New Afrikan Edward P. McCabe Pushes Black StateHood , White Amerikans Lobbied Against Black StateHood/ Black Government in Washington D.C.

✊🏾New Afrikan Edwin P McCabe ( Black Seperatist The Struggle iz For Land ) Transition on This Day in 1920!

Edwin P. McCabe had hoped to establish the state as an all black refuge from the brutality experienced in the South, however, the evil thought to be left behind had re-surfaced in the new territory. White citizens went to Washington to lobby against “black statehood.” One member of the group commenting, “We will not tolerate Negro government here. If McCabe is appointed governor, I would not give five cents for his life.” The proliferation and success of black towns throughout the state infuriated white opposition and where legal schemes and politics failed, more drastic means of intimidation were enlisted.

Langston Oklahoma – McCabe and his wife, Sarah, founded Langston City, an all-black community. It was named after John Mercer Langston, a black Virginia congressman who favored migration to Oklahoma and had pledged support for a black college in the town.
The McCabes, who owned most of the town lots, immediately began to advertise for purchasers through the Herald’s network of readers in Kansas, Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Missouri, and Tennessee. By 1891, two hundred people lived in Langston City, including a doctor, a minister, and a schoolteacher.For many African Americans, Oklahoma Territory represented the possibility of creating towns and colonies where black people would be free to exercise their political rights without interference. Edwin P. McCabe, who as State Auditor had been the most powerful black man in Kansas, arrived in Oklahoma in 1890. Through his newspaper, the Langston City Herald, McCabe declared the Territory the “paradise of Eden and the garden of the Gods.” To African Americans growing restless under Southern segregation and lynch law, he added a special enticement: “Here the negro can rest from mob law, here he can be secure from every ill of the southern policies.”

Haki Kweli Shakur 3-12-52ADM ATC-NAPLA Virginia




#EdwinPMccabe #EdwinMccabe #edwinmccabetaughtme #thestruggleizforland #nationhood ##statehood #BlackIndependence #BlackNationalism #newafrikan77wordpress #NewAfrikanNation #langstonuniversity #Langston #oklahoma #BlackTowns #BlackEconomics

Sierra Leone 🇸🇱 Freetown was founded on March 11, 1792 black ex-slaves and Thomas Peters Escaped Slave From North Carolina

Sierra Leone 🇸🇱 Freetown was founded on March 11, 1792 black ex-slaves and Thomas Peters Escaped Slave From North Carolina and free people called the Nova Scotian Settlers, who were transported to Sierra Leone by the Sierra Leone Company in 1792. The city of Freetown was founded as a land for freed African American and West Indian slaves; and their descendants are known as the Creole people. Freetown is the oldest capital to be founded by African Americans, having been founded thirty years before Monrovia, Liberia.

Thomas Peters, a Nigerian-born, slave, Black Loyalist soldier, in the British Black Company of Pioneers, early Black settler of the Province of Nova Scotia, British Canada, and one of the “Founding Fathers” of the Nova Scotian Settlers, Sierre Leone Colony, in West Africa, from a painted portrait


In 1791, Thomas Peters, an African American who had served in the Black Pioneers, went to England to report the grievances of the black population in Nova Scotia. Some of these African Americans were ex-slaves who had escaped to the British forces who had been given their freedom and resettled there by the Crown after the American Revolution. Land grants and assistance in starting the settlements had been intermittent and slow.
Tired of the harsh weather and racial discrimination in Nova Scotia, more than 1,100 former American slaves chose to go to Sierra Leone. They sailed in 15 ships and arrived in St. George Bay between February 26 – March 9, 1792. Sixty-four settlers died en route to Sierra Leone, and Lieutenant Clarkson was among those taken ill during the voyage. Upon reaching Sierra Leone, Clarkson and some of the Nova Scotian ‘captains’ “dispatched on shore to clear or make roadway for their landing”
In March 1792, Nathaniel Gilbert, a white preacher, prayed and preached a sermon under the large Cotton Tree, and Reverend David George, from South Carolina, preached the first recorded Baptist service in Africa. The land was dedicated and christened ‘Free Town,’ as ordered by the Sierra Leone Company Directors. This was the first thanksgiving service. #FreeTown #SierraLeone #ThomasPeters #WestAfrica #Settlements #AfricansReturntoAfrica #WestAfricanAncestry #westafricandnaistheoldest #repatriation #Emigration #AfricaForAfricans

The Resistance Blood of Harriet Tubman , Ashanti Descendant , #HarrietTubmanDay

It’s Believed That Harriet Tubman Was Of Ashanti Descent , The Ashanti People were well known Warriors of Resistance Once Enslaved They Are Responsible and Participated in Several Rebellions in Slavery along with other known Resistant Groups like Igbo, Gullah Afrikans, Angolans, Kongolese , Mandinka , Fon , Ewe Perhaps She even Coulda been a Relative of the Ashanti Freedom Fighter Yaa Asantewaa Who Led a Majority Male Army Against the Capitalist Colonizers of Europe!!!!

Modesty, Tubman’s maternal grandmother, arrived in the United States on a slave ship from Africa; no information is available about her other ancestors. As a child, Tubman was told that she was of Ashanti lineage (from what is now Ghana), though no evidence exists to confirm or deny this assertion. Her mother Rit (who may have had a white father) was a cook for the Brodess family. Her father Ben was a skilled woodsman who managed the timber work on Thompson’s plantation. They married around 1808 and, according to court records, they had nine children together: Linah, Mariah Ritty, Soph, Robert, Minty (Harriet), Ben, Rachel, Henry, and Moses.

Rit struggled to keep her family together as slavery threatened to tear it apart. Edward Brodess sold three of her daughters (Linah, Mariah Ritty, and Soph), separating them from the family forever. When a trader from Georgia approached Brodess about buying Rit’s youngest son, Moses, she hid him for a month, aided by other slaves and free blacks in the community. At one point she confronted her owner about the sale. Finally, Brodess and “the Georgia man” came toward the slave quarters to seize the child, where Rit told them, “You are after my son; but the first man that comes into my house, I will split his head open. Brodess backed away and abandoned the sale.Tubman’s biographers agree that stories told about this event within the family influenced her belief in the possibilities of resistance.


Haki Kweli Shakur  3-10-52ADM #HarrietTubmanDay 2017 August Third Collective NAPLA

3 New Afrikan Businessmen and Workers Were Lynched at The Curve People Grocery Store March 9th 1892 , Thomas Moss, Will Stewart, and Calvin McDowell

Memphis and the Lynching at the Curve
Posted on September 30, 2015 by Nathaniel Collins Ball
By: Nathaniel C. Ball
September 30, 2015

Thomas Moss symbolized the urban entrepreneurial class of African Americans that emerged in the decades following the Civil War. Moss invested in a community-owned grocery store, the People’s Grocery, which he managed at night after spending his days working as a postman. The People’s Grocery was located at the southeast corner of what is today Mississippi Blvd and Walker Ave, known then as “the Curve” for the distinctive turn that streetcars made at the corner. During an era in which African Americans were subject to racial subjugation, the People’s Grocery stood as an emblem of pride for the community.

William Barrett, a white man and proprietor of a rival store in the area, felt economically threatened by the People’s Grocery. After he was injured in a scuffle that took place in the Curve on 2 March 1892, Barrett determined to use the incident to discredit Moss’s establishment. Barrett blamed his injuries on a young worker at the People’s Grocery, William Stewart. Barrett arrived at the People’s Grocery the next day with a police officer to arrest Stewart. Instead, Barrett and the officer were met by Calvin McDowell, a grocery clerk, who refused to give up his co-worker’s location. Furious, Barrett struck McDowell with a revolver, losing his grip in the process. McDowell’s athleticism got the better of Barrett. McDowell grabbed the fallen revolver and shot at Barrett, barely missing him. Barrett and the officer retreated. McDowell remarked in the Appeal-Avalanche, “Being the stronger, I got the best of the scrimmage.” This statement only fueled Barrett’s anger. Subsequently, Barrett notified the authorities of the incident. Within a few days Barrett was deputized by a Shelby County Court judge, with permission to form a group to get revenge on those who offended him at the People’s Grocery.

Well aware that an attack was imminent, the patrons of the People’s Grocery asked local authorities for protection. The city of Memphis refused, as the Curve was located just outside of the city, thus outside their jurisdiction. Faced with no other option, a group of men armed themselves inside the People’s Grocery. On Saturday, March 5, Barrett and his men marched towards the Curve. A gunfight ensued in which three of Barrett’s men were injured.

The Memphis Commercial and the Appeal Avalanche inaccurately characterized the attack as evidence that the African American tenants of the People’s Grocery were planning a race war against whites, when in fact those inside the People’s Grocery were simply defending their establishment from attack. Though no evidence suggested Moss was involved in any of these events, his position at the People’s Grocery led the white owned newspapers to sensationalize his name, claiming he was the leader of a great “black conspiracy” against whites. White mobs stormed the Curve damaging property while searching for Moss, McDowell, and Stewart. The three men quickly turned themselves in to prevent any other harm to their community and were held at the Shelby County Jail as they awaited trial. After a few days, the frenzy surrounding the case died down, and security around the prison was lessened.

On 9 March 1892 at around 2:30 A.M., 75 masked men stormed the Shelby County Jail and forcibly removed Moss, McDowell, and Stewart. The three men were taken a mile north of the city, where they were mutilated and murdered. The description of the lynching in the Appeal-Avalanche and the Memphis Commercial the next morning is chillingly positive, a troubling aspect to the city’s reaction to the murders.

representation of the lynching found in the Appeal-Avalanche 10 March 1892.
Representation of the lynching found in the Appeal-Avalanche 10 March 1892.
“There was no hooping, no loud talking, in fact, nothing boisterous. Everything was done decently and in order… The vengeance was sharp, swift, and sure but administered with due regard due to the fact that people were asleep all around the jail. [They] did not know until the morning that the avengers swooped down last night and sent the murderous souls of the ring leaders in the Curve riot to eternity.”

The article gives a description of the brutal attacks conducted by the mob on the three African American men in such detail that one could identify each victim by the wounds inflicted on the bodies of Moss, McDowell, and Stewart when they were found the next morning. Even Moss’s last words were recorded, with an urgent plea to the African American community of Memphis, “Tell my people to go West, there is no justice here.” A call that many in the African American community would follow in the coming decades. The next day a mob ransacked the People’s Grocery, and the store was closed. Within a few months Barrett bought the establishment for pennies on the dollar.

“Thus, with the aid of the city and country authorities and the daily papers, that white grocer had indeed put an end to his rival Negro grocer as well as to his business.”
Ida B. Wells Crusade for Justice

Like other lynchings in the United States at the time, the Memphis lynching stood as a warning to African Americans that pushed against the American South’s racial hierarchy. Moss was murdered for running a better business than his white competitor; McDowell, for forgetting his place in the hierarchy of the white world he lived in; and Stewart, for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. While many would back down when faced with these threats of violence, Ida B. Wells, an emerging journalist in Memphis at the time and personal friend of Thomas Moss, fearlessly attacked those who participated in, encouraged, or simply ignored the lynching. Her unrelenting attacks would eventually lead to her exile from Memphis, the place she had called home for nearly a decade.

A finer, cleaner man than he never walked the streets of Memphis. He was well liked, a favorite with everybody; yet he was murdered with no more consideration than if he had been a dog… The colored people feel that every white man in Memphis who consented in his death is as guilty as those who fired the guns which took his life.”
Ida B. Wells on Moss death, Crusade for Justice

Today, the story of the People’s Grocery is marked by a single historical marker, just west of Lemoyne-Owen College, where the co-op once stood. As the Hooks Institute moves forward with our documentary film on the Memphis experience of Ida B. Wells, it is important to remember that these events happened in our backyard, to real people with their own hopes, desires, and dreams. The Hooks Institute aspires to tell these stories, and others like it, with the respect they deserve.

Posted in Ida B. Wells Documentary

New Afrikan Crusader Ida B Wells and The People’s Grocery Lynching That Sparked Her Anti-Lynching Crusade March 9th 1892 on The South

Conversation Reparations/The Historical Struggle – Haki Kweli Shakur ATC-NAPLA NAIM 3-9-52ADM


Ida B. Wells-Barnett

Civil Rights activist and investigative journalist, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, life was profoundly changed on March 9, 1892, when three friends (and successful businessmen) were lynched in Tennessee. This incident stemmed from their opening a grocery store too close to their white competitors. After she spoke out against this outrage in print, her newspaper office was destroyed, and her life was threatened.

Wells-Barnett continued to write for several black newspapers utilizing her news sources and her first-hand investigative information to show that lynching was more often used as a way to instill fear in and exert power over all blacks. Wells-Barnett interviewed witnesses at lynchings and looked at events immediately preceding the act to gain an understanding of the act of lynching in individual cases. What she uncovered was that lynchings were not for acts of sexual violence, but for attempting to register to vote, for being too successful, for failure to demure acceptably to whites, or for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. In addition, she showed that lynchings were not the act of out-of-control whites horrified over a grievous act. Rather, lynchings were often planned several days in advance and had police support. Not only were men lynched, but women and children were, too. Wells-Barnett’s work uncovered the thin veneer which was used to justify lynching.

She was also a strong proponent for women’s rights, and organized the first suffrage club for black women. Wells-Barnett spoke out strongly for the need of black women to work for anti-lynch laws. As a community activist, when she discovered that the YMCA excluded black men, she organized the Negro Fellowship League to provide lodging, employment assistance and social activities. Her efforts led to the overthrow of the YMCA’s racist policies of exclusion. Wells-Barnett was also a co-founder of the Niagara Movement, which later became the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).

The People’s Grocery Store Lynching of Businessmen Who Owned The Store White Nationalist Anti and Destruction of – New Afrikan/Black CoOperative Economics Still Exist Today

The Peoples Grocery was a grocery located just outside Memphis in a neighborhood called the “Curve”. Opened in 1889, the Grocery was a cooperative venture run along corporate lines and owned by eleven prominent blacks, including postman Thomas Moss, a friend of Ida B. Wells. In March 1892 Thomas Moss and two of his workers, Will Stewart and Calvin McDowell, were lynched by a white mob while in police custody.

By the 1890s there were increasing racial tensions in the neighborhood and increasing tensions between the successful Moss and white grocer William Barrett, whose grocery, despite its bad reputation as a “low-dive gambling den” and a location where liquor could be illegally purchased, had had a virtual monopoly prior to Moss’ venture.

On Wednesday, March 2, 1892, the trouble began when a young black boy, Armour Harris, and a young white boy, Cornelius Hurst, got into a fight over a game of marbles outside the Peoples Grocery. When the white boy’s father stepped in and began beating the black boy, two black workers from the grocery (Will Stewart and Calvin McDowell) came to his defense. More blacks and whites joined the fray, and at one point William Barrett was clubbed. He identified Will Stewart as his assailant.

On Thursday, March 3, Barrett returned to the Peoples Grocery with a police officer and were met by Calvin McDowell. McDowell told them no one matching Stewart’s description was within the store. The frustrated Barrett hit McDowell with his revolver and knocked him down, dropping the gun in the process. McDowell picked it up and shot at Barrett, but missed. McDowell was subsequently arrested but released on bond on March 4. Warrants were also issued for Will Stewart and Armour Harris.

The warrants enraged the black residents of the neighborhood who called a meeting where they vowed to clean out the neighborhood’s “damned white trash”, which Barrett brought to the authorities’ attention as evidence of a black conspiracy against whites.

On Saturday, March 5, Judge Julius DuBose, a former Confederate soldier, was quoted in the Appeal-Avalanche newspaper as vowing to form a posse to get rid of the “high-handed rowdies” in the Curve. That same day John Mosby, a black painter, was fatally shot after an altercation with a clerk in another white grocery in the Curve. As reported in the paper, Mosby cursed at the clerk after being denied credit for a purchase and the clerk responded by punching him. Mosby returned that evening and hit the clerk with a stick, whereupon the clerk shot him.

The Peoples Grocery men were increasingly concerned about an attack upon them, based on Dubose’s threat and the Mosby shooting. They consulted a lawyer but were told since they were outside the city limits they could not depend on police protection and should prepare to defend themselves.

On the evening of March 5, six armed white men (including a county sheriff and recently deputized plainclothes civilians) headed toward the Peoples Grocery. The white papers claimed their purpose was to inquire after Will Stewart and arrest him if he was there. The account written by five black ministers in the St. Paul Appeal said the men arrived with a rout in mind for they had first gone to William Barrett’s place then divided up and surreptitiously posted themselves at the front and back entrance to the Peoples Grocery. The men inside, already anticipating a mob attack, were being surrounded by armed whites and did not know they were officers of the law.

When the whites entered the store they were shot at and several were hit. McDowell was captured at the scene and identified as an assailant. The black postman Nat Trigg was seized by deputy Charley Cole but shot him in the face and managed to escape. The injured whites retreated to Barrett’s store and more deputized whites were dispatched to the grocery where they eventually arrested thirteen blacks and seized a cache of weapons and ammunition.

Reports in the white papers described the shooting as a cold-blooded, calculated ambush by the blacks and, though none of the deputies had died, they predicted the wounds of Cole and Bob Harold, who was shot in the face and neck, would prove fatal. The St. Paul Appeal said as soon as the black men realized the intruders were law officers they dropped their weapons and submitted to arrest, confident they would be able to explain their case in court.

On Sunday, March 6, hundreds of white civilians were deputized and fanned out from the grocery to conduct a house-to-house search for blacks involved in “the conspiracy”. They eventually arrested forty black people, including Armour Harris and his mother, Nat Trigg, and Tommie Moss. The story in the black paper contended that Moss was tending his books at the back of the store on the night of the shooting and couldn’t have seen what happened when the whites arrived. When he heard gunshots he left the premises. In the eyes of many whites, however, Moss’ position as a postman and the president of the co-op made him a ringleader of the conspiracy. He was also indicted in the white press for an insolent attitude when he was arrested.

Upon news of the arrest armed whites congregated around the fortress-like Shelby County Jail. Members of the black Tennessee Rifles militia also posted themselves outside the jail to keep watch and guard against a lynching.

On Monday, March 7, Tommie’s pregnant wife Betty Moss came to jail with food for her husband but was turned away by Judge DuBose who told her to come back again in three days.

On Tuesday, March 8, lawyers for several of the black men filed writs of habeas corpus but DuBose quashed them. After news filtered out that the injured deputies were not going to die the tensions outside the jail seemed to abate and the Tennessee Rifles thought it was no longer necessary to guard the jail grounds, especially as the Shelby County Jail itself was thought to be impregnable. But, as Ida B. Wells would write in retrospect, the news that the deputies would survive was actually a catalyst for violence for the black men could not now be “legally” executed for their crime.

On Wednesday, March 9, at about 2:30 a.m. seventy-five men in black masks surrounded the Shelby County Jail and nine entered. They dragged Tommie Moss, Will Stewart, and Calvin McDowell from their cells and brought them to a Chesapeake & Ohio railroad yard a mile outside of Memphis. What followed was described in such harrowing detail by the white papers that it was clear reporters had been called in advance to witness the lynching.

At the railroad yard McDowell “struggled mightily” and at one point managed to grab a shotgun from one of his abductors. After the mob wrested it from him they shot at his hands and fingers “inch by inch” until they were shot to pieces. Replicating the wounds the white deputies had suffered they shot four holes into McDowell’s face, each large enough for a fist to enter. His left eye was shot out and the “ball hung over his cheek in shreds.” His jaw was torn out by buckshot. Where “his right eye had been there was a big hole which his brains oozed out.” The Appeal-Avalanche added his injuries were in accord with his “vicious and unyielding nature.”

Will Stewart was described as the most stoic of the three, “obdurate and unyielding to the last.” He was also shot on the right side of the neck with a shotgun, and was shot with a pistol in the neck and left eye.

Moss was also shot in the neck. His dying words, reported in the papers, were, “Tell my people to go West, there is no justice for them here.”

The Aftermath

The lynching became a front page story in the New York Times on March 10 and countered the image of the “New South” that Memphis was trying to promote. The lynching sparked national outrage and Ida B. Wells’ editorial embraced Moss’ dying words and encouraged blacks to strike out for the West and “leave a town which will neither protect our lives and property, nor give us a fair trial in the courts, but takes us out and murders us in cold blood when accused by white persons.” This sparked an emigration movement that eventually saw 6,000 blacks leave Memphis for the Western Territories. At a meeting of one thousand people at Bethel A. M. E. Church in Chicago in response to this lynching as well as two earlier lynchings (Ed Coy in Texarkana, Arkansas and a woman in Raiville, Louisiana), a call by the presiding minister for the crowd to sing the then de facto national anthem, “America (My Country, ‘Tis of Thee)” was refused in protest, and the song, “John Brown’s Body” was substituted. The widespread violence and particularly the murder of her friends drove Wells to research and document lynchings and their causes. She began investigative journalism by looking at the charges given for the murders, which officially started her anti-lynching campaign.

Afrikan Political Prisoners of The Amistad Rebellion Set Free March 9th 1841

175 years later, the Amistad affair lives on in the Yale Library’s collections

By Mike Cummings
March 7, 2016

William H. Townsend’s sketches of the Amistad captives depict distinct individuals who overpowered their captors aboard the slave ship and later secured their freedom in the American court system.
William H. Townsend’s pencil sketches of the Amistad captives portray people full of character, who when robbed of their freedom, fought to regain it.

The 43 captives’ arrival in New Haven in September 1839 caused a sensation. Townspeople lined the streets as the Africans were marched from the Long Wharf to the jail. Colonel Stanton Pendleton, the jailer, charged curiosity seekers a shilling each to view his unusual prisoners. Phrenologists visited the jail to measure the captives’ skulls.

Townsend captured their humanity. His drawings depict distinct individuals: Margru, a young girl, hints at a smile. Kimbo seems suspicious. Pona is handsome. Saby smokes a pipe.

Townsend had difficulty persuading the Africans to sit for him and bribed them with candy, according to an article published in the Yale Library Gazette in January 1935.

This illustration from John W. Barber’s “A History of the Amistad Captives” depicts the death of Ramon Ferrer, captain of the Amistad.
This illustration from John W. Barber’s “A History of the Amistad Captives” depicts the death of Ramon Ferrer, captain of the Amistad.
Wednesday, March 9 marks the 175th anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court ruling that granted the Amistad captives their freedom and enabled their return to Africa.

The Yale University Library houses a wealth of Amistad material, including the papers of Roger Sherman Baldwin, the captives’ attorney; the notes of author Washington Irving, who was minister to Spain when the Supreme Court issued its decision; letters from Lewis Tappan, the abolitionist leader who rallied support for the captives; and contemporary published accounts of the affair. Twenty-two of Townsend’s sketches reside at Yale’s Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library.

Edward Rugemer, Yale associate professor of African American studies and history, says that the Amistad affair is an important chapter in the history of American slavery and abolitionism.

“It is a dramatic story that underscores the federal government’s support for slavery,” Rugemer said. “But it also shows the resiliency of people to resist their oppression and the determination of the abolitionist movement to change society and convince people that slavery was an abomination.”

‘I am sure they are native Africans’
The Amistad, a Spanish schooner, sailed from Havana on June 28, 1839 bound for Puerto Principe with 53 Africans on board. The captives, who had been kidnapped and illegally imported to Cuba as slaves, revolted days after the ship set sail, killing the captain and a crew member.

Kale was kidnapped while going to a village to buy rice. Kale wrote to John Quincy Adams before the Supreme Court oral argument, “I want to write a letter to you because you love Mende people, and you talk to the grand court. We want to tell you one thing. Jose Ruiz say we born in Havana, he tell lie …”
Kale was kidnapped while going to a village to buy rice. Kale wrote to John Quincy Adams before the Supreme Court oral argument, “I want to write a letter to you because you love Mende people, and you talk to the grand court. We want to tell you one thing. Jose Ruiz say we born in Havana, he tell lie …”
The captives spared the two white men, Jose Ruiz and Pedro Montez, who had purchased them. Knowing nothing of navigation, they attempted to force Montez and Ruiz to sail them to Africa, but the Spaniards had other plans. They steered toward the United States coast at night. The vessel zigzagged at sea for two months before the Washington, an American patrol ship, seized it off of Culloden Point in eastern Long Island Sound on Aug. 26, 1839. The Amistad was towed to New London, Connecticut.

Legal proceedings began immediately. The captives, including three young girls, were detained in four rooms in the county jail in New Haven, near the city green, as the courts determined their fates.

Abolitionists, recognizing an opportunity to advance their cause, mobilized to help the Africans secure their freedom.

“Abolitionism was a growing movement when the Amistad case took place,” says Rugemer. “There was a growing network of activists who were devoting a significant amount of their time to the cause. The Amistad event happens, and they see it as a way to draw attention to the movement.”

Tappan, a New York City merchant and a founder of the American Anti-Slavery Society, joined other prominent abolitionists in forming the Amistad Committee to organize the captives’ legal defense.

The committee enlisted Roger Sherman Baldwin, 1811 B.A, a New Haven attorney and future governor of Connecticut, to lead the captives’ legal team, which also included attorneys Seth Staples, 1797 B.A., and Theodore Sedgwick, 1798 B.A., of New York City.

The Baldwin Family Papers at the Yale Library’s Manuscripts and Archives Department contains Baldwin’s notes, correspondence, and other legal papers concerning the case.

In a Sept. 4, 1839 letter, Staples informs Baldwin that they will be colleagues on the case. He addresses a major obstacle confronting the defense team: They did not understand their clients’ language.

Staples also expressed concerns about the Africans’ physical comfort.

“I think it all-important that the marshal shall procure flannel clothing for these miserable beings immediately or he will find them all down soon with probably the inflammatory rheumatism or some other disease,” wrote Staples, adding that the Africans should be taken outside in fair weather and “made to walk some distance.”

Grabo, also Grabeau, was next in command after Cinque among the Amistad captives. A rice planter in his homeland, he was kidnapped while on his way to buy clothes. He was enslaved to pay a debt his uncle owed.
Grabo, also Grabeau, was next in command after Cinque among the Amistad captives. A rice planter in his homeland, he was kidnapped while on his way to buy clothes. He was enslaved to pay a debt his uncle owed.
Josiah Willard Gibbs, a clergyman and Yale professor of ancient languages, attempted to break the language barrier between the Africans and their American allies. Gibbs, 1809 B.A., learned the captives’ words for the first 10 numerals and walked along the wharves of New Haven and New York City counting aloud in the African tongue hoping someone would understand the numbers.

During one of these waterfront forays on Staten Island, Gibbs encountered James Covey, a young sailor on the H.M.S. Buzzard, a British cruiser that recently seized two slave ships. An 18-year-old native African, Covey could speak Mende, the captives’ language. The Buzzard’s captain let Covey travel to New Haven for as long as the case required.

Baldwin’s papers include Covey’s Oct. 4, 1839 deposition in which the young sailor describes his conversations with the Africans. He reports that they speak of Lomboko, an infamous slave fortress on the west coast of Africa where the captives had been held before embarking on the Middle Passage.

Covey asserts that based on the captives’ “language and manner and appearance, I am sure they are native Africans.”

Most of the captives were from Mende country in Sierra Leone.

“I have conversed with these Africans separately in the presence of Dr. Gibbs, and they are consistent in their history of the place from which they sailed in Africa, and of their voyage to Havana, the events which happened there, and their voyage to the United States,” Covey states in the deposition, which is written in another’s hand.

‘Why weren’t the poor negroes hanged?’
The Amistad case raised issues about jurisdiction, salvage rights, and whether the captives should be tried for murder and piracy. Ultimately, the case boiled down to whether the Amistad captives were slaves or free.

Ruiz and Montez presented papers purportedly showing that the captives were legally enslaved. In truth, they had been imported to Cuba in contravention of an 1817 treaty between Great Britain and Spain banning the importation of slaves into Spanish colonies.

According to the Spaniards, the captives were “ladino,” or slaves long-settled in Cuba. The abolitionists argued that the captives were “bozale,” meaning blacks recently imported from Africa.

The Spanish government pressed the pro-slavery administration of President Martin Van Buren to ensure that Montez and Ruiz recovered all of their property, the captives included, in accordance with treaties of 1795 and 1819 between the two nations.

Van Buren, an architect of the Democratic Party, worried that the case would antagonize his Southern allies.

“Van Buren’s position was to send the captives back to Cuba where they would have been executed for mutiny and murder,” says Rugemer.

An annotation in the notes of Washington Irving, who was U.S. minister to Spain shortly after the Amistad affair, illustrates the federal government’s disposition toward the captives and their abolitionist defenders.

An annotation in Washington Irving’s notes on the Amistad case reads, “And why were the poor negroes not hanged for murder, having murdered the captain and part of the crew …”
An annotation in Washington Irving’s notes on the Amistad case reads, “And why were the poor negroes not hanged for murder, having murdered the captain and part of the crew …”
“The negroes are called bozales. How would such ignorant beings bring forward an accusation and know all the subtletie (sic) of the law — Mr. Tapman (sic) that mad fanatic of abolitionism did it and nobody else,” reads the annotation. “And why were the poor negroes not hanged for murder, having murdered the captain and part of the crew[?]”

It is unclear who wrote these words. Irving’s notes on the case, included in his papers at the Beinecke Library, appear to be a compilation of memoranda summarizing the facts of the case and the Spanish demands.

The civil trial in Amistad case began in U.S District Court in Hartford on Nov. 19, 1839 with U.S. District Judge Andrew Judson presiding. Six years earlier, Judson, as a state attorney, had prosecuted Prudence Crandall for opening a school for black girls in Canterbury, Connecticut.

In a decision issued on Jan. 13, 1840, Judson ruled that the captives had been sold into slavery in violation of international law. He ordered the Van Buren administration to return them to Africa.

Anticipating a different outcome, Van Buren had stationed the naval schooner Grampus in New Haven harbor to take the Africans to Cuba.

The federal government appealed Judson’s ruling. The circuit court affirmed Judson’s decision and the case went before the U.S. Supreme Court.

‘He does not think of God’
The captives were not idle as their case played out in court. Yale students provided them daily instruction in English and the Christian faith.

A contemporary account of the Amistad affair by John W. Barber includes an essay by Benjamin Griswold, a student at the Divinity School, who describes efforts to “improve” the captives’ “hearts and minds.”

“From two to five hours each day have been spent in imparting instruction,” he wrote. “At first their progress was slow and attended with some difficulties. They had been accustomed neither to the requisite effort of mind nor fixedness of attention.”

Marqu, also Margru, was one of three young girls who survived the voyage from Cuba. Her father sold her into slavery to pay a debt. After resettling in Africa, she would return to the United States to attend Oberlin College.
Marqu, also Margru, was one of three young girls who survived the voyage from Cuba. Her father sold her into slavery to pay a debt. After resettling in Africa, she would return to the United States to attend Oberlin College.
The captives were enthusiastic students, wrote Griswold, 1841 Div..

“Not unfrequently (sic) in their desire to retain their teacher through the day, they attempt even to hold him, grasping his hands and clinging to his person, and individuals offer to give him their own dinner on condition of his remaining,” he wrote.

He reported slow but perceptible progress.

“Some of them can read in the New Testament,” he wrote. “Their situation has been peculiarly unfavorable to progress in speaking the English language. They have been confined exclusively by themselves, and intercourse with each other has been in their native tongue.”

Griswold also described the captives’ religious instruction. The teachers composed a Christian prayer that was translated into Mende. After prayers, a half-hour was spent each day “in attempting to impress religious truth upon the heart.”

Griswold suggested that the captives’ uncertain futures led them to embrace Christianity.

“Many of them in their troubles and fears are driven to the throne of grace,” he wrote. “A lady in the family of the jailer informs me that the little girls even are mindful of their hours for devotion, and that too when the duty is not pressed upon them by the example of others.”

The captives were not entirely content with the conditions of their confinement.

Baldwin’s papers include a Feb 9, 1841 letter from Cinque, the captives’ de facto leader, complaining about Pendleton’s mistreatment of them in their new quarters in the Westville section of New Haven.

“When we in New Haven he whip Mendi people too hard,” wrote Cinque in halting English. “I was sorry for him and he does not think of God. He do bad and when he came to Westville and came and whip plenty of them and it is not better for us and he do bad to the Mendi people.”

“You tell our judges let us free,” wrote Cinque.

Victory and voyage home
Arguments before the Supreme Court began on Feb. 22, 1841. The abolitionists enlisted former President John Quincy Adams, then a member of Congress, to join Baldwin in oral arguments before the court. Five of the nine justices either owned or had owned slaves.

A print by John Sartain of Nathaniel Jocelyn’s portrait of Cinque, the leader of the Amistad captives, housed at the Yale University Art Gallery.
A print by John Sartain of Nathaniel Jocelyn’s portrait of Cinque, the leader of the Amistad captives, housed at the Yale University Art Gallery.
The court delivered its decision on March 9, 1841. Writing for the majority, Justice Joseph Story concluded that the captives were “kidnapped Africans, who, by the laws of Spain itself, are entitled to their freedom.”

The captives learned of the decision days later via a letter from Adams.

The Supreme Court did not require the federal government to transport the captives to Africa. They could stay or go as they pleased.

After the decision, the Africans were moved to Farmington, Connecticut, where the local abolitionist community arranged for them to live on a farm. Cinque and others were taken to various cities to help raise money for their voyage home. Sadly, one of the captives drowned in a pond during this period.

In late November 1841, 35 of the original 53 captives and four American missionaries boarded the Gentleman, a chartered ship, and set sail for Africa joined by American missionaries.

Tappan delivered this news in a Dec. 1, 1841 letter to Gibbs, which is housed at the Beinecke Library.

“Our Mendian friends sailed Saturday morning at dawn of day with a stiff breeze, and had 40 hours’ sail before the snow storm began here,” Tappan wrote.

The letter concludes with this postscript: ““Mr. Adams called on me yesterday, on his way to Washington, [he] listened with much satisfaction to the account of their seeing his letter — their leaving, etc.”

Six of the Amistad captives are buried in the Grove Street Cemetery, as is Townsend, Baldwin, Gibbs, Pendleton, and several other figures associated with the case.

The New Haven Museum will commemorate the 175th anniversary of the Supreme Court’s decision in the Amistad case on Thursday, March 10, with a first-person interpretation of Sarah Margru, a captive who attended Oberlin College, by Tammy Denease of Historical Firsts. The performance begins at 5:30 p.m.



Who Are New Afrikan Political Prisoners PT 1 and 2



Sylvia Dubois Beats Slave Owner Mistress Escapes to Freedom ( We Faught Back )


Long live The Resistant Spirit and Blood of Sylvia Dubois (c. 1788/89 – 1889), also spelled as was an African American woman born into slavery who became free after striking her slave mistress. After gaining her freedom, Dubois moved to New Jersey where she lived with her children until her death. A physician by the name of C.W. Larison decided to document the life of Dubois and her journey to freedom in the book Silvia Dubois (Now 116 Yers Old) A Biografy of the Slav who Whipt Her Mistres and Gand Her Fredom.
In 1808, when Minna was out on grand-jury duty in Wilkes-Barre, the mistress had Dubois scrub the bar-room because company was over. Dubois did not do the scrubbing to her liking, and the mistress hit her. In retaliation, Dubois hit the mistress so hard that she fell down and landed against the door. Dubois thought that she had killed her at first. The other people in the bar-room attempted to intervene, but Dubois threatened them with physical violence, and no one approached her.
Dubois fled to Chenang Point in New York, but her master Minna sent for her. She went back to Great Bend, and Minna told her that if she took her child to New Jersey, he would write her a pass and officially give Dubois her freedom. Consequently, Dubois took her baby and went to Flagtown, New Jersey to find her mother. There, she discovered that her mother had moved to New Brunswick, so she tracked her down and remained there for years. #SylviaDubois #stiffresistanceendedslavery #stiffresistance #WeFaughtBack #conversationreparations #slavery #undergroundwgn

“Mammy” Pleasant – San Francisco Voodoo Queen, Underground RailRoad , Funded John Brown’s Virginia Slave Rebellion/RAID (1814-1904)

“I’d rather be a corpse than a coward,” – Mary Ellen Pleasent

(New Afrikan Californian Vodoun(Voodo Queen) In Canada, she bought land on Campbell Street, near Harper’s Ferry,in Virginia to help John Brown house the slaves that he planned to free. John Brown’s plan was to capture the Federal arsenal there with only 21 men. He would set up a maroon-like militia, made up of runaway slaves throughout the Virginia Mountains, as the Haitians had done. Then, he would shuttle some slaves from there to Canada. Mary gave Brown money for arms and came back the following fall to ride – in disguise as a jockey – in advance of Brown to alert slaves near Harper’s Ferry of his coming. It was a good, but risky, plan, but, unlike some other Black leaders, Pleasant, believing that slavery had to be ended by force!

Mary Ellen “Mammy” Pleasant was born a slave on a plantation near Augusta, Georgia. She became an important western terminus of the underground railroad in San Francisco during the 1850s. By placing maids and servants throughout the homes of San Francisco’s rich, she came to wield (secret) power among San Francisco’s elite.

When Mary Ellen was 10, her mother gave her the name of her white plantation-owning father, and also disclosed that Mary Ellen was descended from a succession of Voodoo Queens of Santo Domingo. A year later, Mary Ellen was sold to a man in New Orleans, Americus Price, and he decided to place her in a convent where she would be educated, and eventually freed. Later he sent her to live with friends in Cincinnati, since her educated intelligence would have eventually betrayed her in the antebellum South.

Mary Ellen’s life took her in and out of various families and situations in New England and Virginia. She married James W. Smith, a Virginia plantation-owner and abolitionist. Throughout the late 1830s and early 1840s Mr. and Mrs. Smith smuggled hundreds of slaves to Canada as couriers along the Underground Railroad. When Smith died in 1844, Mary Ellen continued to outrage southern planters by helping scores of slaves to escape.

Things became too hot and Mary Ellen made her way first to New Orleans where Marie Laveau, the voodoo queen, deeply impressed Mary Ellen with her social power among all levels of New Orleans society. Mary Ellen stayed in New Orleans for a few months and learned about the practice of voodoo from Marie Laveau, though she didn’t plan to copy Laveau’s version exactly. By 1852, Louisiana planters were urgently searching for Mary Ellen Pleasant as the crafty intrigante who would stop at nothing in smuggling slaves through the Underground.

She sometimes visited plantations dressed as a jockey, other times as a shabby man on a delivery wagon. After getting trained as a cook, Mary Ellen found a job on a local plantation, right under the noses of the local gentry. Overhearing speculation about her origins one night, Mary Ellen made a hasty escape, and took the four-month sea journey around Cape Horn, arriving in San Francisco on April 7, 1852. On the journey she met a Scottish fellow named Thomas Bell, over whom she would maintain a powerful influence throughout the next three decades, as they both became millionaires speculating on mining and banking interests. By her death in 1904, Mammy had lost most of her fortune, and a good deal of Thomas Bell’s as well.

Thomas Bell became a director of the all-powerful Bank of California and Mammy was his closest (and secret) advisor. Meanwhile, she bought and sold dozens of properties, running boarding houses and specializing in developing “proteg’s” (i.e. beautiful young women) whom she would endeavor to marry off to the nouveau riche miners and bankers that frequented her boarding houses. She also built a house, then far out of town, known as the “Geneva Cottage,” at the corner of the San Jose road and Geneva (now the corner of Geneva and Bayshore Boulevard near the toxic wasteland of the Southern Pacific railyards and the Brisbane lagoon), which was the infamous site of numerous wild bacchanalian parties, attended by wealthy San Franciscan men and a bevy of beautiful young women.

The mysterious death of one young woman at the Geneva Cottage led to a consolidation of Mammy’s influence as she collected blackmail from the attendees to keep quiet the circumstances of her death. Other associates of Mammy also died mysteriously, often after trying to turn the blackmailing tables on Mammy, but she was never accused, tried, or convicted of any such crime.

Her lust for power was pursued through several primary techniques: she continued to sponsor runaway slaves as hundreds arrived in SF thanks to her aid. These people she placed in businesses and homes of the city, and they became her ears on the town. She sponsored and housed a number of young women, many of whom continued to follow her wishes for years. She spent a lot of her large fortune on the poor and destitute, earning considerable good will and power. She also used her position as madame to gain control through blackmail over many of the richest men in San Francisco, even helping them dispose of various children their dalliances gave rise to. And finally, Mary Ellen “Mammy” Pleasant used her talent with the voodoo religious rites to control her followers through religious terror.


Haki Kweli Shakur ATC-NAPLA NAIM 3-8-52ADM

The Underground



Twitter Storm For Political Prisoner Jalil Muntaqim March 8 2017

From Jalil:

As you know, I have been suffering intense harassment, first messing with my mail, trying to put me in SHU for writing to I Am We Prison Advocacy Network, then denying me receipt of The Militant newspaper, now succeeding by taking comments out of a 1 and a half hour lecture and cobbling them into a narrative to fit rule violations, removing them from the original context and intent. Given the recent NY Times newspaper articles exposing the racist practices of both disciplinary hearings and parole board decisions, it is apparent the harsh penalty in this case coincides with the findings of the NY Times articles.

In this regard, it is important that folk know this seemingly unrelenting harassment is consistent with the NYS Correctional Officers Association’s alliance with the PBA’s opposition to my release on parole. With the growing and mounting campaign to persuade Gov. Cuomo to grant my application to commute the sentence, these entities are mounting a campaign to thwart any possibility for success at the parole board. We must vigorously condemn this disciplinary sanction and demand that it be reversed. But just as importantly, we need to further expose the racist nature of the disciplinary process and correctional guards/administrators persistent efforts to prohibit my release on parole.

Jalil would like our support and is asking that we get the word out by focusing on a Twitter Storm on Wednesday, March 8th to Governor Cuomo.


In addition to appealing this latest parole denial, Jalil has also submitted a request to Governor Cuomo for commutation of sentence to time served.

Tweet the following message to Governor Cuomo:

I add my voice to demand: Commutation of sentence for Anthony Jalil Bottom #77A4283 NOW! #clemency4jalil

Ask your friends, family, co-workers, church members, classmates or union members, to support this campaign! United our voices can make freedom happen!

If you don’t tweet, call the governor at: 1-518-474-8390 or fax him at 1-518-474-1513.

or write the governor at:

The Honorable Andrew M. Cuomo
Governor of New York State
NYS State Capitol Building
Albany, NY 12224

Twitter @NYGovCuomo

cc this office:

New York State DOCCS
Executive Clemency Bureau
The Harriman State Campus – Building 2
1220 Washington Ave
Albany, NY 12226-2050

Spotsylvania County Virginia March 6 1815 Slave Rebellion Conspiracy ( George Boxely and New Afrikans Planned to End Slavery )

  • George Boxley (1780–1865) was a white abolitionist and former slaveholder who allegedly tried to coordinate a local slave rebellion on March 6, 1815, while living in Spotsylvania, Virginia. His plan was based on “heaven-sent” orders to free the slaves. He tried to recruit slaves from Orange, Spotsylvania, and Louisa counties to meet at his home with horses, guns, swords and clubs. He planned to attack and take over Fredericksburg and Richmond, Virginia. Lucy, a local slave, informed her owner, and the plot was foiled. Six slaves involved were imprisoned or executed. With his wife’s help, Boxley escaped from the Spotsylvania County Jail and, despite a reward, he was never caught.

Boxley fled to Ohio and Indiana, where he was joined by his family. He built a cabin in 1830, the first in Adams Township. He helped runaway slaves, taught school, and supported abolitionism. The George Boxley Cabin has been listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

George Boxley, a native of Virginia, was born in 1780. He was a merchant storekeeper and miller who became deeply committed to abolitionism. He arrived in Indiana as a fugitive from justice and was the first settler in Adams Township, Hamilton County, Indiana. Accounts vary in details, but the facts are that Boxley, himself a slaveowner, opposed—or came to oppose—the institution of slavery. Boxley was accused of helping slaves to escape and of fomenting a slave rebellion in Spotsylvania County, Virginia. Jailed, he made his escape aided by his wife Hannah. After fleeing Virginia, Boxley may have spent a brief time in Pennsylvania.

Local folklore holds that Boxley participated in the Underground Railroad by hiding runaway slaves in an excavated place beneath his cabin. Certainly his abolitionist views were widely known, but there is no concrete evidence to document his having participated in the Underground Railroad.

More Detailed History of Slave Rebellion

The old Court House and Jail are most infamously known for the apprehension and escape of George Boxley – known in Virginia history as a white man who facilitated the planning of a slave insurrection by allowing slaves to meet in the store on his property. Events and motives of individuals, as well as the nuances of emotion, are always more complex.

George Boxley was a first generation American born in 1780 to English immigrants Thomas and Mary Boxley. He was the oldest of six children. By 1803, his parents had both died and he and a cousin were joint executors of his father’s estate. Of his father’s 1,979 acres, known as The Grange, George was willed 170 acres and two slaves, Harry and Dafney, valued at $460. His father’s will was to return all slaves to the estate and free them.

In 1805, George married Hannah Jenkins from a nearby farm and they began a family. George was a soldier in the war of 1812, and returned determined to lead a life of freedom for himself, his family and slaves.

An educated man, George Boxley read and spoke often of the contradictions of the American constitution versus its use of slaves. This was a special point with him being a citizen of Virginia, the largest slave-holding state. He scolded against slavery regularly which did not endear him to his neighbors. It also gave enslaved men and women the idea that he could be counted on to help them if needed.

An opportunity presented itself when two escaped men came to his store late one evening, reportedly having been beaten earlier in the day and threatened by their owner with sale away from their families. Boxley allegedly gave them two of his horses, some money and directions to Pennsylvania.

When their absences were noticed, a slave woman named Lucy reported that she had heard talk around George Boxley’s about a slave revolt. Lucy’s mistress, Ptolemy Powell, reported the rumblings of a slave insurrection to the Magistrate on February 22, 1816, who arranged for an investigation. Boxley could not produce a bill of sale for two missing horses and was arrested for assisting slaves to escape. Twenty-seven so- called black conspirators were also arrested.

Even though Boxley was imprisoned and awaiting trial, Virginia law did not allow blacks to testify against whites. The blacks who were arrested were either hung or sold south. In May 1816, George’s wife Hannah and their children visited him in jail – the new brick jail built in 1813 and situated next to the clerk’s office and across the road from the Court House built in 1801.

Not waiting to find out his fate, George escaped the day after his family’s visit. It is believed that his wife smuggled a saw in the hem of her skirt into the jail. The Superior Court Grand Jury returned an indictment against Boxley for insurrection; his wife was never blamed or charged for aiding her husband. She remained at their family home and slowly and quietly sold most of their belongings, waiting for word from her husband.

Boxley first surfaced in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania where he soon signed a power of attorney from Washington County to sell his land in Spotsylvania. Soon thereafter he saw a Spotsylvania County newspaper advertisement for his bounty, and he left and settled near Cincinnati, Ohio where he worked as a school teacher. He published two anti-slavery articles under a pen name. He finally got word to his wife about his whereabouts and she and their children followed a friend’s relative from Virginia to Ohio where they all met in Fayette County and lived for seven years. The couple had five more children.

Bounty hunters were still trying to find him in 1821, but Ohio Governor James Preston would not pursue the matter. Comfortable in his new life, George sought the job of Justice of the Peace in 1824, but he was publicly challenged about his past and forced to admit his actions to his neighbors and friends. Three bounty hunters tried to capture him while he worked in his field and his sons successfully fought them off. The State of Ohio filed charges against the bounty hunters for kidnapping and awarded George $10 in damages.

Boxley left his family for Missouri, using the name George Burke, but soon read a newspaper account describing his close call in Ohio. He decided to return, get his family and relocate. They moved to Indiana, built a home on what he named Pioneer Hill and prospered. He built a school for his children and welcomed other pioneer families who were seeking a better life.

George Boxley lived the rest of his life on this land in Indiana. More importantly, he lived to see the North defeat the South in the Civil War and the end of slavery for which he advocated for so long.

Haki Kweli Shakur August Third Collective NAPLA NAIM 3-6-52ADM