had Davis kick the door open.

The two men entered a small hall, where they were faced with another closed door. Suddenly, the police said, a shotgun blast from inside was fired through this door and “narrowly missed the two policemen.” Davis then plunged through the inner door into a darkened living room, with Groth behind him, as a “second round went right past” him. Groth fired two shots at a woman who, he said, had fired the second shotgun blast, while Davis, after also firing at the woman and wounding her, turned and shot to death a man sitting behind him with a shotgun, who was later identified as Mark Clark. Moments later, three of the members of the raiding party who had gone around to the back broke in through the kitchen door of the apartment. Despite a number of calls for a cease-fire from Groth, the Panthers kept firing shotgun blasts, according to the police version of the events, and a “fierce fire fight” ensued, in which Hampton was killed and four other Panthers and one policeman were wounded.

In the Panther version, as it was reported in the Washington Post, the police burst into the apartment almost simultaneously through the front and rear entrances, without first identifying themselves, and although no Panthers fired any shots whatever, the police opened fire, also without warning. A Black Panther spokesman was reported in the Post to have said that Mark Clark was fatally wounded as he attempted to dodge police submachine gun fire, and others were wounded. Meanwhile, according to the spokesman, the police entering from the rear went immediately to Hampton’s bedroom and fired into it, and Davis then went into the bedroom and fired more shots at Hampton. In Chicago Today, the Black Panther spokesman added that “Hampton was murdered in bed while he slept” by a policeman who “must have come in the back door and murdered him with a silencer.” A few days later, a private autopsy, performed at the request of Hampton’s family, concluded that hours before Hampton was shot to death he had been heavily drugged with Seconal, a barbiturate, which the spokesman deduced had been administered by a “pig agent” before the raid. The independent autopsy also concluded that the bullet that killed Hampton was missing, for the Panthers’ pathologist found an entrance wound in the head but no exit wound and no bullet in the head. Lawyers for Panthers intimated that the missing bullet had been secretly extracted and disposed of by the police, because it constituted evidence of murder.

A third version was rendered by a federal grand jury that had been specially empaneled to investigate the December 4th shootings. After having all the physical evidence recovered by both the police and the Panthers analyzed by the F.B.I. Laboratory in Washington and evaluating additional ballistic evidence uncovered by the F.B.I., and after hearing all the witnesses willing to testify, the grand jury concluded, among other things, that the Chicago police investigation of the raid was “so seriously deficient that it suggests purposeful malfeasance.”

When Groth and Davis forced their way in through the inner door, according to the grand jury’s assessment of the events, a 12-gauge slug was fired from inside the apartment and passed through that door as it swung open to a forty-five-degree angle. There were indications that the shotgun was no more than fifteen inches from the opening door. A 12-gauge slug found at the scene proved consistent with a shotgun that was next to Mark Clark’s body and was stained with blood of Clark’s type; the slug was also found to match the hole in the door. Moreover, an empty shell found nearby was “positively identified” as having come from the shotgun. Piecing together the physical evidence, the jury posited that Mark Clark, sitting behind the door, fired a shotgun blast through the door just as the police burst in. This, however, was the only shot that could be definitely traced to a Panther weapon.

The grand jury concluded that Groth and Davis apparently came in shooting, for one pistol shot had been fired through the door. Davis shot Clark, who was sitting behind the door holding a shotgun, and a woman then in the room, Brenda Harris, who was holding another shotgun. Minutes later, after the officers claimed they heard a shotgun blast from a bedroom adjacent to the living room, the wall between the living room and the bedroom was “stitched” with forty-two shots from a carbine and a submachine gun. One of these bullets passed through the first bedroom into a second bedroom, where it fatally wounded Fred Hampton in the forehead. Another bullet, apparently from the same volley, since it was traveling at the same angle, struck Hampton in the right cheek, and another struck him in the left shoulder. This last, the only bullet recovered from his body, proved to be a .30-caliber bullet from Davis’s carbine. Aside from Hampton and Clark, four of the seven other Panthers in the apartment, as well as one police officer, were wounded by police gunfire in less than twelve minutes after the raid began. Eighty-three empty shells and fifty-six bullets were recovered from the apartment by the police, the Panthers, and the F.B.I., of which all but one shotgun slug and one shell had been fired from police weapons. Although the police steadfastly maintained that at least ten or fifteen shots were fired at them by Panthers, a painstaking reconstruction by the grand jury suggests that, following the first shot by Clark, police entering from the back of the apartment mistook Davis’s and Groth’s shots in the front of the apartment for Panther gunfire, and the police in the front of the apartment similarly mistook the return fire from the rear of the apartment for continuing resistance. According to the grand jury’s version, the officers very probably fired through the living-room wall under the erroneous impression that they were in a gun battle with Panthers.

The grand jury also attempted to resolve conflicts between the findings of the Panthers’ private autopsy and those of the police autopsy by ordering Hampton’s body exhumed and yet a third autopsy performed, by an out-of state medical examiner in the presence of both a Chicago pathologist from the coroner’s office and a pathologist retained by the Hampton family. Two points were clarified by the third autopsy. First, despite the statement of the Panthers’ pathologist that there was no exit wound for the fatal bullet that entered Hampton’s forehead, this autopsy plainly showed an exit hole in front of the left ear when the sideburns were shaved. Second, the Panthers’ claim that Hampton was heavily drugged with Seconal before the shooting was not supported either by this autopsy, which showed “no trace of drugs in the body,” or by the report of the F.B.I. Laboratory in Washington, which had also tested the sample used in the Panthers’ private autopsy. The toxicologist who performed the analysis for the Panthers told the grand jury he had not performed the most specific test for Seconal, the gas-chromatography test but had relied instead on a less sophisticated test, which required some “subjective evaluation.” In performing the gas-chromography tests on the same sample that the Panthers’ toxicologist had used, the F.B.I. found no Seconal or other drugs, but did find deterioration in the blook that could have been partially responsible for a mistaken analysis.

Are these ten cases of Black Panthers killed by police part of a nationally coordinated pattern? Although Hampton and Clark were the only Panthers killed as a direct result of a planned police raid, or even in a situation in which the police could reasonably be supposed to have had advance knowledge that they would confront Black Panthers, it still might be maintained that the police involved had instructions of some sort to kill Black Panthers whenever the opportunity presented itself. The theory broached by John Kifner in the Times that the Nixon Administration had, through the statements of public officials, “at least contributed to a climate of opinion among local police … that a virtual open season has been declared on the Panthers” seems historically inaccurate since five of the ten Panther deaths that can be directly attributed to police action occurred before the Nixon Administration took office. And, as far as I have been able to determine, no Black Panthers have been killed by the police since the Hampton-Clark shooting.

In all of the ten cases to which Garry’s list has been reduced, at least some of the Panthers involved were armed and presented a threat to the police. Six of the ten Panthers were killed by seriously wounded policemen who clearly had reason to believe that their own lives were in jeopardy. In none of these cases, moreover, is there any positive evidence to support a belief that the wounded policemen knew they had been shot by Black Panthers. According to the evidence that is available, Bartholomew, Lawrence, and Lewis were stopped as burglary suspects; Pope approached a robbery stakeout at night; Winters opened fire when two policemen entered an abandoned building to investigate a citizen’s complaint; and although it is agreed that Roberson took it upon himself to challenge the behavior of the police investigating the burglary of a fruit stand, it is not reported that he identified himself as a Black Panther.

In the four remaining cases, the fatal shots were fired by policemen who had not themselves been wounded. A further distinction might be made to take account of the fact that in two of these deaths — those of Armstead and Clark — the police state that in each instance they were confronted by an adversary with a lethal weapon and had reason to presume that their own lives were endangered. Armstead pointed a rifle at a policeman and refused to disarm himself; Clark confronted a policeman with a shotgun, which, in fact, he had previously fired.

In any event, there are two cases in which Black Panthers were killed by policemen whose lives were not being directly threatened by those men. These are the cases of Hutton, who was shot while allegedly running from the scene of a ninety-minute. gun battle in which three policemen had been wounded, and Hampton, who was apparently hit by stray bullets in a reckless and uncontrolled fusillade.

Four deaths, two deaths, even a single death must be the subject of the most serious concern. But the basic issues of public policy presented by the militancy of groups like the Panthers and by the sometimes brutal police treatment of angry and defiant black people in general can be neither understood nor resolved in an atmosphere of exaggerated charges whether of “genocide” against the Panthers or of “guerrilla warfare” against the police that are repeated, unverified, in the press and in consequence widely believed by the public. The idea that the police have declared a sort of open season on the Black Panthers is based principally, as far as I can determine, on the assumption that all the Panther deaths cited by Charles Garry — twenty-eight or twenty or ten — occurred under circumstances that were similar to the Hampton-Clark raid. This is an assumption that proves, on examination, to be false.

Haki Kweli Shakur  ATC NAPLA NAIM MOI 4-16-53 ADM 2018